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* McVicar, John. [http://www.truefacts.co.uk/articles/a0012.html The Scoop that Folded a Magazine] ''Punch,'' 29 May 2000 (Retrieved 28 October 2009)
* McVicar, John. [http://www.truefacts.co.uk/articles/a0012.html The Scoop that Folded a Magazine] ''Punch,'' 29 May 2000 (Retrieved 28 October 2009)
* Milligan, Don. [http://www.donmilligan.net Radical Amnesia and the RCP,] ''Reflections of a Renegade,'' January 8, 2008.
* Milligan, Don. [http://www.donmilligan.net Radical Amnesia and the RCP,] ''Reflections of a Renegade,'' January 8, 2008.
*Monbiot,George [http://www.guardian.co.uk/education/2003/dec/09/highereducation.uk2 Invasion of the entryists], The Guardian, 9 December 2003
* Walker, Dave. [http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk/Pages/Newint/Rcp.html "The Demise of the Revolutionary Communist Party"]. [http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk ''What Next Journal'']. (Retrieved 16 June 2006)
* Walker, Dave. [http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk/Pages/Newint/Rcp.html "The Demise of the Revolutionary Communist Party"]. [http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk ''What Next Journal'']. (Retrieved 16 June 2006)
* Turner, Jenny. [http://www.lrb.co.uk/v32/n13/jenny-turner/who-are-they?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=3213 Who Are They?], [[London Review of Books]] Vol 32 no 13, 8 July 2010
* Turner, Jenny. [http://www.lrb.co.uk/v32/n13/jenny-turner/who-are-they?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=3213 Who Are They?], [[London Review of Books]] Vol 32 no 13, 8 July 2010

Revision as of 11:44, 26 December 2010

Not to be confused with Revolutionary Communist Party (UK, 1944) or Revolutionary Communist Party of Britain (Marxist–Leninist).
Revolutionary Communist Party
Founded1978
Split fromRevolutionary Communist Group (UK)
NewspaperLiving Marxism
IdeologyTrotskyist
Political positionFar-left
The 'Workers March for Irish Freedom', taking the cause of Irish hunger strikers to the TUC conference in 1981, was a turning point for the RCT

The Revolutionary Communist Tendency (RCT) started as a Trotskyist political organisation in Britain in 1978, becoming the Revolutionary Communist Party in 1981, in the tradition of the revolutionary Bolshevik Party. After 1991, the party slowly metamorphosed into what could be characterised as a Marxist libertarian group rather than a Bolshevik or Trotskyist one as traditionally conceived. The Party was disbanded in 1997, although a number of former members maintain a loose political network which promotes some of its core ideas.

Origins

The party started life within the Revolutionary Communist Group, which had split from the International Socialists in the 1970s, having drawn the conclusion that there was no living Marxist tradition in the left, and Marxism would have to be re-established.[1] Disagreements about the course the Revolutionary Communist Group should take in relation to support for the Anti-Apartheid Movement led Frank Furedi, a sociologist at the University of Kent (better known then by his cadre name Frank Richards), to break off and form his own group: the Revolutionary Communist Tendency - which became the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP). The Revolutionary Communist Tendency hoped to draw together those militant working class leaders who were disappointed by the limitations of reformism to help to build a new working class leadership and develop an independent working class programme.[2]

Stance

Taking a strong line which it considered to be inspired by Vladimir Lenin's work on the relationship between imperialism and reformism, the early ideas of the RCP had it that the 'only hope of securing any decent sort of life - or even guaranteeing survival - lies in the working class taking control over society'.[3] It argued that traditional Stalinist and social-democratic appeals to the bourgeois state undermined working-class independence. Instead an independent vanguard party should be organized to campaign for a distinctly working-class politics. In 1978, for example, when the Labour Party seemed to be moving to the left, the RCP argued that 'Labour is the party which attempts to resolve the crisis by integrating militant working class resistance into the capitalist system'.[4] This position included a rejection of support for the Labour Party and one that questioned the allegiances of the trade-union movement. A consequence of this belief was a growing distrust of traditional statist left-wing struggles as "reformist". According to some, the RCP took a view that reformism consolidated bourgeois ideology in the potential leadership layers of the working class.

The RCP took a number of positions coined to distinguish independent working-class politics from statist reformism. These included:

  • Opposition to all controls on immigration.[5]
  • Opposition to all 'national' economic recovery strategies that aim to pit British workers against foreigners, like import controls.[6]
  • Free abortion and contraception on demand.[7]
  • Decriminalisation of homosexuality[8] and complete equality under the law.[9]
  • Unconditional support for the struggle against British imperialism in northern Ireland, on the grounds that 'British workers cannot ignore the cause of Irish liberation without renouncing their own class interests'.[10]
  • Opposition to police occupation of Brixton: 'We have to organise on the streets and housing estates to keep the police out.'[11]
  • It launched the campaign Workers Against Racism, which aimed to organise physical defence against racist attacks.[12]

The RCP's programme can be traced through the publications 'Our Tasks and Methods' (a reprint of the Revolutionary Communist Group's founding document), the 1983 general election manifesto 'Preparing for Power' and the article "The Road to Power" in the theoretical journal Confrontation (1986).

Anti-deportation campaigns

George Roucou, marching to freedom, with his wife Kay and Workers Against Racism organiser Charles Longford

The RCP's 'Workers Against Racism' campaign fought many deportation threats, like George Roucou's, on the grounds that British immigration law was racist. Roucou was a shop steward in the building workers' union UCATT in Manchester. Workers Against Racism helped to organise a campaign culminating in a one-day strike and demonstration by his fellow council workers on 6 February 1987. On 13 March 1987, with 500 protesting outside, the Home Office appeal panel reversed Roucou's deportation order.[13] On 11 June 1985 Metso Moncrieffe was arrested and held by police pending a deportation order. Workers Against Racism campaigners raised the case - disrupting a test match at the Edgbaston cricket ground in July 1985 with a 'Metso Must Stay' banner - and helping to build a 1000-strong march for him in December 1986. In September 1987, Moncrieffe's deportation order was overturned.[14]

Supporting Irish republicanism

Supporting Irish republicanism was central to the work of the RPC. In 1978 the RCT organised the Smash the Prevention of Terrorism Act Campaign, and held protests outside police stations where suspects were held. The RCT organised a conference of trade unionists opposed to Northern Ireland being part of the United Kingdom in Coventry in 1981, and later that year, held a march to the TUC conference, the Workers March for Irish Freedom. On Saturday 6 February 1982 the Irish Freedom Movement (IFM) was founded at a meeting in Caxton House, Archway - and TUC general secretary Len Murray wrote to the 13 trades councils that sponsored the conference threatening them with disaffiliation if they attended.[15] Mick Hume, who edited the next step recalls that the IFM were accused of complicity in the 1984 bombing of the Conservative Party conference.[16] The IFM published a quarterly bulletin Irish Freedom and organised an annual march on the anniversary of internment. When Sinn Fein were banned from British television, Living Marxism carried a front page interview with its leader Gerry Adams, and the IFM picketed Broadcasting House.

Campaign Against Militarism

Campaign Against Militarism protest, 1994

In 1993 the RCP helped launch the Campaign Against Militarism (CAM), to fight against western military intervention. CAM organised protests against the military interventions in Somalia, Bosnia and Iraq. On 10 September 1993 seventy Somalis and CAM supporters occupied the United States embassy after an alleged massacre of civilians in Mogadishu[17] - the only time it has happened. After they were evicted by armed marines, eleven were convicted under the as yet untested 'criminal trespass' laws, but charges were dropped after lawyer Mike Fisher sought to have the case tried in the United States, arguing that the offence, if any, was committed on American soil. CAM was the only left-wing group that joined British Serbs in their demonstrations over military strikes on Yugoslavia.

Controversial positions

The Revolutionary Communist Party took a number of positions that were strongly criticised by others on the left:

  • In The Truth About the AIDS Panic, Michael Fitzpatrick and Don Milligan wrote that there is 'no good evidence that Aids is likely to spread rapidly among heterosexuals in the West'.[18] The pamphlet argued that the government campaign warning of a heterosexual aids epidemic was a moral panic that would worsen prejudice against gay people.
  • In 1984, when British miners struck against redundancies the RCP argued that the union's refusal to hold a national ballot was a major problem: 'The only way to win the passive majority for the strike was to launch an aggressive campaign around a national ballot.' [19]
  • In the struggle against Apartheid in South Africa, the RCP argued that 'sanctions don't make sense', because it was wrong to call on the governments that had supported Apartheid to overthrow it. Rather, workers ought to 'take direct action', like blacking South African imports at docks [20]

After 1991, when the organisation re-thought its outlook, it adopted a number of positions that put it at odds with the 'New Labour' milieu:

  • In The Empire Strikes Back, Mike Freeman identified 'the metamorphosis of what had long regarded itself as a peace movement into a war movement', after much of the left rallied to support the first Iraq War.[21] Later this trend was called 'humanitarian imperialism' in Living Marxism. The RCP opposed western military intervention in Bosnia, Somalia, Kosovo, Iraq and East Timor.[22]
  • Living Marxism argued against what it called the 'new authoritarianism', the greater official interference and surveillance of ordinary people by the state. The growth in 'at-risk' registers and CCTV were examples.[23]
  • The RCP opposed the increase in judicial[24] and other kinds of non-majoritarian overriding of parliament, and opposed the subordination of parliament to the European Convention on Human Rights.[25]

Criticisms

In 1981 Alex Callinicos of the British Socialist Workers Party took issue with the RCP's argument that 'such issues as racism and Ireland form ... a vital component of revolutionary propaganda'. Callinicos claimed instead that 'if most of the workers involved have reactionary views on questions such as race, the position of women, and so on' that was less important than that they were fighting over pay and conditions. Callinicos also called into question the RCP's stress on 'the connection between reformism and nationalism', saying they were 'paleo-marxists'.[26] In 1984, the Socialist Workers Party denounced the RCP for calling for a national ballot in the miners' strike.

On 30 June 1990 Simon Watney and Edward King of the group OutRage! kicked over the RCP's stall at the Gay Pride march.[27] Watney criticised Michael Fitzpatrick and Don Milligan for giving credence to the idea that AIDS was a 'gay plague' by their insistence that there would be no epidemic amongst heterosexuals in the west. But Outrage! was divided over the attack.[28] In the 1990s, along with Edward King, Watney back-tracked on the point at issue, arguing instead that the 'everyone is at risk' approach misdirected public attention away from gay victims of the disease, which they said, should be 're-gayed'.[29] Agreeing with Fitzpatrick and Milligan on the epidemiology, King in particular was much more critical on the political approach, which he said amounted to 'hostility to any form of autonomous lesbian and gay self-organizing'.[30]

Nick Cohen,[31] Attila Hoare[32] and Oliver Kamm[33] fiercely denounced the RCP, and its former members after the dissolution, for opposing the humanitarian interventions in Bosnia, Kosovo and Iraq. Hoare, Cohen and Kamm widened their attack turning on Noam Chomsky when he defended Living Marxism and its coverage of the Bosnian war.[34]

In 1997, ecologist George Monbiot complained that the RCP had undue influence at Channel 4 in an article titled "Marxists found alive in C4", after two of its members contributed to the Against Nature television programme, whose director, Martin Durkin "describes himself as a Marxist".[35] Elsewhere Monbiot took issue with Living Marxism for putting too much stress on freedom, as if 'there should be no limits to human action, least of all those imposed by “official and semi-official agencies … from the police and the courts to social services, counsellors and censors.”'[36]

Andy Rowell and Bob Burton[37] along with Jonathan Matthews of the Norfolk Genetic Information Network criticised the RCP for championing genetic engineering. Martin J. Walker accused the RCP (though by that time it had long since disbanded) of putting millions at risk by attacking Andrew Wakefield's (now discredited) criticisms of the MMR vaccine.[38]

Life and closure

At the end of the 1980s, the RCP had moved away from its roots as a Trotskyist organisation, leading some critics to argue that they had abandoned the notion of the class struggle. In 1988, its weekly tabloid newspaper the next step carried an article arguing that 'the disintegration of the official labour movement, and the apparent lack of a left-wing alternative, has consolidated an overwhelmingly defensive mood in the working class'.[39]

In the election of 1987, RCP members stood as the Red Front and talked arguing that working people needed to break with the Labour Party, but attracted little electoral support. No Red Front candidates retained their general election deposits (currently set at £500).

In 1988, the RCP made the next step into a bulletin for its supporters. Later, a monthly magazine called Living Marxism was set up which was intended for a wider readership. Despite its beginnings as a far-left outlet, the politics espoused by the magazine developed a pronounced libertarianism. In December 1990, Living Marxism ran an article which argued that the corrosive effect of the collapse of both Stalinism and Reformism on the working class meant that 'for the time being at least, the working class has no political existence'.[40] In 1997, the point was put more forcefully:

In today's circumstances class politics cannot be reinvented, rebuilt, reinvigorated or rescued. Why? Because any dynamic political outlook needs to exist in an interaction with existing individual consciousness. And contemporary forms of consciousness in our atomised societies cannot be used as the foundation for a more developed politics of solidarity.[41]

Between 1990 and 1997 the RCP developed the view that, more than capitalism itself, the danger facing humanity was the absence of a force for social change (in philosophical language, a "subject" of history), and the culture of low expectations that suppressed it.[42] Prefacing a 1996 Living Marxism manifesto, Mick Hume argued that:

Of course ... we could have produced a familiar list of left-wing slogans complaining about problems like unemployment, exploitation and poverty which continue to scar our society. But that would be to ignore the transformation which has taken place in the political climate ... At different times, different issues matter most. Each era has thrown up its own great questions which define which side you are on ... [A]t Living Marxism, we see our job today as doing much more than criticising capitalism. That is the easy bit. There is a more pressing need to criticise the fatalistic critics, to counter the doom-mongers and put a positive case for human action in pursuit of social liberation. ... [D]ealing with ... unconventional questions, and puncturing the anti-human prejudices which surround them, is the precondition for making political action possible in our time.[43]

In February 1997, shortly after the party disbanded, Living Marxism re-branded as LM, possibly to further distance itself from its leftist origins.[44] Articles in LM argued

  • against support for Tony Blair's 'New Labour' project in 1997 [45]
  • against 'humanitarian interventions' in the Balkans, East Timor and Iraq [46]
  • for freedom of speech and the 'right to be offensive'[47]
  • against what they called the 'new authoritarianism' of CCTV cameras, Anti Social Behaviour Orders, and anti-Harassment Laws [48]
  • against the demonisation of the white working class[49]

This magazine ran at least two articles in which the authors argued that the mass murder carried out in Rwanda in 1994 should not be described as "genocide". In December 1995, LM carried a report from an aid worker in Rwanda which argued:

The lesson I would draw from my visit is that we must reject the term 'genocide' in Rwanda. It has been used inside and outside Rwanda to criminalise the majority of ordinary Rwandan people, to justify outside interference in the country's affairs, and to lend legitimacy to a minority military government imposed on Rwanda by Western powers.[50]

LM continued to create controversy on a variety of issues - most notably on the British Independent Television News' (ITN) coverage of the Balkan conflict in the early 1990s. The controversy centred on LM featuring an article by Thomas Deichmann which alleged that the ITN coverage of a refugee detention centre in Trnopolje during the conflict gave the false impression that the Bosnian Muslims were being held against their will in Serbian concentration camps. The ensuing libel award and costs, brought in legal action by ITN against LM, was estimated to be around £1 million. It bankrupted the magazine and its publishers.[51]

RCP and later organisations

Many former members of the RCP and some of the people who contributed to LM magazine continue to be politically active, most notably in the Institute of Ideas (a think tank), led by Claire Fox, the online magazine Spiked magazine, initially edited by Mick Hume and later by Brendan O'Neill, and the Manifesto Club, in which a leading figure is Munira Mirza,[52] recently appointed by Boris Johnson as London's Director of Policy for culture, the arts and creative industries. These organisations continue, in their different ways, the adversarial politics of LM magazine and the RCP, leading some commentators ,[53] notably George Monbiot, to suggest an entryist conspiracy by former RCP members designed to influence mainstream public opinion.

One party member from the 1990s explained in an article in sp!ked:

I never left the RCP: the organisation folded in the mid-Nineties, but few of us actually 'recanted' our ideas. Instead we resolved to support one another more informally as we pursued our political tradition as individuals, or launched new projects with more general aims that have also engaged people from different traditions, or none. These include spiked and the Institute of Ideas, where I now work. It must be said that this development annoyed our political opponents immensely, and a cursory Google search (try 'LM network' if you have time to kill) will return a plethora of exposés purporting to show that former members of the RCP are involved in various sinister conspiracies. ... [T]he impossibility of simply doing away with a school of thought that is no longer attached to an organisation is perhaps what annoys our opponents most of all.[54]

Articles

References

  1. ^ 'Our Tasks and Methods,' Revolutionary Communist, no 1
  2. ^ 'Our Tasks and Methods,' Revolutionary Communist, no 1
  3. ^ Revolutionary Communist Party, The Red Front: A platform for working class unity, London: Junius, 1987: 7
  4. ^ Mike Freeman and Kate Marshall, Who Needs the Labour Party? London, Junius, September 1978
  5. ^ The Red Front, A Platform for Working Class Unity, London, Junius, 1987, p. 37
  6. ^ Under a National Flag, London, Junius, 1978, p. 17
  7. ^ Joan Phillips, Policing the Family, 1988, p. 104
  8. ^ James Heartfield, 'The Tyranny of Identity Politics' Spiked-online, January 2008
  9. ^ Joan Phillips, Policing the Family, 1988, p. 104
  10. ^ Mary Masters, Workers against Imperialism, 1979, p. 35
  11. ^ Pat Roberts and Christine Drury, Police out of Brixton, London, Junius, 1981, p. 13
  12. ^ East London Workers Against Racism, Our Flag Stays Red, London: Junius, April 1981
  13. ^ Keith Thompson, Under Siege: Racial Violence in Britain Today, London, Penguin, 1988, p. 145
  14. ^ Keith Thompson, Under Siege: Racial Violence in Britain Today, London, Penguin, 1988, p. 150
  15. ^ David Pallister, 'Ulster Conference Ban', Guardian, 4 February 1982
  16. ^ Mick Hume, Brighton bomb memories Spiked, 13 October 2009
  17. ^ The Guardian, 11 September 1993, p. 14; Daily Telegraph, 11 September 1993, p 9
  18. ^ London, Junius, 1988, p. 8
  19. ^ Mike Freeman, Our Day Will Come: The Miners' Fight for Jobs, London, Junius, 1985, p. 36
  20. ^ Charles Longford, Black Blood on British Hands, Lodon, Junius, 1985, p. 59, p. 67
  21. ^ Mike Freeman, The Empire Strikes Back: Why we need a new Anti-War Movement, London, Junius, 1993, p 46
  22. ^ Linda Ryan, 'Narcissus' Empire,' LM, December 1999, issue 126
  23. ^ James Heartfield, 'The Victim Support State', Living Marxism, December 1993, issue 62
  24. ^ 'James Heartfield, 'Judges Rule,' Living Marxism, April 1996, issue 89
  25. ^ James Heartfield, 'Getting it Wrong on Human Rights,' Living Marxism, December 1997, issue 106
  26. ^ 'Politics or Abstract Propagandism', International Socialism no. 11, 1981, pp. 121-2
  27. ^ Ian Lucas, Outrage! an oral history, London, Cassell, 1998, p. 26
  28. ^ Ian Lucas, Outrage! an oral history, London, Cassell, 1998, pp. 43-5
  29. ^ Simon Watney, Imagine Hope: Aids and Gay Identity, London, Routledge, 2000, p. 235
  30. ^ Edward King, Safety in Numbers: Safer Sex and Gay Men, London, Routledge, 1994, p. 247
  31. ^ What's Left?London, Harper, 2007
  32. ^ The Left Revisionist November 2003
  33. ^ '"LM was probably correct" - Chomsky, 31 October 2005
  34. ^ Attila Hoare, The Guardian, Noam Chomsky and the Milosevic Lobby Henry Jackson Society, 4 February 2006
  35. ^ George Monbiot, "Marxists found alive in C4", The Guardian, 18 December 1997. Monbiot's online version of the article has had its headline changed from the print version, to "The Revolution has been Televised"
  36. ^ Far Left or Far Right? Prospect, November 1998
  37. ^ Rising Rhetoric on Genetically Modified Crops, PRWatch, First Quarter 2003, Volume 10, No. 1
  38. ^ Brave New World of Zero Risk, Slingshot Publications, 2005 p 40
  39. ^ 'The Problem of Political Leadership', the next step, 3 June 1988, pp. 8-9
  40. ^ Midnight in the Century’ by Frank Furedi, Living Marxism, December 1990
  41. ^ Frank Furedi, 'Class politics cannot be rebuilt or regenerated today' LM May 1997
  42. ^ James Heartfield, The 'Death of the Subject' Explained, Sheffield, 2002
  43. ^ The Point is to Change It: A Manifesto for a World Fit for People, London: Junius (1996), x-xiii.
  44. ^ Living Marxism - SourceWatch
  45. ^ 'Nightmare on Downing Street,' LM, May 1997, issue 100
  46. ^ Linda Ryan, 'Narcissus' Empire,' LM, December 1999, issue 126
  47. ^ James Heartfield, 'Why hate speech?' LM, February 1998, issue 107
  48. ^ Charlotte Reynolds, 'Hard Labour', LM, May 1997, issue 100
  49. ^ Michael Fitzpatrick, 'Yob culture clash', Living Marxism, November 1994, issue 73
  50. ^ 'Massacring the truth in Rwanda,' LM December 1995, issue 85
  51. ^ Hume, Mick (2005-03-07). "The day I faced being a £1m bankrupt". The Times. Retrieved 2007-04-14.
  52. ^ [1]
  53. ^ LM group - SourceWatch
  54. ^ Dolan Cummings, 'In defence of "radicalisation"', sp!ked review of books, No. 5 (September 2007).
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