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Mexican Federalist War

Mexican Federalist War (armed opposition to the central republic) involved series of armed conflicts and political machinations between the Centeralists and the Federalists.[1] Superficially the war can be viewed as a conflict between rival generals,[2] however the Centralist position favored a presidency that reflected the viceregal tradition of Spanish colonial times.[3] and the Federalists supported republicanism and local self-government (which in some cases such as California and Texas lead ultimately to cession from Mexico).[2]. Centeralists tended to draw support from the privileged classes including prominent members of the Roman Catholic Church and the professional Mexican army and were in favor of a strong central government and Roman Catholicism as the established church.[3]


  1. ^ Jaques, Tony, ed. (2007), Dictionary of Battles and Sieges: A Guide to 8,500 Battles from Antiquity through the Twenty-first Century (3 volumes page ed.), Greenwood Publishing Group, pp. 5, p. 5, 890, 907, 993–994, ISBN 978-0-313-33536-5
  2. ^ a b Mann, James Saumarez (1911). "Mexico § III—Independent Mexico" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 18 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 339.
  3. ^ a b "Mexico - Independence: Early Republic". Encyclopaedia Britannica.

Murrough O'Brien, 1st Earl of Thomond

CS1

Prescript

I would like to have a "prescript" parameter added to cs1/2 (just like the postscript parameter). This would make writing wrapper scripts like {{DNB}} easier. -- PBS (talk) 14:23, 10 June 2019 (UTC)

Wikisource

See:

It is a shame that no-one asked why most of the wrapper scripts that link to Wikisource have usually used {{cite encyclopedia}} and not {{cite wikisource}}

waterloo

https://www.goodwood.com/globalassets/venues/downloads/goodwood-dancing-into-battle.pdf

list

  1. ^ http://theses.enc.sorbonne.fr/2002/gordien
  2. ^ http://theses.enc.sorbonne.fr/document12

English flag

Roger Williams (1603–1683) an influential puritan minister, considered the cross of Saint George to be a papist symbol. He persuaded John Endecott

proto-wikipedia

Jean Tulard

Jean Tulard
Born22 December 1933
Paris, France
OccupationHistorian

Jean Tulard (born 22 December 1933, Paris) is a French academic and historian, specialising in the history of the French Consulate and the First French Empire (Napoleon Bonaparte), and the history of cinema.[citation needed]

[1]

In April 2010, he became Commander of the Légion d'honneur.[2]


[3]

Bibliography

https://www.goodreads.com/author/list/33601.Jean_Tulard


  • Le monde selon Napoléon

by Jean Tulard published 2015 — 2 editions

  • Napoléon et 40 millions de sujets: La centralisation et le premier empire

by Jean Tulard, Marie-José Tulard published 2014 — 2 editions


  • L'anti-Napoléon: La légende... L'anti-Napoléon: La légende noire de l'Empereur

by Jean Tulard published 2013

Napoléon, chef de guerre Napoléon, chef de guerre by Jean Tulard published 2012 — 3 editions


  • Le Grand Empire: 1804-1815 Le Grand Empire: 1804-1815

by Jean Tulard published 2009

Dictionnaire amoureux du ci... Dictionnaire amoureux du cinéma by Jean Tulard published 2009 — 4 editions

Les Pieds Nickelés De Louis... Les Pieds Nickelés De Louis Forton (1908 1934) by Jean Tulard published 2008

Dictionnaire Du Cinéma [2] Dictionnaire Du Cinéma [2] by Jean Tulard published 2007

Napoléon: les grands moment... Napoléon: les grands moments d'un destin by Jean Tulard published 2006 — 5 editions

Les Thermidoriens Les Thermidoriens by Jean Tulard published 2005 — 3 editions

Guide Des Films Guide Des Films by Jean Tulard 

published 2005

La France de la Révolution ... La France de la Révolution et de l'Empire by Jean Tulard 

published 2004

Dictionnaire Du Cinéma [1] Dictionnaire Du Cinéma [1] by Jean Tulard published 2003 — 2 editions

Les vingt jours : Louis XVI... Les vingt jours : Louis XVIII ou Napoléon ? by Jean Tulard published 2001 — 2 editions

Napoléon et Rouget de L'isl... Napoléon et Rouget de L'isle: Marche Consulaire Contre Marseillaise by Jean Tulardpublished 2000

Le 18 Brumaire: Comment Ter... Le 18 Brumaire: Comment Terminer Une Révolution by Jean Tulardpublished 1999

Histoire et dictionnaire de... Histoire et dictionnaire de la Révolution française : 1789-1799 by Jean Tulard, Jean-François Fayard , Alfred Fierro

4.33 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 1998 — 2 editions

L'Histoire de Napoleon par ... L'Histoire de Napoleon par la peinture by Jean Tulard (Director), Alfred Fierro , Jean-Marc Leripublished 1998

Ils en font trop ! Ils en font trop ! by Jean Tulardpublished 1998

Joseph Fouché Joseph Fouché by Jean Tulard

4.64 avg rating — 14 ratings — published 1998 — 3 editions

L'Abcdaire de Napoleon et l... L'Abcdaire de Napoleon et l'Empire by Jean Tulard (Contributor), Adrien Goetz , Gérard Gengembre

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1998

Dicionário de Cinema: Os Di... Dicionário de Cinema: Os Diretores by Jean Tulard

liked it 3.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1996

La Rivoluzione Francese La Rivoluzione Francese by Jean Tulard, Stéphane Rials , Ninetta Zandegiacomi (Translator)

3.33 avg rating — 6 ratings — published 1996 — 2 editions

Dictionnaire du Second Empire Dictionnaire du Second Empire by Jean Tulardpublished 1995

Napoléon II Napoléon II by Jean Tulard

3.67 avg rating — 6 ratings — published 1992 — 4 editions

Itinéraire de Napoléon au j... Itinéraire de Napoléon au jour le jour: 1769-1821 by Jean Tulard, Louis Garros

liked it 3.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1992 — 2 editions

Histoire de France - Les Ré... Histoire de France - Les Révolutions de 1789 à 1851 by Jean Tulard, Jean Favier (Director)

liked it 3.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1992 — 2 editions

La contre-révolution : orig... La contre-révolution : origines, histoire et postérité by Jean Tulard (Editor)

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 2 ratings — published 1990

Wie wird's gemacht?: Filme ... Wie wird's gemacht?: Filme in d. Aus- u. Weiterbildung by Jean Tulard, Jean Favier (Herausgeber)

it was amazing 5.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1989

Dictionnaire Napoléon Dictionnaire Napoléon by Jean Tulard

4.25 avg rating — 4 ratings — published 1987 — 4 editions Rate this book 1 of 5 stars


Napoleone: Ascesa e caduta Napoleone: Ascesa e caduta by Noël Simsolo (Testi), Jean Tulard (Storico) , Fabrizio Fiorentino (Disegni) , Alessio Cammardella (Disegni)

it was ok 2.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 2016

Napoléon, Tome 3 Napoléon, Tome 3 by Noël Simsolo, Fabrizio Fiorentino , Jean Tulard

3.67 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 2016

Napoléon, Tome 2 Napoléon, Tome 2 by Noël Simsolo, Fabrizio Fiorentino , Jean Tulard

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 2015

Napoleone: Waterloo Napoleone: Waterloo by Bruno Falba (Testi), Jean Tulard (Storico) , Christophe Regnault (Layout) , Maurizio Geminiani (Disegni)

it was ok 2.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 2015 — 2 editions

Napoléon, Tome 1 Napoléon, Tome 1 by Noël Simsolo, Fabrizio Fiorentino , Jean Tulard

3.72 avg rating — 18 ratings — published 2014 — 3 editions

Histoire Et Dictionnaire Du... Histoire Et Dictionnaire Du Consulat Et De L'empire by Alfred Fierro, Jean Tulard , André Palluel-Guillard

it was amazing 5.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 2009 — 2 editions

L'histoire Est Un Mensonge,... L'histoire Est Un Mensonge, Que Personne Ne Conteste by Nicolas Pilliet, Jean Tulard (Préface)published 2009

histoire et dictionnaire de... histoire et dictionnaire de la police du moyen age a nos jours by Michel Aubouin, Arnaud Teyssier , Jean Tulardpublished 2005

Napoléon Pour Les Nuls Napoléon Pour Les Nuls by J. David Markham, Bastien Miquel , Jean Tulard (Préface)

3.97 avg rating — 75 ratings — published 2005 — 6 editions

Napoléon Bonaparte Napoléon Bonaparte by Antoine Auger, Jean Tulard (Préface)

3.67 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 2004 — 2 editions Rate this book

Joseph Fiévée : Conseiller ... Joseph Fiévée : Conseiller secret de Napoléon by Jean Tulardpublished 1985 — 2 editions

Dictionnaire Du Cinéma Dictionnaire Du Cinéma by Jean Tulardpublished 1984 — 2 editions

Murat Murat by Jean Tulard

3.67 avg rating — 6 ratings — published 1983 — 7 editions

Napoléon et la noblesse d'E... Napoléon et la noblesse d'Empire by Jean Tulardpublished 1979

La vie quotidienne des Fran... La vie quotidienne des Francais sous Napoleon by Jean Tulard

2.50 avg rating — 2 ratings — published 1978

Napoléon ou le mythe du sau... Napoléon ou le mythe du sauveur by Jean Tulard

4.13 avg rating — 60 ratings — published 1978

Le Premier Empire Le Premier Empire by Jean Tulard

liked it 3.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1973

Le Directoire et le Consulat Le Directoire et le Consulat by Jean Tulard

liked it 3.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1967

Histoire de la Crète Histoire de la Crète by Jean Tulard

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1962 — 2 editions

Les empires occidentaux, de... Les empires occidentaux, de Rome à Berlin by Jean Tulard

Le Sacre de L'Empereur Napo... Le Sacre de L'Empereur Napoléon: Histoire Et Légende by Jean Tulard


Le Monde du crime sous Napo... Le Monde du crime sous Napoléon by Jean Tulard

Наполеон Наполеон by Jean Tulard, Жан Тюлар


Alexandre Dumas Alexandre Dumas by Jean Tulard


La Berline de Napol�on: Le ... La Berline de Napol�on: Le Myst�re Du Butin de Waterloo by Jean Tulard (Contributor)

Napoleon: Jeudi 12 Octobre ... Napoleon: Jeudi 12 Octobre 1809, Le Jour Ou Napoleon Faillit Etre Assassine (Collection "Une Journee Particuliere") (French Edition) by Jean Tulard


5 of 5 stars Napoléon Napoléon by Jean Tulard


5 of 5 stars Pouvoir du Mal: Les Méchant... Pouvoir du Mal: Les Méchants Dans L'histoire by Jean Tulard


L'Anti-Napoléon: La légende... L'Anti-Napoléon: La légende noire de l'Empereur by Jean Tulard

0.00 avg rating — 0 ratings 

Sur Les Pas De Napoléon Ier... 	Sur Les Pas De Napoléon Ier En Terre De France

by David Chanteranne, Hervé Ronné (Photographer) , Jean Tulard (Preface)published 2004

Bonaparte et Mahomet: Le Co... Bonaparte et Mahomet: Le Conquérant Conquis by Ahmed Youssef, Jean Tulard (Preface)

3.33 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 2003 — 2 editions

Napoléon franc-maçon? Napoléon franc-maçon? by François Collaveri, Jean Tulard (Preface)published 2003

Napoleon: The Visionary Con... Napoleon: The Visionary Conqueror by Eric Ledru, Jean Tulard (Foreword)

3.50 avg rating — 4 ratings — published 2001 — 3 editions

L'économie dans la Terreur:... L'économie dans la Terreur: Robert Lindet, 1746-1825 by François Pascal, Jean Tulard (Preface)published 1999

Jeanne d'Arc, Napoléon : Le... Jeanne d'Arc, Napoléon : Le paradoxe du biographe by Régine Pernoud, Jean Tulardpublished 1997

Mémoires: L'époque Napoléon... Mémoires: L'époque Napoléonienne by Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, Jean Tulard (Director)published 1996

La morale de l'historien La morale de l'historien by Guy Thuillier, Jean Tulard

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1995

Le marché de l'histoire Le marché de l'histoire by Guy Thuillier, Jean Tulardpublished 1994

Οι ιστορικές σχολές Οι ιστορικές σχολές by Guy Thuillier, Jean Tulard , Κική Καψαμπέλη (Translator)

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1993

Histoire locale et régionale Histoire locale et régionale by Guy Thuillier, Jean Tulardpublished 1992

Le métier d'historien Le métier d'historien by Guy Thuillier, Jean Tulardpublished 1991

Romans et contes fantastiques Romans et contes fantastiques by Maurice Renard, Francis Lacassin , Jean Tulard

liked it 3.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1990

  • Les écoles historiques

by Guy Thuillier, Jean Tulardpublished 1990

  • La méthode en histoire

by Guy Thuillier, Jean Tulard published 1986 — 2 editions

  • Histoire de l'administration française

by Guy Thuillier, Jean Tulardpublished 1984

  • L'anti-Justine ou les délices de l'amour

by Rétif de la Bretonne, Jean Tulard (Preface) published 1798 — 37 editions

  • Considerations sur la France

by Joseph de Maistre, Jean Tulard 

published 1796 — 27 editions
  • La vandea

by Yves.Marie Bercé, Alain Besançon , Pierre Chaunu , François Crouzet


  • Un destin singulier : Souvenirs 1806-1849

by Emilie Pellapra, René de Fougerolle , Jean Tulard

  • Napoléon : la révolution impériale

by Eric Ledru, Jean Tulard (Postface)

  • La Révolution française

by Frédéric Bluche, Stéphane Rials , Jean Tulard 8 editions

  • Napoléon franc-maçon?

by François Collaveri, Jean Tulard (Preface) 2 editions

  • Raffet

by Francois Robichon, Jean Tulard , Denis Auguste Raffet

  • Conversations Sur Le Christianisme

by Napoleon III, Jean Tulard (Preface)

  • Revolução francesa

by Frédéric Bluche, Stéphane Rials , Jean Tulard , Rejane Janowitzer (Tradutora)


  • Napoléon, l'intime et l'exceptionnel: 1804 - 1821

by Collectif, Vincent de Crayencour (Editor) , Jean Tulard (Preface) , Thierry Lentz (Afterword)

Notes

  • "Grand Prix Gobert". Académie française (in French). 19 June 2012. Retrieved 5 September 2018.

References

  1. ^ Académie française 2012.
  2. ^ Figaro 2010.
  3. ^ London Review of Books 1985.


Battle of Worcester

"It was a victory in its way as complete as sedan" A history of the British army by Fortescue, J. W. (John William), Sir, 1859-1933 p. 247.

Talk:Kellogg–Briand Pact Slanted POV

Extended content

This article seems to rely on American sources, and tends to follow a POV that is probably not accepted by many historians. One of the sources used is:

Which presents the opinions of two Yale professors of law (Oona A. Hathaway and Scott J. Shapiro) and mentions a a book that they were publishing called "The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World". However the very first sentence of that article states "If you were to ask historians to name the most foolish treaty ever signed, odds are good that they would name the Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928", and it is making the case that the views of Hathaway and Shapiro are revisionist ones not that of the majority of scholars. As such this article ought to present the mainstream view with any revisionist views as adjuncts to the main stream view.

A general problem is that it presents the Kellogg–Briand Pact as a predecessor of the UN Charter rather than just a precursor. This is important because if one thinks of it as a predecessor of the UN Charter rather than a precursor then one can include the successes post the UN Charter as well as those before.

More specific problems:

  • "Moreover, it erased the legal distinction between war and peace because the signatories began to wage wars without declaring them". If the Pact was a precursor then if failed. See for example the very cynical behaviour of Italy, France and Britain in Abyssinian Crisis (1935), while it could be argued that Britain and France declared war under "collective self-defence" (they had treaty obligations) the British Dominions (New Zealand, Australia, Canada, South Africa) also declared war and they had no such obligation. Italy declared War on France, and Japan and Germany declared war on the United States. The fact that the United States President in his Infamy Speech note that one hour after the attack the Japanese ambassador replied to a US message that "stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack". Ie it was an attack without a deceleration of war that made the day one of infamy.

Siege of Newark

The Third and Last Siege — Mr. Twentyman's Notes — The Armies around Newark — Their Positions and Strength — The Great Charge on the County— Sharp Conflicts — Kxtracts from Newspapers and Pamphlets— A " Grsat Fight" — Scarcity of Money — Siege Pieces Struck — Corporation Plate Contributed — A Day of Fasting and Humiliation — Garrison Decline to Surrender — News from the King — His Majesty Arrives at Kelham — His Message to Lord Belasyse — Honourable Terms Submitted — The Plague — The Castle Dismantled — Incidents of the Siege.

Prelude

Sydnam Poyntz the commander of the Roundhead besiegers.
John Belasyse, 1st Baron Belasyse|Lord Belasyse, the Cavalier governor of the garrison.
Alexander Leslie, 1st Earl of Leven.
David Leslie, Lord Newark the commander of the Scottish besieging army at the time of the surrender of Newark

At a council of war at Welbeck Abbey to the north of Newark, the King finally learned of the decisive defeat of the Marquis of Montrose and the Scottish Royalists at the battle of Philiphaugh.

In October 1645, King Charles arrived at Newark after the defeat of the Royalist army at Rowton Heath and his subsequent withdrawal from Chester.

On hearing news that a Parliamentarian army was approaching Newark, King Charles left for Oxford accompanied by his lifeguard on 3 November 1645, having appointed Lord Belasyse governor in place of Willys. In anticipation of an imminent Parliamentarian attack, Belasyse ordered the reprovisioning of Newark and the construction of a further system of earthwork defences with a deep ditch to surround the entire town. Buildings outside the defensive lines were torn down so they could not give cover to the approaching enemy.

Having followed the King from Chester with 2,000 men, Colonel-General Sydenham Poyntz proceeded to reduce Royalist garrisons to the south of Newark. On 1 November 1645, Poyntz approached the outpost at Shelford House, [1]

MR. John Twentyman, who lived through these turbulent times of strife and bloodshed, and whose manuscript account of what he saw at Newark we have quoted with so much confidence, says nothing of the relief of the town by Sir Marmaduke Langdale. He counts the first brisk attack in 1641 as the first siege, the more vigorous attack under Sir John Meldrum as the second, and the final assault of the combined Scotch and English forces in 1645-1646 as the third, which is quite correct. What he says is:

"after Sir Richard Byron succeeded Sir Richard Willis to be governor, who for his misdemeanour was removed. The third and last siege was anno 1645(6). John Bellasis, now Lord Bellasis[2] was governor. The King's army decaying, and not able to keep the field, many took themselves to the strongest garrisons, and there was built at the Spittal a very noble and strong work, which the townsmen kept, and built up a house of three or four bays of buildings in the middle of it. They called it the Royal Sconce, or else changed its name with that in my close, which in my time, when it was made, was called as before, the King's Sconce, and was later the Royal Sconce, this new one taking the old name from it. At the Mill Gate end, upon the south, above Markhall Bridge,[3] there was another very noble work called the Queen's Sconce. The loyal townsmen kept the King's Sconce, and were formed into a regiment. My uncle, Edward Twentyman, was the eldest or first Captain of that regiment, and died of a gangrene which followed upon a cut on his toe a little before the</ref>page 92</ref> surrender. It was a strong garrison now, and kept off the enemy at a great distance from them. They were well provided for the siege, and were strongly beleaguered by the Scots and many more of the Parliament force.[4]

What led to this great gathering of hostile troops around Newark was the renewed determination of the Parliament to conquer and secure the town. In all parts disaster had befallen the Royalist cause. The Earl of Montrose was defeated in Scotland, Fairfax had relieved Taunton and stormed Bridgewater and Bristol, the royal troops in Cornwall who had hitherto held their own were dispersed, and of the remaining garrisons only Oxford and Newark possessed any strength. As Mr. Twentyman says, "the King's army were no longer able to keep the field," and all that remained for the victorious party to do was to secure, if possible, the King himself, and to reduce Newark and Oxford.[5]

While Fairfax attacked the latter, a great army — or rather two armies, one English and one Scottish — gradually concentrated around Newark. The State Papers show how the forces were accumulated, and what importance Parliament attached to their action. The Committee of both Kingdoms wrote on 31 October 1645,[5]

The King is still in Newark, where he is watchfully blocked up; and with a sufficient number of foot added expeditiously, the reducing of that place might be an enterprise very feasible, the garrison being not very numerous, and great discontent prevailing among them. The taking of this stronghold, especially at this time, will not only put an end to the plundering and spoil of the adjacent counties, and the frequent and chargeable alarms of the rest of the Association, but in all probability also put an end to these unhappy troubles. It is resolved to improve this opportunity, and order is given to diverse forces to march with all possible expedition, the season being so far advanced, for this service against Newark.[5]

As Lord Gerard wrote from Belvoir Castle "Here are armies upon armies for Newark".[5]

Charles, notwithstanding the watch kept upon his movements, had no difficulty in leaving Newark for Oxford; but before he left an effort seems to have been made to open up friendly negotiations with the Scots, with a view to secure their influence on Charles's behalf. It helps to throw light upon the motives which animated him when he finally decided, a few months later, to place himself in the hands of the Scots army before Newark.[5] On 15 October a communication was read in the House of Lords from the Committee of both Kingdoms at Berwick, enclosing a letter from Lord Digby to the Scotch generals, as follows:[6]

To the right honourable the Earl of Leven, General, and the Earl of Calendar, Lieutenant General of the Scots forces now in England.

My Lords,

Having formerly written to your Lordships, by His Majesty's command, upon a subject highly importing the peace and happiness of all His Majesty's Dominions, I am again commanded to tell your Lordships that, in confidence of the good effects thereof. His Majesty is, through many difficulties, advanced hither to Newark, with a considerable body of horse, and doth earnestly desire that he may receive, with expedition, an answer to what was then proposed by.

My Lords,
Your Lordships most humble servant,
George Digby.
Newark, 4 October 1645.[7]

The Committee reported to the House, on 9 October that

a Trumpet came from Newark with this letter; that it was opened at Northallerton by the General of the Artillery, who commands in chief there; that he sealed it again, and sent the Trumpet, with a servant of his own, to the General, who, hearing what it was, would not open it till he sent for the Marquis of Argyle and the Earl of Lauderdale and Lanark. They immediately brought it to the Commissioners of the Parliament of England, and all of us resolved to sent it to your Lordships, to be by you communicated to both Houses. The General protests he never saw any other letter.[7]

Enclosed with this was Lord Leven's reply to the commander in chief with the forces now with His Majesty”, stating that no previous letter had come into his hands, but, if it had, he should have addressed it to the Parliaments of both kingdoms or their Commissioners, "as only capable of receiving and answering such propositions." At the same time a deposition sent from Nottingham reached the House as follows:

George Biggin, of Eakin (Eakring), informeth Mr. Hawden, of Tuxford, minister, that a Trumpet belonging to Col. Eyre, of Newark, passing through Tuxford on Sunday, the 5th of this instant October, did, in the presence of the said Mr. Hawden, say and affirm that he was going with letters from His Majesty and from Sir Richard Willis, Governor of Newark, to General Leven, with hopes to bring him back with his army to Newark for the King, with as much joy as ever he did come for the Parliament: and Mr. Hawden did see two letters in the hand of the Trumpeter. And two Scotch gentlemen being at Tuxford with Mr. Hawden the same day, he did affirm to them that the King and General Leven had been long in treaty, and he did not doubt but it was effected, and that this letter would bring him back.

Taken at Nottingham, in the presence of us,

Fra. Thornhaugh.
Charles Whzte.
6 October 1645.[8]

A Scout's report also came from Oxford, stating that

on Wednesday night, very late, came in a messenger from the King, who did report that all the forces of the Scots who were about Hereford are agreed to come to the King, and that they are in as much joy for that as for the coming of the new governor.

The Lords decided to send all these papers to the Commons, who had at the same time to deal with complaints from the North of the cost of the continuance of the Scots there, and of their "levying of taxes and raising of money upon the subjects of this Kingdom". We hear no more of any negotiations between the King's party and the Scots, but the latter were urged to give "a positive and speedy answer touching their army's marching to besiege Newark", and it was ordered that some gentlemen be sent into the City of London to borrow £30,000 towards their payment.[9]

Meanwhile, the Parliament, feeling it imperative to reduce Newark, were drawing around it one of the most powerful armies under their control. Colonel Rossiter with a strong force was quartered at Balderton, Colonel Theo. Gray at Coddington, Colonel Henry Gray at Winthorpe, General Poyntz at Famdon, and the Scots were to take up their quarters at Kelham, so as to complete the investment of the town and compel it to yield.[10]

The task was formidable, for Newark was as strongly fortified as military ingenuity could devise and indomitable industry secure. An old manuscript account[11] says,

At the south end of this maiden garrison stood the Queen's Sconce facing the Trent, and the King's or Royal Sconce was to the east (? north), so that the whole town seemed invincible. [It was] well defended with men, arms, ammunition, and artillery, besides such strong bastions, earthworks, half-moons, counterscarps, redoubts, pitfalls, and an impregnable line of earth and turf palisaded and stockaded, and every part so furnished with great guns and cannon, that this bulky bulwark of Newark represented to the besiegers one entire sconce, and the two Royal forts formidable flankers; nor was there a tree to hinder the prospect.

The King's Sconce was situated on rising ground near to the edge of the water, and a short distance from St. Leonard's Hospital. in R.P. Shilton's time (c. 1820),[12][13] the remains of the fortification were apparent in two adjoining closes. The Queen's Sconce stood in a field off the Farndon road, opposite the Spring House. While the King's Sconce kept Grays' forces at Winthorpe and Coddington on the alert, the Queen's Sconce commanded the head quarters of Poyntz at Farndon and Rossiter at Balderton, as likewise their field positions.[12]

The defensive works consisted of bastions, about 20 in number, each connected by a curtain wall. They commenced at the River Devon, 665.5 yards (608.5 m) north and south from the Castle, and completely surrounded the town from those points. The whole line of defence was 2⅛ miles (3.42 km); its distance from the Queen's Sconce was 330 yards (300 m) from the centre of the Market Place to the extent towards Balderton 500 yards (460 m). A deep ditch ran parallel to these works, which the besieged had generally the opportunity of having filled with water. The bridge over the Devon was defended by what was called an iron turnpike, or kind of cheval de frise, besides which there was a strong redoubt, at the distance of 220 yards (200 m) in front, on the road leading to Kelham. This, together with the King's and Queen's Sconces, formed the whole of the outworks.[14]

There had been a fort at the Crankley's, but that was now within the Parliamentarian's line of circumvallation. Muskham Bridge was broken down at Prince Rupert's relief, and that at Kelham was in the same state, the passage being occupied by a bridge of boats.[14]

While the besieging forces were assembling, the Parliamentarians assaulted such minor garrisons as remained loyal to the King, amongst others Shelford Manor, gallantly defended by Philip Stanhope. The Committee of both Kingdoms, writing to Sir Thomas Fairfax, state:

On Monday last (Nov. 3), Col. General Poyntz summoned Shelford Manor house, a garrison between Nottingham and Newark, and received a peremptory denial, upon which he fell upon it on all sides and carried it by storm, most of those within being put to the sword, which were the Queen's regiment. There are 4,500 foot ordered to reinforce Col. General Poyntz for the besieging of Newark, some of which forces are upon their march.(Brown 1904, p. 95)

A pamphlet was issued giving

a catalogue of the names of the new Lords created by the King since the great seal was carried away from the Parliament of the Lord Littleton; together with Major General Poyntz, his summons to Shelford House, with the Governor's answer; also a true relation of the King's escape in the night from Newark, with a party of three hundred horse.[15]

Amongst the names of the new Lords is "Colonell Bellasis, second son to Viscount Faulconbridge, created Baron Bellasis." The account of the capture of Shelford is signed John Hughes, and is dated Birmingham, 3 November 1645. It also says, "the King is still at Newark. The General left a very strong party of horse and dragoons to attend his motion".(Brown 1904, pp. 95–96)

This account of the escape of the King is embodied in a short letter from the same writer, dated 5 November which says:

Since the taking of Shelford garrison, news came that the King on Monday, in the evening, got away with three hundred horse twixt Belvoye Castle and Col. Rossiter's guards, which way is not certainly knowne ... the General [Poyntz] is now drawing against Werton House, which in a few days he hopes to reduce; he hath four thousand five hundred foot ordered to him for the siege of Newark. They are to have their rendezvous at Grantham and Southwell on Friday next, and then the business with not be long deferred.[16]

The winter seems to have been one of considerable severity, thus adding to the difficulties and sufferings both of besiegers and besieged. The ditches were frozen, and by reason of drought the water was low in the river, which enabled the enemy to approach the works, so that there were great hopes of gaining Newark "without a storm". The troops, however, came up slowly. Col. Poyntz wrote in November as follows:

Colonel-General Sednham Poynts to William Lenthall.

1645, November 9. Bingham.

Since the reducing of Shelford, it pleased God to assist us in the gaining of Wiverton House, the strength whereof moved me to give them fair quarter to march away with bag and baggage. ... The foot ordered to me for the siege of Newark are not as yet come from the Eastern garrisons which retards my going against it. The garrisons of Welbeck, Tickhill, and Bolsover are disgarrisoned by consent. I never received anything for intelligence, and am above £400 out of purse.[17]

The House of Commons had ordered "that 200 barrels of powder, with bullets proportionate, and a double proportion of match be forthwith provided and furnished for the Scots army, in case they shall be before Newark by the 1st November".[18]

This date, however, passed without their appearance, but a letter was received on the 12th November, intimating that they would speedily advance, though the men had "neither money for their entertainment, nor clothes to defend them from the injury of the weather". The Scots arrived at the end of November, and took up their quarters in the fields between Newark and Kelham.[17]

The sketch which we give is from the map made by the chief engineer to the besieging forces, as reproduced from the original by Samuel Buck in 1725. It is worthy of careful study, as it shows how closely the town came to be invested. A still more important reproduction of this map from the copy in the British Museum appears as a frontispiece to this volume. This copy is richer in detail, and is undoubtedly one of the most important Civil War maps extant. It is now engraved locally for the first time, and the reader may turn to it with much confidence in its accuracy.[17]

Arrival of the Scots

The Earl of Leven reported his arrival in November, and a joint committee of English and Scotch Commissioners was appointed to direct operations. This committee consisted of John Earl of Rutland, Theophilus Earl of Lincoln, Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham, Edward Lord Montague (members of the House of Peers), Mr. William Pierepoint, Sir W. Armyn, Sir A. Heselrig, Sir E. Ascough, Sir C. Wray, Sir A. Irby, Mr. T. Hatcher, and Mr. Wm. Ellys (members of the House of Commons).[17]

Neward fully invested

Plan of the siege of Neward (1646)[a]

Muskham Bridge was seized on 26 November. Here are the particulars from the despatch of the Earl of Leven as reported to the House of Lords:[17]

For the Right Honourable the Lord Grey of Warke, Speaker of the House of Peers pro Tempore.

My Lord.

We received yesternight in a Letter from his Excellency the Earl of Leven, the Particulars of the taking of Muskham Bridge, which we send you here enclosed. The Officers and Soldiers of our army are reduced to greater wants and Extremities than we are willing to express, and unless they be very speedily supplied with Money, Cloathes, and other Necessaries they are no ways able to prosecute the Service. We do therefore earnestly entreat that you would be pleased to put the Houses in mind to give Order for their supply with all possible Expedition. The General hath written divers Times to the Committees at Derby, Nottingham, and Lincoln to contribute their assistance in furnishing them with Provisions, but hath received no Answer; which moveth us again to desire that the Houses would be pleased to appoint some to repair thither who may take Care to furnish them with Provisions; which shall oblige us to remain

Your Lordship's very affectionate Friends, and Humble Servants,

Char Erskink.
H. Kennedy.
Balmerino.

The letter referred to in the foregoing was as follows:

Upon the 26th of this instant November, having come to this place, within a mile of the Town, I caused to draw a Line close to Muskham Bridge, whereupon I placed Musqueteers, and sought all Means to cross the River, and storm the Sconce upon the other side; but the Enemy, apprehending the Design, sallied out yesterday morning before the Break of the Day, and attempted the cutting off of the Bridge, from which they were beat off by our Musqueteers with little loss. Afterwards they set Fire to the Draw Bridge, but our Forces falling on did beat them back and extinguished the Fire, which made them forsake their Works; so that we are now Masters both of Bridge and Sconce.[19]

In the newspaper from which we have quoted in previous chapters[20] we read

Tuesday, 2nd December. The Scottish army, being about 7000 horse and foot, were quartered on the north side of Newark, the English on the south. We are about to cut off the river from Musco bridge, which performed, would prevent the enemy's design of drowning the meadows, and facilitate our approach to the enemy's works, if we are forced to storm them. The works are very strong.[21]

A previous despatch had announced that the Scots had taken "Musco[mbe]" bridge, and another party had seized the Mill fort not far from the town, so that the Scots had blocked the garrison up on the north side, and Col. Gen. Sydnam Poyntz and Gen. Edward Rossiter on the south.[19]

Sallies and skirmishing

Though so closely invested, the Royalists made many desperate and successful sallies to keep themselves supplied with provisions. The Parliamentarians accused them of "violence and cruelty" in performance of theses operations.[21]

Not only the besieged, but the besiegers, were in great straits for want of money. The parishes around must have suffered severely, being squeezed by both parties for money and provisions (see #Costs).[21]

The beginning of 1646 saw the garrison hard pressed by their foes, and against great odds fighting as bravely and boldly as ever.[22] In a newspaper from 9 to 16 January 1646 is the following:

From Newark were this day letters intimating that the enemy had sallied forth and fallen upon Col. Gen. Poyntz his quarters, thinking to surprise the Major Gen., but he being at the same time abroad with a party, and having notice of the enemy's object upon his quarters, came in in person, and encountered with them, slew one with his own hand, which example of his did so much encourage his soldiers that they behaved themselves with much gallantry, slew many of the enemy, and took some prisoners, and forced the rest to make what haste they could to Newark, which they performed with so much dexterity that they carried away some few of ours prisoners, and a few other things which they plundered out of the Major General's quarters.[22]

A later note statees:

From the north we this day understand that Major Gen. Poyntz continues his quarters at Stoke. The Nottingham forces do keep their Court in the Church, where unfortunately happened so great a fire, which took hold of the straw, that they could not quench it until it had devoured all that was combustible by the fire, and nothing on the next morning but the walls remaining, a sad spectacle to the beholders. Whether this gave any encouragement to the enemy we cannot tell, but not long afterwards, the Nottingham forces, being many of them gone to Nottingham upon some business (as we hear) of public concernment, the enemy sallied forth from Newark (being about 800 horse and betwixt two or three hundred foot), and were making up to Major Gen. Poyntz, his quarters at Stoke, which they did with so much fury and eager speed that his horse guard began to fly, and were in that disorder when two horses fell down as they were passing through the turnpike, by which means the more near approaches of the enemy and the allarum [alarm] they did give us could not so perfectly be apprehended until they did enter into our quarters and Major Gen. Poyntz's own chamber, and which they made haste to plunder. In the meantime, Major Gen. Poyntz, using all diligence to requit his men, did deport himself with so much resolution that many of the enemy were killed, 9 persons taken, and above 50 wounded. In this service it is said that we had only 3 slain and 7 hurt. The enemy retired in disorder to Newark, and the writer knows they heard that Col. Rossiter, with a new body of a 1000 horse and foot, was coming down from Claypole towards them, but perceiving that the enemy had notice of their coming and were getting into Newark, he only gave the alarm to their garrison, and returned safe to his own quarters.[22]

After this Gen. Poyntz's forces were strengthened (according to the same informant), by the addition of 2,000 horse and foot from Skipton, and 300 foot from Lieut. Gen. Leslie, which was thought indicative of the alarm which had been occasioned by the fierce onslaught of the Newark forces on the General's quarters.[23]

Many other brisk skirmishes followed. Here is one mentioned in a newspaper of 30 January to 6 February 1646:

And now to Newark, which place by letters we find in this state. They lately made a flourish upon the Scots' side, but did not much hurt or take any considerable person. They are very silent on the south side of the town, but we shall make them cry herelong, for there are now two more mortar pieces, cast by a bell founder of Nottingham, which will be very useful, not only upon the town but forts of Newark, especially in frightening the ladies and other more valiant spirits. Mattocks and spades are ready. The country offer all assistance, and we shall suddenly have a line made, and then to work.[24]

While these constant skirmishes were proceeding, the Commissioners with the army were doing their best to keep the besieging forces supplied with provisions and money. Writing to the House of Lords on 2 January 1646, they say:

We have used our best endeavours to the reducing of Newark and Belvoir, and find very ready compliance, by the answers we have received to our letters, from the several committees, and don't doubt but their actions will be suitable. The counties adjacent are very forward in this service, and the officers and soldiers vigilant and full of courage.[25]

The paying and vittling of the Scottish army proved to be particularly troublesome. This occurred for several reasons. It was partly that as far as the Scots were concerned, they were providing an army to fighting England and as agreed the English should meet the costs of the Scottish expeditionary force. While their commanders were haggling with Parliament, their men still had to be fed, and they did so in part by foraging over the surrounding area.[26] In the end agreement was reached and Gen. Lesley issued a proclamation, commanding all officers and soldiers not to presume, on pain of death, to offer the least wrong or violence, and inviting any who shall receive any wrong or injury to make their appearance freely at headquarters to exhibit their complaints.[27] in the interests of the


The deplorable condition of the county at this critical period is well depicted in a petition of the inhabitants on the north side of the Trent, presented in January, 1646, setting forth that the cost to the county had within the last three years amounted to above a million of money.[28]


Meanwhile, as the writers of the "Parliamentary History" testify, "the siege of Newark went slowly on, every inch of ground being disputed by the besieged." The Earl of Rutland, in a letter dated Lincoln, March 3, wrote

that their whole army on the south side of the Trent were drawn together: the farthermost foot quarters about a mile from the town; others at Faringdon, Houghton, and Balderton, so to Trent again at Winthorp. That evening about 300 horse and foot of the garrison faced them, but advanced not from under the cover of their own cannon. The Scotch army were drawn up on the north side of the Trent, and the soldiers were all full of courage, and very few sick amongst them.[29]

He concludes by saying that "he hoped shortly to give the Lords a good account of the place".[30]

FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE PAGE OF PAMPHLET.

As the contending forces continued to face each other, there were constant conflicts with varying results. A contemporary pamphlet describes

"A Great Fight at Newarke, where the Lord Sinclare's regiment beat 1000 foot and 400 horse, and drave them into Newark."[31] It embodies a despatch dated Balderton, March 5th, 1645/6, in which Col. Rossiter says while he was at Lieut. -Gen. Lesley's quarters,[32]

the enemy sallied forth of Newark, with all their horse and foot they could possibly make, being about 1000 foot and 400 horse, and fell upon the Scots guard in the Island with an intention to take from them a work which the Scots were making to keep them from grazing any cattell in the Island. Muscomb Bridge being down, the Scots could not get any reliefe over to their men but verie slowly in boats, so that the enemy overpowered their horse, being but four small troops, and made them retreat towards Muscomb Bndge with some losse, though not much. Then the enemy attempted the work, but were beat off with some losse. As soone as the Lieut .-General received the alarme, he and the rest of the company with him hasted with all speed over the river, where he commanded the horse to rally, and led them himselfe to the work, and took out some foot thence and some other foot which came over the river, and marched up to the enemy, who retreated after some smaU skirmishing into the towne.[33]

The writer says that on his side, the captain, two lieutenants, and eight soldiers were killed, and fifteen or twenty soldiers wounded. The enemy left some dead on the place, and had one captain and divers others slain and wounded. It was resolved to make a bridge from Winthorpe side at the very point of the Island to Muskham, which would not only serve for "a correspondency between the Scots and Colonel Grey, but also for an inlet to both sides into the Island. Lieut.-Gen. Lesly would guard one end of the bridge, and Col. Grey the other." The despatch thus concludes: "If your Lordship please to hasten down the pinnace, it may be of good use while the bridge is making".

The tract also contains a copy of a letter from one of the Parliament Commissioners at Lincoln, under date Lincoln, 7th March, in which he says:

"This enclosed (Col. Rossiter's despatch) will show you what the Newarkers lately attempted with a great deale of resolution, coming up to the workes even unto push of pike; and if the Scots had not been stout and resolute foot (they who knew them say they are the best men in the army, and the oldest soldiers being the Lord Sinclare's regiment), if it had fortuned any other regiment to have been there in their stead, it is feared that they would scarce have done so well. They were extremely overpowered with numbers. Now all men may see (that which some have not heretofore beleeved) that Newark is a considerable garrison to the King, seeing that they can spare such a number for a sally and be able to keep the towne and works besides. The truth is that it happened very fortunately, that the success proved so well, having no greater strength, we had not half so many men as they had, and yet most of the Scots' commanders, also Poyntz, and with him divers of his chiefe officers, and Col. Rossiter and many of his chiefest officers were at the same time in the Isle, into which none can goe into them, nor they pass out from thence, but by boats, and that way there could not pass above ten or twelve at a time ; so if those forces the Newarkers would have surprised had been routed, our men (amongst whom were so many great officers) would have been in a pinfold, yet the enemy did not show so much courage as to take or try their opportunity to the uttermost, but through a pannick fear, apprehending our men to be in number greater than really they were, their terrour being the greater in seeing our men come over and still increase so fast as they could. By that weak means so that they conceived that the whole body of the Scots' army was coming upon them. Col. Gray was there with Col. Rossiter, who saith that he never did see them do better service. Their Highland foot charged with the Scots' horse, and gave fire and wheeled amongst our horse very nimbly and actively, and so galled the enemy exceedingly. The £274 we have received, and desire it may be repaid. The line is now begun, and all our materials are now in readiness for a siege, and the next week we shall lay it. The Associated forces are so ill paid, both their horse and foot, that unless some speedy course be taken to send them money we shall not be able to keep them together, for where the army lieth those parts cannot furnish them without ready monies, and if they pay for what they take, all provisions will be brought into their quarters, both from Boston and this town; but if they should grow unruly and take them away by force, they will be starved or forced to rise, which we have endeavoured all we can possibly to prevent; but now the £2,000 we brought down with us being disbursed, if present pay come not, I may fear what the event may prove ; two months' pay would, I doubt not, free both them and all these parts from that oppressing tyrannical garrison. There hath lately been in Newark great contestation between Bellasis, the Governor, and the King's Commissioners there, and the officers and soldiers, for pay and provisions. The Governor told the Commissioners that his soldiers wanted monies, but they professed there was none for them to be had ; but they told him that for provisions he might dispose unto them what quantities he pleased. Bellasis replied that soldiers must and should have monies whilst any of them had a farthing, and that for the provisions in the magazine he told the Commissioners that the greatest part thereof was such as no dogge would eat, and therefore charged them to bring forth better, or else he and his soldiers would rifle their houses and take their provisions they had stored up for themselves, and leave them the rotten stuff in the magazine to feed upon; and he further told them that they were not to expect that he and his soldiers would fight to preserve them and their town without those things should presently be remedied, and that for his part he said he did know well how to make honourable and good conditions for himself, his officers, and soldiers, and would leave them and the townsmen to shift for themselves if they took not care for them ; and so they broke up in a great heat and discontent, which I presume will be of no ill consequence unto us, but of this you will hear hereafter.[34]

The following letter, dated March 18th, 1646, signed J. Rutland and E. Montague, shows that the pinnace arrived in due course, and speaks of the progress of the fortifications. It says:

One of the bridges across the Trent against Winthorpe was ready three days since. The Trent there divides, and the other bridge will be finished in a day or two. We have brought a Pinnace Musket within half a mile of Newark, wherein are two guns, and which will hold forty musketeers. The cannon from York has come to Winthorpe. One strong fort is made to secure the. bridge, and another is preparing near the enemy's great sconce. Culverins and mortar pieces are come to Balderton and Faringdon. The great mortar piece is to run on Wednesday at Nottingham. We shall not lose any time or omit any opportunity of reducing Newark.[35]

Meanwhile, the besiegers held a day of prayer, to "seek a blessing" on their designs, for there is a pamphlet extant, entitled, "Orders from the Lord of Hostes, for regulating the Hostes of the Lord, set down in a sermon preached at the Leaguer before Newark, on Friday, 27th March, 1646, by order from and by the desire of the Committee of Lords and Commons, Commissioners from the Parliament of England, upon the occasion of a Publick Fast and Solemn humihation appointed to be kept that day throughout the English and Scottish armies before Newark, to seek a blessing from Heaven upon the proceedings of the said Forces in the present siege of that garrison, by Edward Reyner, Preacher of the Gospel in the City of Lincoln."[36]

The text was Deut. xxiii., 14 ; and in his dedication to "the Commissioners from the Parliament of England, residing with the forces before Newark," the author says, "This sermon was preached by your appointment, and is drawn forth to public view by your importunity".[37]

Another preacher on the same occasion was Robert Ram, who also published his discourse. The preacher points out that a soldier follows a lawful and honourable calling. None were so fit to be soldiers as good Christians and godly men. especially in. God's battles. He says:

The highest powers under God doe call upon us to arme ourselves at this time against the enemies of our Church and State. By the highest powers I mean the Parliament, which, according to the constitution of our Government here in England, hath the most soveraigne powers over us. . . Religion, law, liberty, and whatever is deere to us doe now call upon us to take up arms ; these are mightily invaded, and unlesse we stand forth manfully, we shall be spoiled for ever.[38]

The preacher then addresses himself to the Commanders and common soldiers, exhorting them to behave with soberness, chastity, and holiness ; and concludes,

"I beseech you then let everyone of us put these things in practice, which, if we doe, I dare promise that Newark will soon be ours, and we shall suddenly see our desires upon all our enemies".[39]

The day following this "fast" the Committee endeavoured to intimidate the garrison and induce them to surrender. We have an official account of it in a contemporary pamphlet, entitled,

A letter to the Honourable William Lenthal, Esquire, Speaker to the Honourable House of Commons, from the Commissioners employed by the Parliament for the reducing of Newark, together with the summons of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms to the Governour for delivering up of the said town for the use of the King and Parliament, and the Governour's answer thereunto.[40]

The Commissioners report that they had met the Committee of the Parliament of Scotland, and agreed to send a summons into Newark, a copy of which they append. In this summons they demand the surrender of the town, promising honourable and fair conditions; and pointing out that they were able by force to attain what they rather desired by treaty,

Rushworth, John (1701), Historical Collections of Private Passages of State, Weighty Matters in Law, Remarkable Proceedings in Five Parliaments: The fourth and last part. 1645-1648, Tho. Newcomb, p. 251

John Rushworth. "Historical Collections: March-May, 1646," in Historical Collections of Private Passages of State: Volume 6, 1645-47, (London: D Browne, 1722), 249-276. British History Online, accessed September 28, 2017, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/rushworth-papers/vol6/pp249-276.

We the Committee of both Kingdoms being sent and authorized to use our best Endeavours for the reducing of the Town and Garrison of Newark, do hereby (in the Name of both Houses of the Parliament of England, and for the Use of the King and Parliament) demand of you, That you forth with Surrender the same into their Hands. It is the Pious Care of the Parliament to prevent the Effusion of Christian Blood, the wasting of the Country, and the Destruction of Towns. We shall esteem ourselves happy in being Iustruments to avert those Meseries, and shall therefore grant to you, the Gentlemen with you, and the Town, Honourable Conditions; which if you shall now neglect, and will let nothing but experimental Sufferings declare unto you your unavoidable Ruin, you are to give an Account to God, to this present Age, and to Posterity, for all the Blood that shall from henceforth be shed, for the wasting of your Native and Neighbouring Country, and destruction of so considerable a Place. You may not, nor can in any Reason expect (and most assuredly on the Faith of honest Men you shall not hereafter obtain from us) such Terms as we are now willing to afford you. We sent no Summons, until you and all with you might see we were able by Force to attain what we much rather desire by Treaty. The Parliament have 16000 Horse and Foot at present before your Town, Soldiers of Experience, united, and in Health and Courage. This is no way mentioned, as if we trusted in the Arm of Flesh (God the Lord of Hosts hath manifested that we fight his Battels); but to shew you the vast Expences which will be Occasioned by the Continuance of this Siege (for which your Estates must answer) ; and that your holding out may not furthertempt the Almighty. And though you should not regard your own Ruin, and though some others should be of that your Opinion, Shall yet that wealthy Town be sack'd, and others Perish with you that see their own Misery, and would avoid it? A prudent man, a Soldier, cannot live or dye in Reputation or Peace of Spirit, to maintain a Place not so long tenable as till it can be relieved; of which you cannot have the least Hope: Flatter not yourselves; Relief is not to be had: Chester was nearer Succours, and considerable Armies for them in the West and in Wales; now scarce seen what remains of either. Was not that strong City of great Importance? Were they not very often promised? Did not all Assurances to be relieved come to them? they had none; that Place is surrendred. Your Wealth (if you rightly Consider in what State you are) proves your sudden and certain Destruction. You are prepar'd in some Things for Defence; you know (and we know) you are not for some other. Consider these Things seriously, and you cannot but through them see your Ruin to be inevitable, if you do not avoid it by accepting what is now offer'd. We shall expect your Answer on Monday next by Eleven of the Clock in the Forenoon at Balderton. Sign'd in the Name, and by the Warrant of the Committee of both Kingdoms, by

Rutland. Lothian.
Balderton, March 28. 1646.
For the Governour of the Town and Garrison of Newark, the Gentlemen there; and the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of that Town.

The Governor's Answer.

Having received a Paper subscribed by the Committee of both Kingdoms, directed as to a Committee-Governour, by putting the Gentlemen and Corporation in equal Commission with me (though the joining us together was with the Intention to divide us) I shall in Answer thereof desire you to reflect upon the King's Letter of the 23d of March, sent to the two Houses of Parliament (which I received from your own Quarters) where in a full Compliance with all their Desires, upon the most gracious Conditions that ever Prince propounded, he offers to disband his Forces and dismantle his Garrisons: To what End then do you demand that of the Steward, whereof the Lord and Master makes a Voluntary Tender? I conceive it my Duty to trace his Commands, not to outstrip them: So that though Honour and Conscience would permit the Delivery, yet Civility would retard it, lest his Majesty's Act of Grace should be frustrated by my over-hasty speed. I shall wave the Arguments wherewith you Endeavour to evince my Consent: I am neither to be struck into Apostacy by the mention of fair Conditions in a misty Notion; nor to be frighted into Dishonour by your running Division upon the Fate of Chester. For as I do not Measure my Allegiance by my Interest to the former, so I do disdain that Poverty of Spirit, as by resemblance of Chester, to suffer by Example: I can be Loyal without that Copy, and I hope this Garrison shall never be the Transcript of their Calamity. You may do well to use your Fortune modestly; and think not that God Almighty doth applaud your Cause by reason of your Victories, or that he hath not a Blessing in store for ours. Whereas you urge the Expence of the Siege, and the Pressures of the Country in supporting your Charge there (since occasion'd by yourselves) I am not concern'd: Yet in order to their Ease, if you will grant a Pass to some Gentlemen to go to the King, and return, I may then know his Majesty's Pleasure, Whether according to his Letter he will wind up the Business in general, or leave me to steer my own Course; then I shall know what to determine. Otherwise I desire you to take Notice, That when I received my Commission for the Government of this Place, I annexed my Life as a Label to my Trust.

J. Bellasyse.
Newark, March 13
To the Committee of both Kingdoms.

[41]

The letter refers next to the fate of Chester, and asks for an answer in three days. It is dated from Balderton, March 28th, 1646, and directed to "the Governour of the town and garrison of Newark, the gentlemen there, and the Mayor, aldermen, and burgesses of the town." Lord Bellasyse forwarded a spirited reply, in which he referred to the paper "putting the gentlemen and Corporation in equal commission with me (though the joyning us together was with the intention to divide us)," and said, "I am neither to be struck into apostacy by the mention of fair conditions in a misty notion, nor to be frightened into dishonour by your running diversion upon the fate of Chester," in regard to which "I hope this garrison shall never be the transcript of their calamity." His Lordship concludes thus: "You may do well to use your fortune modestly, and think not that God Almighty doth applaud your cause by reason of your victories, or that he hath not a blessing in store for our's. Whereas you urge the expence of the seige and the pressure on the countrey in supporting your charge there, since occasioned by yourselves I am not concerned ; yet in order to their ease, if you will grant a passe to some gentlemen to go to the King and return, I may then know his Majesty's pleasure, whether, according to his letter,[42] he will winde up the businesse in general, or leave me to steer my own course ; then I shall know what to determine ; otherwise, I desire you to take notice that when I received my commission for the government of this place, I annexed my Ufe as a label to my trust."

The Commissioners, in forwarding these documents, say:

Colonel Poyntz doubts not but suddenly to turn the course of the river Trent which ran close under Newark, and will in a little time turn the river Smite into a new channel, that their mills may not be helpful to them or the water hinder the approaches on the north side Trent. The field officers have viewed the most convenient places for forts to shoot either into the town or sconces, which are in preparation, and will speedily be finished. We shall lose no time to make a good end of this service.

W. Pierrepont,
Tho. Hatcher,
W. Armyne, Edw. Ascoughe.

[43]

The "Mercurius Civicus" says :[44]

From Newark we this day understood that Col. Generall Poyntz and Col. Rossiter had made their approaches meete before the garrison of Newark, and that they had turned the river since another way; it wonderfully perplexed the besieged to find the course of the two Rivers Trent and Smite turned. In regard that turning of the course of the Trent, they made no works of moment to defend themselves on that side of the town. As we make more neer our approaches, we do raise forts to make good the place. We have raised a fort to cut off all corresponding betwixt Queen's fort and the towne; another fort is raised at Balderton, another upon Beacon Hill.

The Scots also have raised a fort to defend themselves from any more sallies of the enemy, and to secure them in their more neere approaches. It is believed that General Leven, who sometime since went into Scotland, is now returned with the army at Newark; we heare that the Leicester forces are marched to be assistant at the siege. The enemy within doe begin to be much distracted, and the rather because our mortarpiece doth already begin to play upon them, although at first with greater fright than execution, because it is said that the firemen could not finde the ground.

…

From Newark we hear this day that Gen. Leven has come to the Scots' army, and the country being unable to quarter our body of horse, 1000 are gone back into Yorkshire,, there being little service for them in this place. We believe something will shortly be effected for the speedy reducing of Newark.

Siege Money

While the town was thus holding out with its traditional courage, supplying its needs of money (see Siege money) and provisions in the best way that ingenuity and loyalty could devise.[45]

King from Oxford to Newark

Charles I's journey from Oxford to the Scottish army camp near Newark

Second summons to surrender

Meanwhile, the brave garrison of Newark, who had managed by ingenious means to keep well informed of the King's movements and intentions, were considering what course to pursue in regard to the surrender of the town. Overtures in this direction from the Parliamentarians had been renewed, and prepositions had been discussed.[46]

In the Bodleian Library is a pamphlet entitled, "The Second Summons to Newark, sent from the Committee of both Kingdoms, to the Govemour. Gentry, Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of that town, together with the Govemour's Answer thereunto, wherein he desires a short time for the preparing of Articles for the surrender of the said town, and Hostages for the security of his Commissioners. Appointed by the Honorable William Lenthal, Esq., Speaker of the Honorable House of Commons, to be forthwith printed and published."[47]

The Second Summons to the Governour of Newark.

Wee hope you have considered that our Paper (as you term it) contained a Summons from us: What we received from you merits no Reply. We were in earnest, as to give an Accompt to God and man of our Proceedings, and to shew that nothing from you can hinder our endeavouring that you may see your approaching Ruine. And whilest there is time to avoid it, We once more demand of you in the Name of both Houses of Parliament of England, and for the use of King and Parliament, That you forthwith deliver up the Town and Garrison of Newark into their hands; and we shall give you Conditions for the Surrender thereof, which you must not expect to be such as you might formerly have obtained. This is the last Summons We shall send; you now accepting of what is offered, will declare you are sensible of the total losse of your Estates, the devastation of the Country round about you; of the Ruine of the Town, and of the Blood which may else be spilt. We shall expect your positive Answer by three of the clock to morrow in the Afternoon at Balderton.

Collingham, April 27, 1646.
For the Governour of the Town and Garrison of Newark, the Gentry there, and the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of that Town.
Signed in the Name, and by the Committee of both Kingdoms.

The Answer of the Summons to Colonel General Poyntz.

Sir,

I Have received a second Summons from the Committee of both Kingdoms; but by their own Directions, the businesse concerns so many, as they cannot expect a sudden return: However, I desire you would be pleased to let those Lords know. That on Wednesday 1 shall send mine Answer, and remain.

Sir,
Your humble Servant,
John Bellasyse.
Newark, April 27, 1646.

The Governour of Newark's Answer to the Summons of the Committee of both Kingdoms.

The consideration of what is required in your Summons of Monday last, being of so high Concernment to His Majesty, and to the particular Interests of very many of His faithful Subjects in this Garrison, I conceive a shorter time then Monday next to prepare Articles of so divers natures as are necessary to be Treated on, will not be sufficient. At which time I will not fail to send such to you; and upon your assent to them, to surrender the Town. In the mean time I send you here underwritten, the names of such Commissioners for the Nobility, Gentry, Souldiery, Clergy and Townsmen, as I do intrust for the Treating of those Articles, with an equal number of yours, whose names I shall desire by the next; and that you will appoint such a place as shall be most convenient for the Treaty. And I further expect. That a safe Conduct be granted, and Hostages delivered for the security of those Commissioners imployed by me.

John Bellasyse.
Newark, April 29, 1646.

{

— Mr. Bellasyse , in The Lord Lexington, -

Copy. On the outside is endorsed "His Majesty writt word to the Governor of Newark three weeks before the town was surrendered that upon assurances which he had received he intended presently to come to the Scots' army, and therefore he commanded him to keep the town till he came." [52]

AN ALTERNATIVE SOURCE:

first Civil War to an end:

"Bellasyse such is the condition of our affairs at the present, that I can give you no hope of releife, nor of better conditions then what I sent you last night wherefore, the best way for my service will be that you conclude upon them with all expedition, the cheife reason being that according to my designe I am necessitated to march with the Scots army this day Northward, but cannot move till this agreement be consented to by you. I am hartily sorry that my business stands so, that I must impose such conditions upon you; but am your most assured friend/ C.R./ 8 of ye Clock at night". https://www.bonhams.com/auctions/17807/lot/42/

Here is from the same MS. Collections (those of the Duke of Portland) Lord Belasyse's own account of what occurred : —

EXAMINATION OF JOHN [LORD] BELLASSIS.

1646, June 11. — He knew that the King intended to come to the Scotch army before he came thither. Being asked how long before he came thither did he knowe of it, he saythe he being beseged could not have often intelhgences but aboute the 8th or loth of April was the iirste time that he hearde of it. The garrison of Newarke knewe it. My intelligence was from the King. He writte me worde that he thoughte he shoulde be with the Scotts and intended to goe to them. This letter was aboute the 8th or loth of April. Being asked what directions he had from the king concerning the armies there he said the king lefte a latitude to him and seeing himself beseged and without hope of relefe he treated.

Hudson was sente to me from the king the nexte day after the king came hither. I hearde that the king was in the Scotch quarters. I received a letter in which were propositions worse then we had and a commande to deliver it upon these termes believing I coulde not have better. It was my difficulty that the king shoulde prescribe me conditions before I knewe what I shoulde have. I answered to the king, I wondered he shoulde prescribe me conditions which I coulde not accept of, that I desired him to leave me to the commissioners to treate. The King sente to me to deliver the towne that nighte. I was troubled at it, I beheved I shoulde have better. The King sent Hudson to me to hasten the treaty upon the former propositions that the King sente to me. I sawe him not since in Newarke. I sawe him since at his owne howse. He came to me to my owne howse. I then knewe not the parhament demanded him. He came from the King to me and desired he mighte goe with me as one of my servants. Being asked [he said] he did not acquaynte him with any thing but that he was to goe into France.

He spake with Mr. Ashburnham in the Ilande the day that the King marched away. He came thither and sente to desier to speake with me. He tolde me that the King had endeavoured to have me waighte on him, but coulde not prevayll. I never els .spake with Mr. Ashburnham. He knewe not that the King woalde come, onely he writte he intended it.

He knewe of the King's coming to Southwell within an hower after he was there. A captayne came on his parol to me, and tolde it me and wente backe to the King, and broughte me worde backe that he had kissed his hande and he sente me worde that I shoulde heare of him within three or four houres. I verily thinke the King was deceived in his expectations in his going thither. A letter of the King's purpos to goe thither came in a man's belly. He swallowed it in a billet and voided it twice.[53]I hearde out of the Scotch quarters signs of the King being there.

He sayth that he knowes of noe gentleman of quality that wente to the Scotch army from Newarke but some officers and souldiers of fortune.

After he was beseged he often sente to Oxforde but not by the Scotts nor through their quarters, but in the nighte and by olde women he thinks sente before the line was finished.

He had advertisement from Oxforde by a ragged man whome he imployed as his agent, to be civil to the Scotch there, but at the firste I sallyed equally to them and was as wilUng to beate the Scotch as the English. I did not sally upon either after I was beseged because of the plague among us. The English had better workes far then the Scotts. The King's letter (?) to me in ______ was that the King intended to goe to the Scotch array and he had assurance for his servants (?)."

Signed "J. Belasisse." [N. xiv., 127.]

Surrender

116 HISTORY OF NEWARK.

The articles of surrender are printed in full in Rushworth IV., i., 269, and in the " .Annals of Newark," and copies of them are in the Duke of Portland's collection. They are dated 6th May, the day of the King's letter ; and seeing that they are very favourable and honourable to the garrison, we may assume Lord Belasyse was more successful in his negotiations than his Majesty expected could be the case. Full protection was secured for the people of the town, " their persons, privileges, goods or estates ;" and all officers and soldiers were to march away with their horses, arms, and possessions, to their homes, or to any other garrison not besieged or blocked up. Guards and convoys were appointed to protect the gentlemen and soldiers in their march from violence, and an important clause was inserted that "all persons comprised in these Articles, grounded upon the summons of 27th April, which began this present treaty, be recommended to compound with the Parliament for their estates, as coming in before the 1st of May." (The value of the clause will appear in the next chapter.)

Mr. Twentyman writes : — " His Majesty cast himself upon the loyalty of the Scotch rebels, and commanded the town to be surrendered, which was done after one or two entreaties before made unto his Majesty that they might still keep the town for him, for they had those high thoughts that before their store could be spent, some change or other would have appeared to his Majesty's advantage and relief. But his Majesty continuing his command, they as obedient loyal subjects, to their great grief, laid down their arms, and so surrendered (1646) this virgin garrison of Newark. And so it was the merciful Providence of God to deliver them out of the hands of enraged and unmerciful men who had long threatened and sought their ruin, and take them into His own, the plague being brought in among them by some soldiers which came from some other places. My father, who was an ironmonger at Horncastle, was imprisoned six or seven times at Lincoln and Tattershall Castle for his loyalty. He married Sarah Hollinhedge, daughter of Mr. Robert Hcllinhedge, B.D., minister of Horncastle, an eminent divine, and by her he had John, Robert, William, | and Edward — drowned on a voyage to the West Indies — and John is the author of this account."

In Peck's " Desiderata Curiosa" (p. 351) is the examination of John Peerson, of Newark, barber, taken the i8th May, 1646, before Henry Dawson, deputy Mayor of the town of Newcastle, touching his attendance upon the King, Mr. John Ashburnham, and Dr. Hudson. He said he was born at Newark, and had lived there all his lifetime. He came out of Newark Thursday gone eight days, being the 7th this instant May, and that Mr. Hudson came to Newark for him, and told him he was to make himself ready presently to trim his Majesty at Kelham. When he came to Kelham, Mr. Ashburnham asked him if he were a barber, and told him his Majesty was not at leisure now, but he must go along with the King, and trim him when he was at leisure. Whereupon the examinant went along with his Majesty, and Mr. Ashburnham told him he thought his Maj esty would not be at leisure to be trimmed until he came to Newcastle. On the way he did Mr. Ashburnham any service that he commanded him. The last time he saw Mr. Ashburnham it was at court upon the Saturday last. (Signed, John Peerson).

Dr. Hudson was examined before the Committee of Parliament touching the King's escape from Oxford to Southwell, and he said that when they reached the French Ambassador's lodgings, some of the Scotch Commissioners came to the King and desired him to march to Kelham for security. They went there after dinner that night. The Scotch secured an order from the King to Lord Belasyse for the surrender of Newark, that they might make more speedy repair to Newcastle, and while they stayed at Kelham

J William Twentyman was Mayor in 1678.

HISTORY OF NEWARK. 117

they pressed his Majesty to some things contrary to former propositions, at which he was much displeased.*

Aftermath

In "the Answer of the Commons to the Scots' Commissioners' Papers of the 20th Nov. and their letter of 24th October last, 1645,"$ the Commons affirm that the Kingdom of Scotland hath no right of joint exercise of interest in disposing the person of the King in the Kingdom of England. They say that "^if the King were duly in Scotland, we should not claim any joint interest in disposing of his person there." The lengthy argument on this and kindred topics occupies many pages, the only local references bemg embodied in the reply of the Scots Commissioners, in which they say that the quarters wherein they had stayed during the siege of Newark, being extremely exhausted, and the service for which they came thither being performed, they removed into Yorkshire, and "the King, as he came to them of his own accord, did voluntarily march along with them ;" and adding that "their keeping and preserving his Majesty's person was without the least thought of hindering his voluntary return to his Parliament."

The Commons reply that their Committee earnestly pressed them that the King might return back to Southwell, and not be at Kelham, " where the body of your army lay, to cajole or disturbe your souldiers," but could not obtain consent thereto. The next day they again complained without effect,and the following day, being Thursday (7th May), "your army marched away and took the King with them". The Commons conclude by expressing the hope that there will be " a sweet and brotherly agreement " between the nations.

In a list of noblemen and gentlemen slain in his Majesty's service in or near Newark are the names of Colonel Leeke, son of Lord Deyncourt (afterwards Earl of Scarsdale), Lieut.-Col. Pavier, Captains Ord, Cole, and Pelham, killed during the last siege ; Baron Done, Sir Troilus TurberviUe, captain of the King's Lifeguards ; Sir Ingram Hopton, Sir Charles Bowles, Major Thomas Whitmore, Sir John Ramsey, and others. " And here mention should not be omitted of Mr. Garven Rutherford, who deserves to be had in everlasting memory for his loyalty ; for having had 29 children by one wife, he trooped under his 27th child, who was a commander for his Majesty at Newark."||

In Rampton Church, the burying-place of the Eyre family, is a small brass on the north wall of the chancel, stating, " In this vault he the remains of Sir Gervase Eyre, Kt., who was killed in defending Newark Castle for King Charles the Ist."

Of Lord Deyncourt it is recorded that " having suffered much for his loyalty in the times of the unparalleled rebellion in which King Charles lost his life, he became so much mortified after the horrid murder of his rightful sovereign that he apparelled himself in sackcloth, and causing his grave to be digged some years before his death, laid himself down in it every Friday, exercising himself frequently in divine meditation and prayer. He died at Sutton, Derbyshire. April qth, 1655, and was buried in the church."t

Dr. Michael Hudson was imprisoned at the Tower, but escaped therefrom. He went into Lincolnshire, where he raised a party of horse for the King's service. He lost his life at Woodcroft House, about seven miles distant from Stamford. Col. Thomas Waite reported to the Parliament that he had suppressed the insurrection at Stamford and killed their commander, Dr. Hudson. When Woodcroft House was besieged, the doctor was on the battlements. The enemy threw him over, and he caught the spout, but his hands being beaten or cut off, he fell into the moat beneath, and was knocked on the head with the butt end of a musket. — Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, p. 379.

J London : Printed for Ed. Husband, printer to the Honorable Hous3 of Commons, and are to ba sold at his shop m Fleet bt.,

at the sign of the Golden Dragon, near the Inner Temple, Dec. 4, 1646. I! Dickinson, p. 112. ' f Co.x's "Churches of Derbyshire," I., 376.


8ii


HISTORY OF NEWARK.


Shortly after the surrender of the town an order was issued by Parliament for the earthworks to be destroyed and the Castle dismantled. Gangs of men were employed, and the Castle converted from a noble residence and a powerful stronghold into a battered ruin.[54]

Of the earthworks, an important part remains to this day in the Queen's Sconce, on the Farndon-road, popularly known as the Sconce Hills. Mr. T. M. Blagg, F.S.A., says of it

[55]

Square, with very bold bastions at each angle, and immense depth of ditch, it is probably the most perfect specimen of seventeenth century field fortification now remaining in England. The companion earthwork on the northern side of the town — the "King's Sconce" — has now been completely cut away, its site in Northgate being partly occupied by Mr. Farrar's foundry. Nearer Winthorpe, however, on the east bank of the river, close to Crankley Point,[56] can be traced the perfect outline of a similar fort, known now, presumably from its shape, as the "Star Fort", which the rebels threw up in order to command the river and prevent supplies from coming into the town by boat. Though intersected by a hedge, its grassy ramparts and bastions are plainly discernible.

A contemporary letter says,

The countrie thereabouts are all summoned to come in with spades, shovels, pickaxes, and other necessaries, on Monday next, to assist in demolishing of the works of Newark.

The Rev. John Shaw, Mcar of Rotherham, writes:

I was with the six commissioners for Newark. General Leslie did not dehver the King to the Enghsh commissioners, nor to the Parliament, at which all people wondered. They marched away, leaving the siege with a swifter march than ordinary, carrying the King with them to Newcastle. Lord Belasyse yielded up the town to the commissioners with whom I then was, and the forts and works at Newark were demohshed. I returned to Hull, but was the same day sent back by the desire of the Mayor and Aldermen to the commissioners at Lincoln, to desire them to restore the great guns belonging to Hull which they had fetched thence to the siege of Newark, which I effected".Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page). On the death of his grandson, without issue, the title became extinct.[57]

It is stated in a contemporary letter that the sickness was:[57]

very hot in the town, which occasioned the surrender thereof a day sooner than was agreed upon, so that it was yielded up on Friday, the 8th of May. The officers and soldiers marched to their own homes on that day, there being scarce any garrison of the King's unbesieged to which they might resort. There were found in the town one great piece of ordnance, commonly called "sweetlips", eleven other great pieces of ordnance, two mortar pieces, divers drakes and small pieces, 4,000 arms, forty barrels of gunpowder, and a great store of bullets, match, and other ammunition. The garrison had considerable ammunition, but of provisions little fresh meat, of salt meat "some plentie", but much of it tainted; some store of butter and cheese, many barrels of beer and wine, a good store of corn, but "fewel for fire very little". The next day after the articles were signed the Scotch army took their march northward. The Newark garrison seemed much discontented at the King delivering himself up to the Scots, and when 800 of them had marched out with Lord Bellasis, they would not nominate any other garrison to go to for the further service of the King, but like the rest who came out, who were about 1000 more, so they went away everyone to their own homes.

As to the clergy in the town, the gentry. Alderman Atkinson, and "the rest of the indignant townsmen", they were (says the writer) "very sad in the towne", and "walk away in a mournful posture". "We have", he continues, "taken great care to prevent the soldiers from plundering, though some of them did well remember how they were stripped at the Spittle".[58]

Sickness

During the latter part of the siege the town was tried almost as sorely by the relentless foe within as by those without its walls, for the plague was striking down and sweeping away both the soldiers and the citizens. There was no wonder that sickness spread when we consider how closely the town had been invested, and how difficult it must have been to keep up a satisfactory supply of food, and to maintain in the narrow streets, amid all the excitement and danger of a vigorous siege, anything approaching proper cleanliness and sanitation. A Parliamentarian who visited the town shortly after its surrender says, "Truly it has become a miserable, stinking, infested place. I pray God they do not infect the countries and towns adjacent." The plague seems to have been virulent in the early part of 1646, and the authorities did their best to cope with it. The following regulations were made and are on the minutes of the Corporation:[59]

Orders made and agreed upon 9th day of March, 1645-6, by Thos. Smith, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the said town, in the time of the visitation of the pestilence.

That the Justices of the Peace, Aldermen, and Coadjutors hereunder named, shall in their several divisions hereunder mentioned from time to time during this visitation take order that sufficient relief be provided, not only for such townsmen as are or shall be visited or infected, but also for all other poor persons, to prevent their wandering abroad.

That they shall daily take a strict account of all persons that shall be sick or die within their divisions, to the end that if upon search such persons shall be found to be infected, that then their house may be forthwith shut up, and a guard set upon the same, to prevent the further spreading of such infection.

That the constables within the several divisions shall daily be attendant upon the said Justices, Aldermen, and Coadjutors assigned to such divisions, and from time to time inform and observe all such directions as they shall receive from them for the better execution of these present orders.

It is ordered and agreed upon and directed that there shall be two searchers appointed and sworn to survey all persons sick or dying, and that they shall receive for their pains at the rate of 6d. per diem a peice, beside their further livelihood and subsistence.

That the said Aldermen and Coadjutors shall within their divisions assigned unto them appoint such a number of watchmen for the guarding of such houses as are or shall be infected as they shall think fit, and every such watchman for warding by day shall be allowed 8d., and for warding by night 10d.

That persons shall be nominated and appointed to bury all such persons as shall die of this infection.

That such as shall die infected shall be buried in a place called Appleton about the midst thereof, and that special order shall be taken that their graves be made of sufficient depth.

That all persons within this town do from henceforth take notice to keep up their dogs, cats, and swine, otherwise if they shall be found abroad after the publication hereof, that persons shall be appointed to shoot or kill them, or else for, the same be mulct a sum of money not exceeding 2s. for one offence, to be set upon the person offending, by the Mayor and Aldermen, &c.

That the Justices of the Peace, Aldermen, Coadjutors, and Constables hereunder named, personally see unto the several divisions of the said town, according to these orders and directions, and also with the approbation of the Mayor do execute what by the statute is appointed.

[Then follows a list of those appointed, and the divisions of the town which were to be under their superintendence.]

The sickness, which was probably a malignant fever, raged with great destructiveness around the Castle. There is no special reference to it in the parish registers at Newark, but in the register of the parish of Stoke, in which the Castle and its precincts were included, there is a long list of deaths from the plague, each entry being marked with a large cross. At the end of the list is this statement:[60]

There dyed in the towne of Stoke, 1646, eight score and one, whereof of the plague seven score and nineteen. Wilham Lloyd, Vicar, 1646.[60]

At Balderton there were 129 buried in 1646, as against 19 the previous year. The mortality seems to have been greatest in June and July, there being 31 and 28 buried in those months. In the parish register is the entry, " Wm. Chantler, curate, was buried, dying of the plague, June 17th, 1646." In the North Collingham register there are entries of the burials of 32 persons that died of the plague. The entries begin nth August, 1646, and end Dec. 23rd, when the words in the margin are " plague ceased." On Jan. 21, 1647, the inhabitants of Newark in a petition indicate the severe effects of the plague and the impoverishment of the town.[60]

They say that:

since the former order (of Parliament) the plague has consumed many persons, and the town is not yet clear. Robert Sutton's (Lord Lexington) wife, Lady Anne Lexington, could not by reason of the plague in and about Newark go in person to her house, nor send her servants to assemble her tenants, so as to inform the committee of the value of the estate, all the writings being lost. [61]

Costs

Though so closely invested, the Newarkers made many desperate and successful sallies to keep themselves supplied with provisions. The Parliamentarians accused them of "violence and cruelty" in their work. The same writer says[62]

By letters dated the 19th, we understand that the Newark forces endeavoured, with all possible diligence and the exercise of violence and cruelty, to fetch all the provisions they could out of the country into that garrison, carrying away as prisoners many of the chief men out of those towns where they had not paid all their taxes and arrears; and if they were not brought in within eight days after, the enemy sent out parties to fire their houses and make a total destruction of all they found, as may be seen by this ensuing warrant directed to the constables, &c., of Isington (? Ossington) : —

I do much marvel that you have no more care of me nor yourselves, but let your assistants run so far, but now I have got two of your inhabitants, I wish you, as you do tender the good of yourselves and them, that you would gather my assessment, which is £200, or else expect to hear from me in another way, for I assure you, by the word of a gentleman, who-so-ever is wanting or backward in this tax, I will protest (although he be my friend), yet I set fire to his house (as I live). Therefore, I command you not to fail, as you expect safety of your house and timely answer it at your peril. Given under my hand 10th November, 1645.[63]

Robert Dallison.[21]

Not only the besieged, but the besiegers, were in great straits for want of money. The parishes around must have suffered severely, being squeezed by both parties for money and provisions. The little village of Upton paid in weekly assessment to the Scots, who controlled the country around their camp, in the course of three months, a total sum of £69 6s. 8d. The Common Council of London were asked to advance £30,000 by way of loan towards payment of the Scots' army, and agreed to do the best they could to raise the amount at 8 per cent, interest. This was on December 6th. The Scots were to have reached Newark on November 1st, and "the said Committee (of both Kingdoms) declared that the Scots' army are now come near Newark, and have taken a bridge and fort appertaining to it."[64]

A further £6,000 was borrowed of the Treasurers of Goldsmiths' Hall, to be disposed of and paid to the Scotch forces before Newark on Dec. i8th. On December 19th, the Committee wrote to Poyntz and Rossiter saying that they were informed provisions were daily carried into Newark on the south side, and desiring them to do their utmost to prevent it. Orders were issued in all directions for more troops. Another writer of the period says:

From the North, by letters of the 14th, it was advertised that the Scottish army quarters still about Muscombe bridge, on the north of Newark, and Col. Gen. Poyntz on the north, in this manner: — 4 troops of horse and 600 foot on the Lincolnshire side, about Belvoir; Colonel Rossiter, Major Lebunts, and Major Heynes, at Belshingham [Beckingham] and Claypole; 500 of the Isle of Ely foot at Long Bellington [Bennington]; Major Gibbs, his regiment and Leicester foot, being 600, at Stoke; and when Lynn foot come up they doubt not to perfect the quarters on the north-east. On Wednesday, the 17th ult., about 60 of the enemy sallied forth of Newark upon Capt. Penn's quarters, who was then upon his guard with about 40 men, and received the enemy with much gallantry, killed 4 of them, and pursued the rest near unto the enemy's works. This action speaks much of the valour of our men, but being too eager in the pursuit they fell unawares into the enemy's ambuscade, by which means twenty of them were taken prisoners.[65]

Scottish army

General David Lesley asked them by a letter of the same date to provide for the weekly maintenance of the Scots' army as follows:

  • 3,600 foot, at 4d. per day for seven days, £420;
  • officers of foot of eight regiments, £500;
  • 4,000 horsemen, at is. 6d. per day, £2,100 ;
  • officers of the horse, £1,960 ;
  • officers with the staff and train of artillery, £300;

in all, the weekly sum of £5,280. The Committee of Parliament replied that they would provide £10,000 for 28 days, a third part in money and two-thirds in provisions; whereupon General Lesley wrote, "it will not amount to the half of what may make us subsist, and is impossible for me to condescend to".Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).

The Committee declared they could not provide more, and in a despatch to the House of Commons stated "we on the place know too well provisions in these counties to be exhausted". They urge the House to "finish this service speedily", and add, "your being told that men and the mortar pieces are coming will not do our business, but some of you must see the men on the march and the mortar pieces on the way".[28]

The deplorable condition of the county at this critical period is well depicted in a petition of the inhabitants on the north side of the Trent, presented in January, 1646, setting forth that the cost to the county had within the last three years amounted to above a million of money. The petitioners say that the charge of the army had already been £261,189 7s. 2d., though all the bills had not been brought in, and they go on to state " this part of the county is still charged with an assessment of £2,500 weekly, besides, for the most part, free quarter for all officers and listed soldiers, and for all men, women and boys depending on or shadowing themselves under that army, and that which is worst of all is the tyranny and evils incident to free quarter in the best governed armies. If that £2,500 with the charge of free quarter shall still continue, it cannot be less in our opinion than £5,000 weekly, which must be borne by two parts in three of an half of this county, by reason of untenanted grounds and places visited with the sickness."[66]

Equally strong representations were made to the Commons by the committee of the impoverished condition of the county, and it was pointed out that the people could not much longer subsist in their houses, and that unless some speedy means could be devised for maintaining the troops the siege would have to be raised.[67]

Parliament decided to meet the difficulty by requesting a reduction of the Scots army to 2,000 horse and 1,000 dragoons. This was in February, during which month we find a bitter complaint from the Scots of the non-payment of the troops, who then numbered 4,136 horse and 2,836 foot.[68] In their letter to the Peers they say, "The foot soldiers have not received eighteen pennyworth of provisions since our coming to Newark, and when the Quartermaster-General, who is now a second time sent hither for the purpose to represent the necessities of the army, did come from thence, there was not £10 worth of provisions in the magazine for the whole army".[69]

Grave complaints were made from the villages that in their dilemma the Scots inflicted harsh treatment on the inhabitants. There had been similar complaints of outrages previously committed in Yorkshire, which caused the English Commissioners to write to Gen. Lesley on the subject, stating that these things so much concerned the public service against Newark, and the good correspondence of both Kingdoms, "that we desire a speedy redress". Gen. Lesley, in a letter dated from East Bridgford, 23 January 1646, promised that if anything came to his knowledge the offenders would be punished.[70] A pamphlet was issued, containing:

((quote

— two letters from Lieut.-Gen. Lesley to the Scotch Commissioners residing at London, together with the voluntary service of divers well affected gentry in Nottinghamshire, with their names inscribed, concerning the carriage of the Scotch army in these parts.Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).

Gen. Lesley's letter is dated from Kelham, Feb. 26th, 1645/46, in which he says he is grieved to hear there are so many false reports spreading of the carriage of the army, yet it is some comfort to him that the gentry of Nottinghamshire, where the army doth reside, have been pleased in a letter to him to give them a better character. He says, "I have likewise thought fit to acquaint your Lordships that I have received discharges from several villages where the army quarters, and you may rest assured that nothing shall be wanting that lyeth in my power for easing the country. I can wish that the bridge was made over the river timously that we might join with the forces on the other side for blocking up the town on all parts."[71]

The certificate appended states that the burdens have been equally and regularly laid upon them, and acknowledges with thankfulness the readiness of Gen. Lesley to ease them, "and so to order and regulate the army and to do his best endeavours to preserve them." The writers say, "We are sorry that our poverty and weakness cannot answer your merits and nobleness;" and thus conclude, "We shall ever pray for the increase of your honour and happiness in the manifestation we have now."[72]

The document is dated from Southwell, 3rd Feb., 1646, and 47 signatures are appended to the certificate, including such well known names as those of F. Molineux, Acton Burnell, F. H. O. Sherbrooke. Math. Palmer, Ed. Nevile, Original Biron, Joe Odingsell, &c. Gen. Lesley adds that he has issued a proclamation, commanding all officers and soldiers not to presume, on pain of death, to offer the least wrong or violence, and inviting any who shall receive any wrong or injury to make their appearance freely at headquarters to exhibit their complaints.[73]

Account books

A good idea of the excessive burden which the war laid upon the shoulders of the people may be gleaned from the account book of the parish of Thorpe, near Newark, which dates back to the Civil War period, and is kept with unusual care. The entries made in the time of Wm. Bayly, constable, show that assessment was made for Nottingham for 11 weeks beginning 3th April, 1645. at the rate of 8d. in the pound.nSir Guy Palms heads the list with £2 19s. 4d., and the total amount of the assessment came to £13 15s. 0d.[74]

It was followed on the 21st June, 1645. with an assessment for the raising of £20 quarterly, to be paid to Newark, from which it appears that the unfortunate little parish was squeezed by both parties, paying contributions to the Parliamentarians and to the Royalist forces. An assessment of £20 was raised (part to Newark by Mr. Butler or his tenants there) from 18 people.[74]

Matthew Doubleday subscribed £7 of it, and Richard Baguley £2. In July, August, and September of 1645, tlie assessment from Thorpe to be paid to the garrison at Newark amounted to £14, Matthew Doubleday being mulct in £4 18s. 0d. more.[74]

In the three subsequent months they paid to Newark another £14.; and in pursuance of an assessment made December 17th of the same year for five weeks, there was paid to Waior Widmerpool £40, including £20 from Sir Guy Palms and the commissioners of Newark, Matthew Doubleday again having to pay £6 6s. 8d. Anassessment was made 24th Jan., 1645-6, on Capt. Goodriche of £8, Sir Guy Palms and the commissioners being down for £4.[74]

Then there was a weekly assessment made of 41s. 3d. for the maintenance of the Horse (Guards ; and subsequently there came one of 40s. a week, to be paid to Nottingham, beginning 12th May, 1646. On July i8th in the same year, there was a further weekly assessment for two months, after the rate of 5s. 6d. for the relief of the visited people of Balderton. On April 28th, 1647, £4 4s. od. was collected for the English army in Ireland, and a rate of 2d. in the £ was levied on the 1st May for one month's pay for two soldiers' quarters.[74]

On the 24th May 1d. in the pound was called in for two weeks' pay, for the quarterage of two soldiers, and various other calls for soldiers' expenses. There was also a ley made "for repairinge the mill bridge and other uses for the towne".[75]

On Dec. 21st, 1647, an assessment was made for six months, after the rate of 24s. a month, for the maintenance of the army of Sir Thomas Fairfax; and 1d. in the pound on July 8th, 1648, for the bringing in of horse for the Parhament service.[76]

August 21st, 1648, £6 9s. od. was levied for the fortifjnng and furnishing of the Castle of Nottingham with ammunition and victuals for the preservation of the county.[76]

On Nov. 4th, £3 15s. 5d. was contributed for quartering of two soldiers belonging to Capt. Birkberk's and Col. Whife's regiments; and on the same date a further assessment of 5d. in the pound for quartering of 50 soldiers of Col. Rainborow's regiment.[76]

Then there were levies for the maintenance of the sieges of Pontcfract and Scarborough, and for the troops of Major-Gen. Lambert, and for other military purposes, the amount contributed varying from one or two pounds at a time to £15 or £16.[76]

On the 30th Oct., 1649, there was an assessment of 11 14s. 0d. for three months, for the maintenance of the forces in England and Ireland and other rates levied for the raising of dragoons and the militia, Mr. Robert Butler and his tenants contributing £6 5s. 4d. In the items of payment by the constable of Thorpe, we find the following:[76]

— 1642. For our charges when we went to take the protestation, 3s.;

for a copy of the protestation, 6d. My charges to Newark and so to Nottingham with the King's ' wagging,' is. Paid to Bartholomew Wright for going to Nottingham with the King's wagging, 1s.

For carrying a load of the King's household to Tuxford, 15s.
My charges for hiring ye horses to Newark for ye King's wagging, 1s.
My charges for going to Newark when ye county was called in, to lend ye King money, 1s.
For our charges when we paid the money that was lent to the King, 2s.

In 1643, among the expenses of Edward Wilde, constable, were the following:[76]

To the committee of Newark, £1 10s. 0d. Paid to the Queen's poulterer in geese, turkeys, chickens, and rabbits, 1s.
My charges for carrying the Queen's provisions, 1s.
For carrying the Queen's provision next week, is.
For carrying in breade and cheese, 1s.
Our charges when we went to the alarm at Newark, 1s. 2d.

My charges when I went to the commission of array, 1s.

Item for a bottle of hay for the soldiers' horses, 6d.
For making 10 yards of the workes at the garrison of Newark, £2 3s. 10d.
My charges for going with the horse to the committee of Newark, 1s.
My charges for carrying a bushel of rye to Newark, 1s.
Item for carrying a lame souldier to Newark, 6d.
Item for carrying provision to ye garrison at Newark, 6d.

In 1647, amongst other items laid out by the next constable, Bartholomew Wright, are the following:[76]

Paid ye maimed soldiers, when we went about the subsidy to Newark, 4d.
Paid the expenses of the soldiers at Stoke, 2s.
My charges for gathering the subsidy and paying it, 1s.
Given to the Parliament soldiers, 4d.
My charges at Newark with the soldiers who came for quarters, 6d.
Paid the British army, £4.
Two soldiers, one month's pay for their quarters, £2 8s. 0d. [Other items for

the quartering of soldiers follow.]

Paid Matthew Doubleday, for going to Nottingham when the country was called in about the soldiers' quarters, 2s. 6d.

Amongst the items of 1648 are:

Paid two musketeers coming to me at Stoke about the assessment, 2s.
For raising of the horse for the parliament service, £2 14s. 4d.
Towards the disbanding of the new levied troop of dragoons of Col. White's regiment, £10 13s. 0d.
Paid to Mr. Death, of Balderton, for the charges of them that went with the petition to the Parliament, about the country's grievances, 4s.
For our charges when the country was called in to Newark to give an account of the paying of the £2,000 laid upon this county for the maintenance of Col. White's regiment, is. 4d.

Similar levies were made on other parishes around. Thus, the yearly rent of Brodholme, Notts., being £165 17s. 4d., it paid an assessment at the rate of 2s. 1d. in the pound. Viz., £17 3s. od.

There has been paid out of the parish of Thorney to the garrison of Newark five assessments of £13.

These entries serve to show the heavy and constant tax which was pat upon residents in all parts of the county of Nottingham, and what ruinous burdens they had to bear until more peaceful times were enjoyed.[76]


So also the parish constable's accounts of Upton abound in entries of payments in connection with the English Civil War. The book is admirably kept, the payments being entered under each year, but unfortunately in many cases not specifying the day or month. Thus sometime in 1642 and 1643 there was:[77]

[1642], spent for the King's provision, 12s.1id.; given to two lame soldiers who came from the King's army in October, 2s.
[1643], spent when we were at the Castle of New ... 1s.;[78]
paid for bread and cheese and drink for the foot soldiers which did run away from Newark, but were taken at Southwell, is. 2d.;
paid to George Ward and Richard Ward going to Newark with plans when the Queeri was there, 6d.;
when I went to carry provisions for the Queen, spent 4d.;
spent when I went to Morton concerning a draught to go with the Queen, 4d.;
spent for the soldiers when they went to Newark when the Queen was there, being called on by warrant, is. 8d.;
paid for boating men over when they went to the works, 4d.;

and several payments for lodging soldiers from Newark Castle.[77]

In 1644 Jane Kitchin, widow, was parish constable "she hiring one to serve the constable's office for the present year". Her payments include the following items:[77]

Spent when the soldiers kept the court of guard at George Houghton's house, yd.;
spent at Kirk's when the quartermasters were writing the billets, 1s. 2d.;
paid for a soldier which did lie sick at Kirk's, for his meat, lodging, and drink, l0d.;
paid for ale for a soldier, his horse being tired, 1d.;
paid to Thos. Kitchin for guarding a soldier to Norwell, 6d.;
given to eight men which had been prisoners at Derby, 1s.;
given to a soldier which was sick who had a pass to be riding from constable to constable to his abiding place, 6d.;
spent when we went to Capt. White's for to procure a warrant for Morton to bear a third part of the assessment, 1s. 6d.;
given to six soldiers which did guide the prisoners through the town, 6d.;
when I went to Ayerham weir with the townsmen, 6d.;
paid to Walker for gathering victuals for the Parliament army, 2s. 1d.;
spent when 10 soldiers came from Rollestone for peas and oats, being of the Lord of Loughborough his regiment, 1s. 2d.;

given to two of Col. Eyre, of Hassop, his men, which had lost their company, 1s.; paid to four carters which went with the oats when Prince Rupert was at Newark, 20s.;

paid for boating the men over the Trent when they went to the works, 4d.;
gave to two soldiers which came from the Marquis of Newcastle, 4d.
[There are many other payments of a like nature to soldiers, a payment for a cart rope

when the carts went with Prince Rupert]

[a gift to a boy] which was robbed coming from Wingfield Manor, being of Sir Richard Byron's troop.
[Also a payment of] 6d. to Edward Harper and Henry Asling going to Newark to the bulwarks;
paid for six strikes of peas which the Parliament had upon Kelham Hill, when they laid siege against Newark, 11s.;
for going to Newark when Major Palmer would have quartered 30 men with us, spent 1s. 2d.

In 1645, when William CuUen was constable, the payments included:[77]

[money] spent on Col. Eyre's soldiers which came for draughts to fetch lead from Southwell in the night, Feb. 8th;

my charges (3rd March) when I went for four men to Newark to the bulwarks, 8d.;
given to a poor man which had lost all his goods by the armies, 2d.;
June 8th, spent on three draughts that led hay from Rolleston to Newark for Col. WiUis, 8d.;
I paid for two hundred and four score pounds of bread £1 6s. 8d., and for four score pounds of cheese at Nottingham £1 3s. 4d.;
paid to Richard Skinner's wife for ale for the Parliament soldiers, drunk when they came one night from Mansfield to keep the guard at the Cross, 4s.;
spent at Southwell when the Scotchmen took me for their guide, 4d.;
paid to Nottingham, as appears by the quittances, from 18th April to 13th October,

£22 16s. 0d.

In 1646 there are heavy disbursements for the support of the Scotch then besieging Newark;

paid weekly assessment to the Scots army, from the 4th Feb., 1645, to 6th May, 1646, being

13 weeks at the rate of £5 6s. 8d. per week, £69 6s. 8d.[77]

After the wars there are sundry payments to disbanded soldiers, and is. to two decayed gentlemen, their wives, and seven children, which had lost their estates in the Parhament's service in Ireland, they having General Poynes' letter from York to be relieved on their journey to London ; and in 1647, paid Mr. Crumwell for the casting down of the bulwarks, 14s. 8d.[79]

These disbursements could only be met with difficulty by the villages, while the straits to which Newark itself was put is further illustrated by an entry in the minutes recording the sale of Corporation plate. After an account of a meeting of Thomas Smith, Mayor, and the Aldermen, in the Moothall, on the 15th May, 1646, "for ye supplying of ye roome of Wilham Richards, late alderman, deceased, and the better regulating of the tcwne in the time of visitation", when William Barrett was elected alderman and Robert Geniscn co-adjutor, there is this entry in a different hand:[80]

Plate delivered to Mr. Edward Standishe, Alderman, bv consent, to be sold for the towne's use, and to supplie theire present want of money at the surrender of the towne:

Imprimis thirteen Apostle spoones,
Itm twoe high Beere Bowles,
Itm twoe wine bowles,
Itm one guilt wine bowle,
Itm one great guilt goblett,
Itm five Trencher salts,
Itm one great stooped salt.
The whole parcell weighing [not recorded][80]

Following this entry is the following:

Thomas Roughton, by his will in writing, dated the l0th day of Aprill, 1646, gave to the towne of Newarke a legacie of £20 in these words:

£20 to the Town of Newark, to the best use the(y) can put it to. It was ordered by Mr. Maior to be employed towards the maintenance of the poor this year in the time of the visitation of ye plague, John Roughton, his brother, being executor.[80]

In April, 1649, it was ordered

that noe maulster or badger[81] whatsoever shall or doe dureing this time of scarcitie buy any barley within this town or markett to convert the same into mault, upon paine to be proceeded against in the Sessions of the Peace within this towne.[80]

As will have been seen (from the numerous quotations we have made) a good deal of information about Newark was published in the newspapers of the period. In addition to this, the siege produced a literature of its own. The Judge Advocate General was the poet, John Cleveland, to whom is attributed a song published to cheer the garrison, and whose poems were subsequently collected by E. Williamson.[82] This gentleman, in an address "to the discerning reader", dated Newark, Nov. 21st, 1658, says,[80]

It was my fortune to be in Newark when it was besieged, where I saw a few manuscripts of Mr. Cleveland's. These were offered to the judicious consideration of one of the most accomplished persons of our age, but he refused to have them on any further examination, as he did not conceive that they could be published without some injury to the writer, from which time they have remained sealed and locked up, neither can I wonder at this obstruction when I consider the disturbances our author met with in the time of the siege, how scarce and bad the paper was, the ink hardly to be discerned on it. The intimacie I had with Mr. Cleveland before and since these Civil Wars gained most of these papers from him, it being not the least of his misfortunes that out of the love he had to pleasure his friends, he was unfurnished with his own manuscripts.[83]

Professor Morley says,

One of the heartiest attackers of the Puritans in his verse was John Cleveland, who joined the Royal army in the Civil Wars, and was made Judge Advocate to the troops in Newark. He escaped when the town surrendered, and was not taken till 1655, when Cromwell assented to his plea that he had been what his conscience made him, an honest opponent, and released him. Cleveland died in 1659.[84]

An old writer attributes to him the bold declaration at the close of Lord Belasyse's spirited answer to the summons to surrender. He says:[83]

John Cleveland went from Oxford, where he was much caressed by the King's army, to the garrison at Newark, where upon some occasion of drawing of articles, or some writing, he would needs add a short conclusion, viz., "and hereunto we annex our lives as a label to our trust". After the King was beaten out of the field, he came to London. He was a comely plump man, good curled haire, darke browne. Dyed of the scurvy, and lies buried in St. Andrew's Church, in Holborn, A.D. 165(9).[85]

Anotlier writer on the Royalist side was Colonel Thomas Dymock. He issued an essay in defence of the King, "penned at the last siege and surrender of Newark", and bearing the singular title, "England's Dust and Ashes Raked up, or The King and People beguiled".[83]"England's++dust+and+ashes+raked+up"&source=bl&ots=oQXwY1JrKA&sig=PidMYVkqaIUlsTmxZK6bQ0RyKfs&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiRtqzm6evWAhXqJcAKHbe_BjYQ6AEINTAD#v=onepage&q="England's dust and ashes raked up"&f=false "England's++dust+and+ashes+raked+up"&source=bl&ots=1j9cUh8O9T&sig=cxzszFpsMpx_KgNjGuEx9bBJYq4&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiRtqzm6evWAhXqJcAKHbe_BjYQ6AEIOzAF#v=onepage&q="England's dust and ashes raked up"&f=false"England's++dust+and+ashes+raked+up"&source=bl&ots=UONVRDxogq&sig=RklfgObt7OnrU9AQXISqEaf1Gds&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiRtqzm6evWAhXqJcAKHbe_BjYQ6AEIMjAC#v=onepage&q="England's dust and ashes raked up"&f=false

In a scarce little volume in the Dyce library. South Kensington Museum, "Men Miracles, with other Poemes," by Martin Lluellyn, M.D., 1656, is an "Elegie on C. W. H. slaine at Newark",[83][1] and evidently a scholar and soldier. It ends thus —

This temper rais'd thee so, that we must call
Newarke the purchase of thy conquering Fall,
When victors dye to receive their Renowne,
Some leave a Tombe, but thou hast left a Towne.

In a many-volumed set of "Sermons before the Long Parliament," in the Forster Library, South Kensinton Museum, is the following :— " The Palace of Justice opened and set to view, in a sermon at Margarets, Westminster, before the House of Commons, 12 May, 1646. Being the day of their Solemn Thanksgiving, for regaining and taking in the severall garisons of . . Newarke. By Sam. Torshel." The text was Deuteronomy xvi., 20.

Sir Hemy Slingsby, a Yorkshire baronet, in his "Diary", pubhshed in 1836, writes, in 1645, of going "in disguise from Newark to my own house with intention to supply my wants with money, whereof a long time I had had great scarcity"; and again, "I went to my own house ... after I had satisfy'd myself with one day's stay, and taken £40 in gold, I resolv'd to go back to Newark ... and as I came so I went, in disgirise ... and by good fortune return'd safe to Newark." He speaks of the "garison" as being " well fortified and victual'd, especial for bread and beer".[86]

Stephen Anderson, who was a great Loyalist, was almost ruined. All Appleby was his, and he sold it to aid the King. He was in the siege of Newark when a party of the enemy sacked his house, Francis, his little son, was then out at nurse at the town of Manby, but the nurse took the child and dressed it and herself in rags, laid it on her back, and "away she ran with it to Newark, and got safe into the town".[87]

Some relics of the war remain. In the Chauntry House sale, 1885, were four cannon balls, found near the town; and in February 1879, an old cannon, 3ft. 7in. long, was "fished up at Crankley Point by some men dredging for gravel. It had been broken at the breech, and thus rendered useless for military purposes". It is now at the Castle, where are also an oval cannon shot, found in the west wall of the Castle in 1897, and a cannon ball found in the river near Viaduct Bridge, South Muskham.

In the possession of Mr. W. Bradley, is a musket (caliver) which was also found in the river.[88]

Notes

  1. ^
    A — Col. Gen. Poyntz quarter in the field.
    B — Col. Rossiter's quarter in the field.
    C — Col. Theo. Gray's quarters.
    D — Col. Hen. Gray's quarters.
    E — The Scots' quarters.
    F — A sconce formerly the Newarkers.
    G — Two works made by the Scots.
    H — Where Muskhain Bridge stood.
    I — Where Kelham Bridge stood, now a bridge of boats.
    K — A ford in the river staked over.
    L — A check to turn the water to Newark.
    M — A dam made over the river by Gen. Poyntz.
    N — The Water Mill for corn.
    O — The Corn Mills.
    P — Powder Mills.
    Q — The Dams made by the Newarkers to hold up the water.
    R — The Bridge over the Trent fortified with an iron turnpike.
    S — An outwork of the Newarkers.
    T — Newark Castle.
    V — King's Sconce.
    W— Col, Gray's Sconce.
    X — An old work of the Newarkers.
    Y — A redoubt of the Scots.
    1 — Two bridges of boats.
    2 — Redoubts of the Scots.
    3 — More redoubts of the Scots.
    4 — Three works of the Scots.
    5 — A flanked redoubt.
    6 — Work of the Scots.
    7 — Queen's Sconce.
    8 — Redoubt of Gen. Poyntz.
    9 — Gen, Poyntz approach.
    10 — Col, Rossiter's approach.
    11 — Col. Rossiter's battery.
    12 — Approaches and works made upon Balderton Lane.
    13 — Rossiter's Sconce upon the line.
    14 — Craford's Sconce.
    15 — Gray's fort.
    16 — Moll's horn works.
    17 — The redoubts and bulwarks.
    18 — The redoubts and bulwarks upon the second line.
    19 — Two works of the Scots.[19]

  1. ^ Plant, David (6 July 2007). "The Third Siege of Newark, 1646". BCW Project. Retrieved 12 October 2017.
  2. ^ The name is spelt “Bellasis" in most contemporary papers, but his Lordship signed himself “Belasyse”.
  3. ^ On the Farndon Road
  4. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 92–93
  5. ^ a b c d e Brown 1904, p. 93.
  6. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 93–94.
  7. ^ a b Brown 1904, p. 94.
  8. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 94–95.
  9. ^ Brown 1904, p. 94 cites The Parliamentary History of England ... collected from the Journals of both Houses, original manuscripts, &c. (London :William Sandby, mdcclv.). Vol. xiv., p. 83. ff.
  10. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 94–95
  11. ^ In the possession of Mr. W. Bradley. {{harv|Brown|1904|p=95)
  12. ^ a b Brown 1904, p. 95.
  13. ^ Shilton 1820, pp. 105–107.
  14. ^ a b Shilton 1820, p. 125; Brown 1904, p. 95
  15. ^ Published by Authority. London: Printed by John Field, Nov. 10, 1645 (Brown 1904, p. 95)
  16. ^ Brown 1904, p. 95
  17. ^ a b c d e Brown 1904, p. 96.
  18. ^ Sir Henry Vane wrote to his father, 8 October: "We desire here speedy and positive answers declaring that if their army came unto Newark, that by 1st November one month's pay should be provided for them there, besides 200 barrels of gunpowder and match proportionate". — State Papers Domestic, 1645-1647, p. 183. (Brown 1904, p. 96)
  19. ^ a b c Brown 1904, p. 97.
  20. ^ Brown 1904, p. 97 cites A Continuation of certain special and remarkable passages, &c.
  21. ^ a b c d Brown 1904, p. 98.
  22. ^ a b c Brown 1904, p. 99.
  23. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 99–100
  24. ^ Brown 1904, p. 100
  25. ^ Brown 1904, p. 100
  26. ^ Brown 1904, p. 100–101.
  27. ^ See also Pari. Hist., xiv., p. 272. (Brown 1904, p. 101)
  28. ^ a b Brown 1904, p. 100.
  29. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 101–102
  30. ^ Brown 1904, p. 102
  31. ^ London : Printed for Matthew Walbancke, lo March, 1645(6).
  32. ^ Brown 1904, p. 102
  33. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 102–103
  34. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 103–104
  35. ^ II Pari. Hist., XIV., 295.
  36. ^ London : Printed by R. W. C. Giles Calvert, at the Black Spread Eagle, at the west end of Pauls, 1646. (Brown 1904, p. 104).
  37. ^ Brown 1904, p. 105.
  38. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 104–105
  39. ^ Brown 1904, p. 105
  40. ^ Brown 1904, p. 106 : cites London : Printed by Ed. Husband, April 6, :646.
  41. ^ Brown 1904, p. 106
  42. ^ Brown 1904, p. 106 notes that the King had written to the Parliament on March 23, offering to disband all his forces on certain conditions.
  43. ^ Brown 1904, p. 106
  44. ^ Brown 1904, p. 106. Mercurius Civicus, London Intelligencer, or truth impartially related from thence to the whole Kingdom, etc., from Thursday, April 16th, to Thursday, April 23rd, 1646. London : Printed for Tho. Bates, at the signe of the Mayden Head, on Snow Hill, near the conduit, and I. W., in the Old Bailey, 1646.
  45. ^ Brown 1904, p. 109.
  46. ^ Brown 1904, p. 113.
  47. ^ Brown 1904, p. 113 cites London printed for Edw. Husband, Printer to the Honorable House of Commons, May 4, 1646.
  48. ^ Brown 1904, p. 114 cites Parliamentary History, XIV., 377, where the summons and answer are also printed.
  49. ^ a b c Brown 1904, p. 114.
  50. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 114–115.
  51. ^ Brown 1904, p. 115 cites Hist. MSS Commission Report, XIH App
  52. ^ Brown 1904, p. 115 Sec Commons' Journals, iv., 580.
  53. ^ Perys, in his diary for Feb. 4, 1664, refers to this incident, and says it was "told hiin by Lord Bellasis at dinner at the Sun behind the Exchange."
  54. ^ Brown 1904, p. 118.
  55. ^ citing Guide to Newark, p. 77.
  56. ^ https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list/list-entry/1016050
  57. ^ a b Brown 1904, p. 119.
  58. ^ Brown 1904, p. 119 cites Dickinson's History, p. 1:3.
  59. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 119–120.
  60. ^ a b c Brown 1904, p. 120.
  61. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 120–121.
  62. ^ A Continuation, &c., from Friday, 21st Nov., to Friday, 28th. cited
  63. ^ Sir John Verney, writing on Dec. 10th, 1645, says: "The Scots are before Newark, and purpose speedily to take it. The town is in great want, and divers persons of note escape daily out of it."
  64. ^ State Papers Domestic, 1645-7, p. 250. (Brown 1904, p. 98).
  65. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 98–99
  66. ^ Brown 1904, p. 100 Pari. Hist., xiv., 205.
  67. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 100–101
  68. ^ In the manuscripts of the Duke of Portland is a copy of the account between the Committee of Parliament residing at Southwell and the Scots army now before Newark, from 11 December 1645, to 7 May 1646, being 21 weeks, the total amount assigned to them being £40,090 0s. 3d.
  69. ^ Brown 1904, p. 101 Pari. Hist., xiv., 251
  70. ^ Brown 1904, p. 101.
  71. ^ Brown 1904, p. 101
  72. ^ Brown 1904, p. 101
  73. ^ See also Pari. Hist., xiv., p. 272. (Brown 1904, p. 101)
  74. ^ a b c d e Brown 1904, p. 121.
  75. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 121–122.
  76. ^ a b c d e f g h Brown 1904, p. 122.
  77. ^ a b c d e Brown 1904, p. 123.
  78. ^ evidently referring to the first siege
  79. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 123–124.
  80. ^ a b c d e Brown 1904, p. 124.
  81. ^ Badger — a corn dealer.
  82. ^ .Cleaveland revived; poems, orations, epistles, and other of his incomparable pieces never before published, etc. Printed for N. Brook, at the Angel in Cornhill, 1659.
  83. ^ a b c d Brown 1904, p. 125.
  84. ^ Brown 1904, p. 125 cites Cassell's Library of English Literature, T., 315.
  85. ^ cites Aubrey's Miscellanies, I., 174.
  86. ^ Brown 1904, pp. 125–126.
  87. ^ Brown 1904, p. 126.
  88. ^ Brown 1904, p. 126

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References

  • Shilton, Richard Phillips (1820), The history of the town of Newark upon Trent, in the county of Nottingham, comprising an account of its antiquities, edifices, public institutions, charities, charters, etc, Publisher Newark [Eng.] Printed and sold by S. and J. Ridge, p. 103–116 {{citation}}: Unknown parameter |usr= ignored (help)


Further reading

  • Hutton, Ronald (2002), Royalist War Effort 1642-1646 ISBN: 9780203006122

Battle of Aríñez

Vitoria 1813 Dr Mark Greges Vitoria, 1813 - Dr. Mark Gerges; 35:30 only way in. 38:00 Hill is HQ of Joseph Bonaparte things Military honour will make it a lure for Wellington; 38:50-39:00; Three hundred English men at arms and archers, defeated by 6,000 spaniards

The prince when requested by Don Pedro to reinstate him on the throne of Castille, referred the matter to Sir John Chandos and Felton. Chandos was unfavourable. Felton recommended that the barons and knights of Aquitaine should be consulted in the matter. The prince replied, "It shall be done".[1] The larger council being held it was decided that Felton be sent to Spain with a fleet of twelve ships to bring Don Pedro. Having set out he landed at Bayonne, where Don Pedro had already arrived, and returned with him and his suite to Bordeaux. Power to treat with Pedro, king of Castile, was given to him as seneschal of Aquitaine representing Edward, prince of Wales, in letters dated 8 February 1362.[2]

The invasion of Spain having been agreed upon, Felton and Chandos obtained leave from the King Charles II of Navarre to cross the mountain passes into Spain. Felton preceded the prince with a small force, and found the enemy encamped near Navarrete, 1367. They were attacked by a large body of Spaniards, and all either killed or taken prisoners (see Battle of Aríñez). Felton was exchanged for the French Marshal d'Audreham, who was afterwards taken prisoner by the English at the battle of Navarrete. He subsequently took part in combats and sieges at Monsac, at Duravel, and at Domme.[2]


Felton accompanied the Black Prince in his campaign into Spain to restore Don Pedro to the throne of Castile. Chandos Herald, who was also with this expedition, of which he has written an account in a rhymed chronicle in French, makes frequent mention of Felleton Guilliam qui ot cœur de lyon. He was killed on 19 March 1367 at the battle of Aríñez a skirmish before the battle of Navarrete, in which his kinsman Sir Thomas Felton was taken prisoner. The heroic resistance of a handful of Englishmen and the rash bravery of Felton seem to have struck the imagination of the people of the country, where the recollection of this feat of arms is still to be found in legend. The mound near Ariñez in Alava on which the English fought on this day is still known in the local dialect as Inglesmundi (the Englishmen's mound).[3]

Spanish Campaign January 1367 - Early 1368 [4]


Crossed the Pyrenees 15-17 February April.[5]

Spanish campaign

Summary of the court of the Lord of Aquitaine (1363-1366). In:

The Blak Prince and his wife, the Princess Joan, and all his followers, arrived at de Eochelle in the beginning of the year 1363. Here they were met by Sir John Chandos, who had come from Niort to receive them. He was followed by a large number of knights and squires, who all greeted the Prince with great joy. They spent four days at Eochelle in feastings and merriment, and then went to Poitiers, where the prince received the homage of all the knights of Poitou and Saintonge. Then he rode on to Bordeaux, and at every city on his way the knights and barons crowded to do him homage.[6]

At Bordeaux he and his wife established their court, and received all the nobles of Aquitaine who came to pay him their respects. The court at Bordeaux was very brilliant. The prince had his father's love for feasting and fine clothes. Splendid merry-making was the fashion of the age, and life at the Black Prince's court was a succession of revels and tournaments. He was a right noble host, and knew how to make all around him happy. "Never," says Chandos the Herald, "since the birth of Christ was there such good and honourable entertainment. Every day at his table he had more than eighty knights, and four times as many esquires. There they made jousts and revels. Though all of them were subjects, yet were they all free; for he made them quite welcome. All who were about his person valued and loved him; for liberality was his staff, and nobleness his director. Eightly might men say, that search the whole world you could find no such prince." It is no wonder that the Gascon lords crowded to this court. Even the greatest of them all, the Counts of Foix and Armagnac, came to visit him, and they found that his court was as splendid as that of the King of France himself.[7]

But we must not let our eyes be dazzled by all this magnificence. To meet the expenses of his court the Prince allowed the resources of the country to be drained. Though we may admire his noble hospitality and his princely courtesy to all comers, we cannot altogether consider him a wise governor. His mind seems only to have been occupied with the desire of making his court gay and pleasant, instead of furthering the true interests of the people whom he was called upon to govern. Here again he may be taken as a type of his age. We must not judge him by any standard of our own, but by the standard of his days. But the time was fast coming when it would be no longer possible for the rulers to forget the interests of the people, when the people would at last succeed in making their voice heard; and we shall see that at the end of his days the Black Prince did not refuse to hear them.[8]

In 1364 there were great rejoicings at the birth of the Prince's first son Edward. This little Prince only lived to be seven years old: but in 1366 the Princess of Wales bore another son, called Richard of Bordeaux from his birthplace, who ruled England as Richard II.[8]

The Black Prince had not long set up his court at Bordeaux before it seemed likely that peace would again be disturbed. In his new dominions he had become the neighbour of Spain, and he was now ask to interfere in Spanish affairs.[9]

The Christian kingdoms of Iberia and the Islamic Almohad empire c. 1210

During the middle ages up to this time Spain had been of little importance in the general affairs of Europe. The energies of its Christian people had been entirely spent in fighting one long crusade against the Muslim conquest. The disunion between the small Christian kingdoms long hindered their success against the Moors. But in 1230 the Christian kingdoms of Castile and Leon were united under one ruler, who, being wise and powerful, succeeded in winning back a large territory from the Muslims. The Kings of Portugal and Aragon had also been successful in the west and east of the peninsula, and at last nothing was left of the Muslim power in Spain save the Kingdom of Granada.[9]

Whilst the Christian kingdoms of Spain were disunited, and were engaged in this desperate struggle against the Moors, on which their very existence as a nation depended, they had no time to interfere in the affairs of Europe, and except for the connexion of the Kings of Aragon with Naples and Sicily, remained almost entirely outside European politics.[9]

Now, however, things were more settled in Spain. It was divided into five kingdoms, the four Christian kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, Portugal, and Navarre, and the Muslim Kingdom of Granada. Of these Castile was the largest, and had, from its neighbourhood to the Duchy of Aquitaine, been connected with the Kings of England. Eleanor, a daughter of Henry II of England married to King Alfonso VIII of Castile in 1170,[10] and Edward I had married Eleanor of Castile. As Dukes of Aquitaine, it was the policy of the English Kings to be on friendly terms with the Kings of Castile. Contending commercial interests had provoked discord from time to time (as evidenced by the sea battle of Winchelsea (1350), when Edward III defeated the fleet of the maritime cities of Biscay; but this was in no way a quarrel between the two monarchs, and their friendly relations remained unchanged.[11]

So it happened that when the King of Castile, Don Pedro, was chased from his throne on account of his cruelty and tyranny, he turned naturally to the Black Prince, hoping to find in him a friend. He had been engaged to marry the Prince's sister, the Princess Joan, who had died of the plague at Bordeaux on her way to Spain. He called himself therefore the Prince's brother-in-law, and considered that he had a claim to the Prince's friendship.[12]

Don Pedro was cruel and wicked, and by his tyranny had gained the hatred of his subjects. He had caused many Spanish nobles to be secretly assassinated or executed for some pretended crime, and had it was said even caused the death of his own wife, who was a French Princess. Moreover, he was regarded with abhorrence by the Pope, because he oppressed the Church, and lived on friendly terms with the Moorish King of Grenada. The Pope therefore legitimatised his bastard brother, Henry of Trastamare,and encouraged him to wrest the kingdom from Don Pedro.[13]

Henry had special reasons to hate Don Pedro; for one of Don Pedro's first victims had been Henry's mother, Leonora de Guzman; and it was only with difficulty that Henry himself, and his brother Don Tello, had escaped from Pedro's hands, when he seized and executed the other members of their family.[14]

It was not difficult for Henry of Trastamare to find friends and supporters. Within his own dominions Pedro had no friends; and in Charles V of France, Henry found a ready ally. Charles had various reasons for animosity to Pedro. He resented bitterly the alleged murder of his kinswoman Blanche of Bourbon (Pedro's queen), and saw in Pedro an ally of England. Charles V was a wise and cautious man. Though he writhed under the burdensome obligations of the peace of Bretigny, he felt that he was not yet strong enough to reopen the war with England. Now he hoped that, by aiding Henry of Trastamare, he might strike a blow at the English power through their ally.[14]

Another important reason influenced Charles V in this direction. France, had been devastated by the Free Companies, who were daily growing more powerful. Pope Urban V at Avignon trembled before them, and it was equally important to both Charles V and the Pope to get rid of them. The two therefore joined together in hiring these companies to aid Henry. A treaty was concluded with the leaders of the companies, who were only too glad to engage on a military expedition in which they might hope for plenty of spoils. The French general, Bertrand Du Guesclin, whose fame had grown in the Breton War of Succession, was ransomed from captivity in Britany, so that he might lead the Free Companies into Spain. Amongst the chiefs of the companies were many English and Gascons, who went in spite of Edward III's commands to the contrary. They marched over the Pyrenees into Spain, and were met at Barcelona by Henry of Trastamare.[15]

There was no one found to take up the cause of the hated Pedro, who lost his throne without a battle, and was obliged to flee, with his two daughters, to the fortress of Corunna, and then to Bayonne. Thence he sent letters to the Black Prince, asking for his protection and aid.[15]

The Black Prince listened for a moment to the entreaties of a man whose own crimes had lost him his throne, and whose wickedness drew on him universal abhorrence. But, on the other hand, there were many things which recommended Pedro to him. He was the ally of England, and as a helpless fugitive asked for aid; it was always the part of a true knight to succour the distressed. Again, there was a very strong feeling in favour of the legitimate sovereign, however great his crimes might be (Divine Right of Kings). The whole situation appealed strongly to the chivalric spirit of the Prince. As a Christian knight, it was his duty, without any further thought of policy, to receive the fugitive hospitably, and help him to win back his rightful inheritance.

Some motives of policy also came in to influence him. Should an ally of France be placed on the throne of Castile, the Black Prince would be awkwardly placed in Aquitaine, with a declared enemy on one side, and a probable enemy on the other. Possibly also he indulged in some hope that he might get substantial advantages from aiding Pedro, and that he might even be able to annex the maritime province of Biscaya, with all its thriving commercial cities, whose spirit of enterprise led them to compete even with England herself.

Still the policy which could lead the Black Prince to help Pedro was not very far-sighted. He might have seen that it would be impossible to establish firmly on the throne a ruler so much hated as was Pedro. In the end the opposite party must triumph, and then he would find that he had embittered them against himself by helping their enemy. His wisest course would have been to do all in his power to secure the friendship of Henry of Trastamare; but this was opposed to all his feelings of what was due to an ally in distress.

On receiving Don Pedro's letters, the Black Prince immediately sent for Sir John Chandos and Sir William Felton, his chief advisers, and said to them, smiling, "My lords, here is great news from Spain." He then told them what he had heard, and begged them to tell him frankly what they thought he ought to do. They advised him to send a body of soldiers to bring Don Pedro safely to Bayonne, that they might learn his condition from his own mouth. Their advice pleased the Prince, and he sent Sir William Pelton and a number of other knights to fetch Don Pedro. They met him at Bayonne, and treating him with the utmost honour, brought him to Bordeaux.

The Prince rode out of the town at the head of his knights to meet the fugitive king. He greeted him respectfully, and led him into the city with great courtesy. An apartment had been prepared for him, and in all things he was treated with the . honour due to a reigning sovereign. Feasts and tournaments were held, and everything was done which could make him forget his miserable condition. Don Pedro on his side did all he could to attach the Prince to his interests. He had nothing but promises to give, and of these he was most liberal, promising rich gifts of money and lands to 1366] THE BLACK PRINCE & DON PEDRO. 157

the Prince, and all his knights, if they would help his cause.

There were not wanting wise men amongst the Prince's counsellors to dissuade him from giving Don Pedro any help. They spoke to him of his secure and prosperous condition, telling him that he could want for nothing more, and that to try for more might endanger what he already possessed. They showed him the unworthiness of Pedro, how he was an enemy to religion, had oppressed his subjects, and was hated by all men. But all this made no impression on the Prince. He could not shut his eyes to Don Pedro's distress, nor forget that he had come as a fugitive to ask his help. Before deciding upon anything, however, he assembled a great council of all the barons of his duchy to ask their advice. Many of the council were eager for the enterprise, as knights in those days longed for anything which might win them honour. They agreed, however, to send ambassadors to England, to ask the advice of the King.

When the answer came back, it appeared that Edward III. and his council were clearly of the same opinion as the Prince. They advised him to aid Don Pedro with all the force at his command. The expedition was determined upon; but next arose the question of payment. The barons of Aquitaine were not willing to engage in this enterprise at their own expense. Don Pedro assured the Prince that there need be no difficulty on this head; once restored to the throne of Castile, he would have abundant treasure at his command, and would pay all the expenses of the war. The Black Prince put such trust in his word, that he made himself answerable for the expenses of the war, believing that Pedro would not fail to pay him. Chandos and Felton, however, advised the Prince to melt down some of his plate, of which he possessed an enormous quantity, for immediate expenses. Swords and coats of mail were forged at Bordeaux in preparation for the expedition.

Letters were sent to the leaders of the English Free Companies, who had accompanied Henry of Trastamare into Spain, bidding them return and aid in this expedition. It was a matter of perfect indifference to these companies for whom they fought, provided they had pay and booty enough. Though they had helped Henry of Trastamare to the throne, they were quite willing to serve under the banner of the Black Prince, and to pull down in turn the king whom they had set up.

It was necessary to obtain permission from the King of Navarre to pass through his dominions, which lay between Aquitaine and Castile. Charles the Bad had pledged himself to Henry of Trastamare not to let any troops pass through his kingdom; but he was soon persuaded by the promise of a large sum of money to break his word.


  • - expedition. The Black Prince did his utmost to attach the Free Companies firmly to him, by distributing amongst them the money which he had raised by melting down his plate. His father, learning his want of money, had consented to send him the yearly payment made by the French in consideration of the sum of money still due for King John's ransom. This money also was distributed amongst the companies.

On Wednesday, the feast of the Epiphany, when the Black Prince's preparations for leaving Bordeaux were already complete, he was rejoiced by the birth of his son Eichard. He stayed to see his child baptized by the Archbishop of Bordeaux, and on the following day his wife had to take leave of him. She was filled with anxiety at his departure, as the expedition was considered to be full of danger; and the herald Chandos tells us that she bitterly lamented his departure, saying, "Alas! what will happen to me if I shall lose the true flower of gentleness, the flower of magnanimity—him who in the world has no equal to be named for courage? I have no heart, no blood, no veins, but every member fails me when I think of his departure." But when the Prince heard her lamentation he comforted her, and said, "Lady, cease your lament, and be not dismayed; for God is able to do all things." Then he took his leave of her very tenderly, and said lovingly, "Lady, we shall meet again in such case, that we shall have joy, both we and all our friends; for my heart tells me this." Then they embraced with many tears, and all the dames and damsels of the court wept also, some weeping for their lovers, some for their husbands. [graphic]

The Prince and his knights left Bordeaux on January 10th, and went to Dax, where the troops were collecting. A few days afterwards, the Prince's brother, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, arrived at Bordeaux with a body of troops which he had brought from England to aid in the expedition. He was welcomed with great joy by the Princess and her ladies. He would not stay, however, but pressed on to Dax, where his brother waited his coming. Froissart tells us that the two brothers were very happy in this meeting, for they had much affection for each other; and many proofs of affection passed between them and their men.

Meanwhile Henry of Trastamare had not been idle in preparing for this invasion. All Spain was 1S67] SERTRAND DU Guesclin. 161

on his side, and the French King had sent troops to his assistance under his general, Bertrand du Guesclin. Much romance has been woven round the history of this famous man, who was to be the arm by which Charles V. should free himself from the English, and who himself, at one time the leader of a free company, was to deliver France from the scourge of the companies. It is difficult in the story of his life to separate truth from romance. He was a Breton, and in those days it was said that none in France were good soldiers except the Bretons and the Gascons. His origin is obscure, and he is supposed to have been the son of a peasant. Even his most enthusiastic admirers allow him to have been a rough, rude man, extremely ugly, of middle height, with a dark complexion and green eyes, long arms and large shoulders. As a tactician, he was far in advance of such simple soldiers as Edward III. and the Black Prince. He had advanced beyond the ideas of chivalry, where the one aim was to fight bravely. He preferred to win by cunning, if possible, and did not care how often he broke his plighted word. He was one of a new race of soldiers, who sought to win by tactics rather than by hard fighting, to avoid a battle rather than risk one. Still, if it were necessary to fight, he was always foremost, and knew no fear. He gave no quarter, and thirsted for revenge against his foes. The characteristic way in which he always plunged into the thickest of the battle without M

thinking of his own safety, is shown by the fact that he was twice in his life taken prisoner. When he had money he was prodigal of it, but he was at all times eager for booty and pillage. He had fought with success in Britany against De Montfort and the English, and was now ready to measure his strength with the most renowned captain of his age, the Black Prince.

Charles V., King of France, to whom history has given the name of the Wise, only complied with the conditions of the peace of Bretigny, that time might strengthen his resources, whilst it weakened those of his enemies. Not a brave soldier himself —in the battle of Poitiers he was one of those who first sought safety in flight—he had no ambition to command his own armies as the other monarchs of his age had done; but his wisdom had made him lay his hand upon Du Guesclin, as the fit person to be his general.

In spite of the agreement which the English had made with the King of Navarre, they were still afraid of him, for they heard that he had again begun to treat with Henry of Trastamare. The Black Prince ordered two of the frontier towns of Navarre to be invested with English troops, and compelled the King of Navarre to accompany the army until it had safely passed through his dominions. They crossed the Pyrenees by the pass of Koncesvalles. The passage through these narrow defiles was most dangerous and difficult, as it was now the middle of winter. 186?] MARCH INTO SPAIN. 16$

The entire army was almost overwhelmed by a frightful snow-storm, which overtook them in the mountains. They suffered great loss both in men and beasts, but at last reached the valley of Pampeluna, where they stopped to recruit their forces. Whilst they were waiting there, the King of Navarre, as he was riding about, was taken prisoner by a French captain. He was supposed to have purposely allowed this to happen, that he might be freed from all further personal responsibility as to the war. One of his knights however conducted the Prince through the kingdom of Navarre, and provided guides for the army through the difficult mountain roads. The army crossed' the deep and rapid Ebro by the bridge at Logrono, and encamped near the little town of Navarette. Don Henry and Du Guesclin were not far off, encamped near Najera on the little river Najerilla.

From Navarette the Black Prince sent his manifesto to Don Henry. In this he stated that he had come to restore the legitimate king to his throne, and expressed his amazement that Henry, who had sworn allegiance to his brother, should have ventured afterwards to take up arms against him, and drive him from his rightful throne. He called God and St. George to witness that he was willing even now to settle the dispute by mediation; but if that were refused, there was nothing left for it but to fight. Henry answered on the following day. He said that the whole kingdom


had fallen away from Don Pedro, and attached themselves to him; that it was heaven's doing, and no one had a right to interfere. He also, in God's name and St. Iago's, had no desire for a battle; but he forbade the enemy to press any further into his country.

On their march to Logrono, the Prince's army had suffered much from want of provisions; he was therefore eager for a battle as soon as possible; but the enemy waited to attack till all their troops should have arrived. Sir William Felton went with a body of men to reconnoitre the enemy, but was attacked by a large number of French and Spaniards, and was slain, after a most valiant fight. Sir Hugh Calverly, another of the bravest English knights, was also surprised and slain by a large body of Spaniards, who had gone out under Don Tello, Henry's brother, to reconnoitre the English army.

These successes filled the Spaniards with joy and confidence. Hemy said to his brother, "I will reward you handsomely for this; and I feel that all the rest of our enemies must at last come to this pass." But on this one of the French knights spoke up, and bade him not be too confident; for with the Black Prince wasthe_flower of chivalry of the whpleZjrorlcl, all hardy and tough combatants,, who would^jjje_jratheiL_than think ofTlying. "But," he added, "if you follow my advice7you~can take them all without striking a blow." He then advised Henry simply to keep 1367] PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE. 165

watch over all the passes and defiles, so that no provisions could be brought to the English army, and when famine had done its work, to attack them as they retreated. This advice was very sound, and would doubtless have been successful if it had been followed; but Henry was far too impetuous a knight to be content to pursue a policy of inaction. He crossed the little river Najerilla with his army, and spread out his forces in a beautiful open plain, which was broken neither by tree nor bush for a great distance. The army was divided into three battalions, and their front was covered by men who threw stones with slings. When all were formed in order, Henry mounted a handsome mule and rode through the ranks, exhorting and encouraging the men.

The Black Prince meanwhile was not very far off. The previous night he had been encamped at a distance of only two leagues from the enemy, and was now marching to meet him in full battle array. He crossed a hill to reach the plain where Henry's army lay, and advanced down a long, deep valley. The sun was just rising when the two armies came in sight of one another, and it was a beautiful sight, says Froissart, to see the battalions as they advanced to meet, their brilliant armour glittering in the sunbeams.

The Prince mounted a hill, that he might see the Spaniards; and after observing them, ordered his army to halt, and spread out in line of battle. Immediately before the battle he raised Sir John Chandos to the rank of a knight banneret, to the great joy of those knights and squires who fought under Sir John.

Then the Prince spoke a few words to the army. "To-day, sirs," he said, "has, as you well know, no other termination but in famine. For want of food we are well-nigh taken. See, there are our enemies, who have food enough—bread and wine, and fish, salt and fresh, from the river and the sea. These we must now obtain by dint of lance and sword. Now let us do such a day's work that we may part from our foes with honour." Then he knelt down, and prayed, "0 very Sovereign Father, who hast made and fashioned us, so truly as Thou knowest that I am not come hither but to defend the right, for prowess and for liberty, that my heart leaps and burns to obtain a life of honour, I pray Thee that on this day Thou wilt guard me and my people." After which he rose, and exclaimed, "Advance, banners; God defend the right." Then, turning to Don Pedro, he took him by the hand, and said, "Certainly, sir King, to-day you shall know if ever you shall recover Castile; have firm trust in God."

Then the battle began. The first battalion of the English army, commanded by John of Gaunt and Chandos, engaged the French contingent of the Spanish army, commanded by Du Guesclin. John of Gaunt encouraged his men, shouting, "Advance, banners, advance! let us take God to our rescue, and each to his honour." Meanwhile 1367] BATTLE OF NAVARETTE. 167

the Prince, near whom rode Don Pedro, attacked the second division of the Spanish army, commanded by Don Tello. At the first encounter the Spanish troops were seized with terror, and fled in wild confusion, so that the Prince was at liberty to engage the main body of the enemy, commanded by Henry. Here the Spaniards, encouraged by the presence of their king, fought with much greater bravery. The stones, thrown with great force from the slings of the Spanish foot soldiers, did much harm to their opponents, and many were unhorsed by them; but the English arrows "flew straighter than rain in winter time," and the Spanish cavalry began to break before them.

Thrice Henry rallied his men; but at last it was hopeless, and he was obliged to fly. Du Guesclin and his French soldiers also gave the Dukes of Lancaster and Chandos plenty to do. Chandos was unhorsed, and only saved his life by his great coolness and presence of mind. The French knights bore themselves most valiantly. Du Guesclin, who would , never fly, even though he saw the day was lost, was surrounded and taken prisoner.

The Spaniards and French fled across the river to the town of Najara. Many were killed in crossing the bridge; so that the river was dyed red with the blood of men and horses. The English and Gascons entered the town with them, and took many of the knights, and killed many of the people. In Henry's lodgings they found much plate and jewels; for he had come there with great splendour.

The English victory was complete. At noon the battle was over, and the Black Prince ordered his banner to be fixed in a bush on a little height, as a rallying-point for his men on their return from the pursuit. The Duke of Lancaster and others among, the knights did the same, and the men soon gathered round the different banners in good order. The Prince bade that they should look among the dead for the body of Henry of Trastamare, and also discover what men of rank had been slain. He then descended, with Don Pedro and his knights, to King Henry's lodgings. Here they found plenty of every sort, at which they rejoiced greatly; for they had suffered great want before. When the men returned from searching the battle-field, Don Pedro was much displeased at hearing that his brother was not among the slain. The slaughter had been very great amongst the common soldiers. Besides those lying dead on the battle-field, many were drowned in the river.

That night the army rested in ease and luxury, enjoying plenty of food and wine. Next morning, which was Palm Sunday, Pedro's mind was already full of thoughts of revenge. He came to the Prince, and asked that he would give up to him all the Spanish prisoners, the traitors of his country, that he might cut off their heads. But the Prince answered him—" Sir King, I entreat and beg of


1367] RESTORATION OF DON PEDRO. 169

you to pardon all the ill which your rebellious subjects have done against you. Thus you will do an act of kindness and generosity, and will remain in peace in your kingdom." Pedro was not in a position to refuse the Prince's request, since he owed everything to him, and he had to pardon all the Spanish nobles, excepting one, who in some manner had earned his special anger, and whom the Prince gave up to him. He was beheaded in front of Don Pedro's tent, before his very eyes.

The next day the army set out on its march toward Burgos, and the citizens, who knew that resistance was useless, opened their gates to Don Pedro. The Prince and his army encamped in the plain outside the town, as there were not comfortable quarters for them all inside. Here the return of Don Pedro was celebrated with tournaments, banquets, and processions; and the Black Prince presided as judge over all the tournaments. All Castile yielded to Don Pedro, and the Black Prince might congratulate himself that he had done his work speedily and well. He exhorted Pedro on every occasion to treat his people well, and pardon their revolt from his rule, saying to him, "I advise you for your good, if you would be King of Castile, that you send forth word that you have consented to give pardon to all those who have been against you." Pedro promised everything he asked; and as long as the Black Prince stayed by his side, he did not dare to indulge his desire for vengeance.

But when the Prince had been a month at Burgos, he began to be impatient to return to his own dominions. He had as yet received none of the promised money from Pedro, in payment of the expenses of the campaign. He therefore told the King that he was anxious to return and disband his army, and demanded the money to pay his troops. Pedro said that he fully intended to pay as he had promised, but that at that moment he had no money. At Seville, however, he had a large treasure, and if the Black Prince would allow him to depart, he would go and fetch it. Meanwhile he proposed that the Prince and his army should quarter themselves in the fertile country round Valladolid. He promised to bring him the money at Whitsuntide. The Black Prince, himself always honest and gfrraiglitfnpyard, was <ey_£rrejLdy_taJaaist jnL others, and easily agreed to do as Pedro proposed. It was a fatal step; for once away from Pedro's side, he lost all hold upon him.

The Prince's army established itself round Valladolid, and the Free Companies supported themselves by pillaging the peasants. The summer drew on, and the army began to suffer from the hot climate. Disease broke out in the camp, and it is said that four out of every five of the soldiers died. Whitsuntide came, but brought no money from Pedro. The Prince grew more and more uneasy. At last he sent three of his knights to the Spanish King, to ask him why he did not 1367] RETURN TO BORDEAUX. 171

keep his promise. To them Pedro professed great sorrow that he had not been able to send the money sooner, and repeated his promises; but said that he could not drain his people of money, and, above all, he could not send any money as long as the Free Companies were in the country; for they did so much harm. If the Prince would send the companies away, and only let some of his knights remain, he would soon send the money. When this answer was brought back to the Prince he became very sad; for he saw clearly that Don Pedro did not mean to keep his promises. His own health was failing; he had been attacked by an illness which was never to leave him. Bad news was brought him from Bordeaux. The Princess wrote that Henry of Trastamare was attacking the frontiers of Aquitaine. His army was rapidly dwindling before his eyes. Man after man died from the effects of the climate. There was nothing for it but to return to Bordeaux. In sadness he gathered his troops together, and felt thankful that he was allowed to pass peaceably through Navarre and the dangerous passes of the Pyrenees.

At Bayonne he disbanded his army, now only a miserable remnant of the magnificent array of troops which he had led into Spain. He bade them come to Bordeaux to receive the payment due to them. He said to them, that though Don Pedro had not kept his engagements, it did not become him to act in like manner to those who had served him so well. On his arrival at Bordeaux he was received with solemn processions, the priests coming out to meet him, bearing crosses. The Princess followed, with her eldest son Edward, then three years old, surrounded by her ladies and knights. They were full of joy at meeting one another again, and embraced most tenderly, and then walked together hand in hand to their abode. Soon after the Prince assembled all the nobles of Aquitaine, who had joined in this expedition, thanked them heartily for their help, and distributed among them rich presents of gold and silver, and jewels.

Notes

  1. ^ Fotheringham 1889, pp. 309–310.
  2. ^ a b Fotheringham 1889, p. 310.
  3. ^ Fotheringham 1889b, p. 311.
  4. ^ Hermentrude 1865, p. 471.
  5. ^ Tait 1914, p. 349 cites Chandos Herald Pope and Lodge (eds).
  6. ^ Glehn-Creighton 1876, pp. 148–149. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)
  7. ^ Glehn-Creighton 1876, pp. 149–150. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)
  8. ^ a b Glehn-Creighton 1876, p. 150. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)
  9. ^ a b c Glehn-Creighton 1876, p. 151. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)
  10. ^ Gillingham 1984, p. 27.
  11. ^ Glehn-Creighton 1876, pp. 150–151. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)
  12. ^ Glehn-Creighton 1876, p. 152. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)
  13. ^ Glehn-Creighton 1876, pp. 152–153. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)
  14. ^ a b Glehn-Creighton 1876, p. 153. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)
  15. ^ a b Glehn-Creighton 1876, p. 154. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGlehn-Creighton1876 (help)

References

Battle of Quatre Bras

Movement of Anglo-allied troops on Quatre Bras

For the movements and engagement on the previous day see, see Waterloo Campaign: Start of hostilities (15 June) § Anglo-allied engagements.

The disposition made by Colonel the Prince Bernhard of Saxe Weimar at this point, on the night of the 15 June, with the 2nd Brigade of Perpongher's Dutch-Belgian Division around Quatr Bras, is described in detail in Start of hostilities (15 June) § Nassau dispositions at Quatre Bras.[1]

Between 21:00 and 22:00 Captain Crassier's company of the 27th Battalion of chasseurs (light infantry) moved out from Nivelles towards Quatre Bras on reconnaissance. Soon after 22:00 on 15 June. Major Otto, Count of Limburg Stirum, a Dutch aide de camp to the Prince of Orange, left Braine-le-Comte for Nivelles, with a verbal order from the Dutch-Belgian Quartermaster General, enjoining General Perponcher to hold his ground to the last extremity, to support his 2nd Brigade by the 1st, and to ask for aid from the 3rd Division (Alten's), and from the Dutch-Belgian Cavalry Division; and, at all events, to send an officer to acquaint the commanders of these divisions with the state of affairs. This message appears to have reached Nivelles about midnight.[2]

At about 2:00, Perponcher advanced with remainder of the 27th Battalion. The main body of which reached Quatre Bras at 4:00. At 3:00 in the morning, Perponcher arrived at Quatre Bras, and after having reconnoitred the position, immediately commenced operations for recovering the ground lost on the previous evening. Just at this time a detachment of about fifty Prussian Hussars of the 2nd Silesian Regiment, under Lieutenant Zehelin, who, on the previous day, had been driven back from near Gosselies, and had retreated towards Houtain-le-Val,[a] advanced to the front, attacked the French outposts, forced them to retire, and then formed a chain of vedettes. As soon as the Dutch-Belgian troops had advanced to within a short distance of these Prussian Hussars, the latter moved off by their left towards Sombreffe.[b][3]

General Bylandt, who commanded the 1st Brigade, (of the Dutch-Belgian Division) ordered the remaining battalions of the latter, and his artillery, to commence their march from Nivelles at 5:00. The 7th Dutch line Battalion was directed to remain at Nivelles until relieved by the 3rd Division (Alten's).[3]

With the early dawn of the 16 June, the whole of the Duke of Wellington's forces were in movement towards Nivelles and Quatre Bras. Previously to starting from Brussels for the latter point, Wellington despatched an order for the movement of the cavalry and of the British 2nd Division (Clinton's) upon Braine-le-Comte, as also of the troops under Prince Frederick of the Netherlands, consisting of 1st Netherlands Division (Stedmann's) and the Dutch Indies Brigade (Anthing's), from Zottegem[c] to Enghien, after leaving 500 men, as directed, in Audenarde.[1]

The British 5th Division (Picton's) left Brussels by the Charleroi road about 02:00 in the morning of 16 June; and the Brunswick Corps (Duke of Brunswick's somewhat later. The Nassau Brigade (Kruse's) received orders to follow along the same road, but having been dispersed in extended cantonments between Brussels and Louvain, it required some considerable time to collect together, and did not therefore reach Quatre Bras sufficiently early to take part in the action.[1]

Initial skirmishing

2nd Brigade (Prince Bernhard's) penetrated deeper into the Wood of Bossu, and secured the entrances into it from the French side.[4]

Perpongher directed the 2nd Battalion of the 2nd Regiment of Nassau to take post on an eminence in advance towards Frasne, and stationed the 3rd Battalion of this Regiment more to the left The latter, however, was soon relieved by the 27th Battalion of chasseurs, which on reaching Quatre Bras, at 4:00, had detached two companies to the left. These moved steadily forward in extended order towards the Wood of Delhutte, outside of which were stationed French light troops. The chasseurs succeeded in forcing back the French into a hollow way bordering the wood, where the latter maintained themselves for some little time, and then retired into the wood itself. Taking advantage of the cover afforded by the edge of the Wood, the French now poured a deadly fire upon their assailants, who retreated to some favourable ground a little in advance of their battalion.[4]

The Prince of Orange arrives

The Prince of Orange arrived at Quatre Bras about 6:00, and immediately reconnoitred the French position, and that occupied by his own troops. Having expressed his perfect satisfaction with all the arrangements and dispositions which had been made, both on the previous evening and on that morning, he ordered the troops then present to take up a position more in advance, for the purpose of imposing upon the enemy; enjoining at the same time, all unnecessary firing, it being desirable under then existing circumstances, to avoid bringing on prematurely an attack by the French.[4]

Ney views and dispositions

Ney, having left Charleroi at a very early hour the morning, returned to Gosselies, where he communicated with General Honoré Charles Reille (commander of the French II Corps), whom he ordered to assemble the force then with him, consisting of two infantry divisions with their artillery, and to advance upon Frasne. [5]

Ney then went on to Fransne, where he collected all the information which the generals and other officers had been able to obtain respecting the Anglo-allier strenth and dispositions; and being naturally anxious to make himself acquainted with the details of the force placed so suddenly under his orders, he desired Colonel Heymès [fr], his first aide de camp, to visit every regiment, and note down their strength and the names of the commanding officers; after the performance of which duty, Colonel Heymès laid before Ney a return of the French forces in the field.[6]

Ney was uncertain as to the amount of force concentrated by the Anglo-allies during the night in rear of Quatre Bras, and the conviction which he had reason to entertain that the Prussians were in strong force at no very great distance on his right. Therefore any check experienced by the main column under Napoleon, would endanger his right flank and even his line of communication. This rendered him cautious in attacking a point so considerably forward of the Napoleon's left flank, without ample means at hand to enable him, in case of disaster, to maintain that line, or, in the event of success, to successfully establish himself at Quatre Bras, and derive every possible advantage from its possession, by checking, if not defeating in detail, any body of troops that might be approaching it as a point of concentration from either Nivelles or Brussels.[6]

Hence Ney became extremely anxious for the arrival of the I Corps (d'Erlon's) and the promised III (Heavy) Cavalry Corps (Kellermann's). The more so as although the Guard Light Cavalry Division (Lefebvre-Desnouëttes's) was nearer at hand, he had been asked by Napoleon not to make use of it.[7]

Officers of the Chasseurs and Lancers of the Guard (in consequence of the deficiency of Staff Officers) were sent to the rear in the direction of Marchienne-au-Pont, with orders to hasten the march of the I Corps upon Frasne.[8]

Meanwhile Ney was busily occupied in reconnoitring the Anglo-allied position and movements. While so employed, a despatch reached Ney from Napoleon, informing Ney that he had just ordered Kellermann's dragoons to march to Grosselies, where they would be under Ney's command as would Lefebvre-Desnouëttes's light cavalry. Napoleon expressed a wish to be informed of the exact disposition of the French I (d'Erlon's) and II (Reille's) corps, of the cavalry divisions attached to them, any intelligence as to the strength, dispositions and intentions of the Anglo-allies.[8]

More Dutch troops arrive

The 5th Battalion of Dutch Militia (Westenberg's), which arrived at Quatre Bras about 7:00 was ordered, some time afterwards, to occupy the Farm of Gemioncourt. The other battalions of 1st Brigade (Bylandt's), as they arrived in succession, formed a reserve, extending itself from the point of intersection of the two high roads along the Nivelles road, and in rear of the Wood of Bossu. About 9:00 Captain Stievenaar's Foot Battery attached to the 1st Brigade also arrived at Quatre Bras.[8]

Aided by these reinforcements, the Prince of Orange made his dispositions for impeding as much as possible the expected French attack, and maintaining his ground in front of Quatre Bras until the arrival of more Anglo-allied troops, which he knew were rapidly approaching from Brussels and Nivelles. The arrival of the 1st Brigade induced him to make a further advance, and extension to the right, of the 2nd Brigade ((Prince Bernhard's); retaining a firm hold of the Wood of Bossn.[9]

The Prince of Orange disposed of his artillery in the following manner: upon the high road, in advance of his centre and in front of Frasne, he placed two guns of Perponchek's Divisional Horse Artillery; three guns a little in left rear of these, and three guns towards the left, so as to keep the road to Namur in view. He also placed six guns of the Divisional Foot Artillery a little to the right of, and in line with, the advanced guns of the Horse Battery, and the remaining two guns on the right wing of his first line.[10]

The Prince of Orange had no cavalry on the field; yet such was the firm countenance which he displayed in the arrangement of his nine battalions and sixteen guns that the French, unaware of this circumstance, as they were probably also misled by the appearance, at an early hour, of the chain of vedettes formed by the Prussian detachment of hussars (see above), and also conceiving that a considerable force had already assembled at Quatre Bras, made no vigorous attempt, until the afternoon, to dislodge the Anglo-allies from their position.[10]

Wellington reaches Quatre Bras and meets Blücher

Between 10:00 and 11:00, the Duke of Wellington arrived at Quatre Bras, where he joined the Prince of Orange, of whose dispositions he fully approved. He reconnoitred the ground; observed only a few of the French in front, who occasionally fired a shot; saw that there was a little popping musketry, but that nothing more serious was at that time threatened in this quarter.[11]

Observed that the French were not in any great force at Frasnes (south of Quatre Bras), while at the same time, accounts reached him that Blücher, in his position at Ligny, was menaced by the advance of considerable force; Wellington, accompanied by his staff and a small escort of cavalry, rode off to hold a conference with the Prussian commander, whom he found at the Windmill of Bussy (often referred to as the Windmill of Brye) between Ligny and Brye. It was the highest point of the whole Prussian position and so they were able to observe the French preparatory dispositions for attack.[12]

These having led Wellington to conclude that Napoleon was bringing the main force of his army to bear against Blücher, he at once proposed to assist him by first advancing straight upon Frasnes and Gosselies, as soon as he should have concentrated sufficient force, and then operating upon the Napoleon's left and rear, which would afford a powerful diversion in favour of the Prussians, from the circumstance that their right wing was the weakest and most exposed, and considering the object of Napoleon's movement, the one most likely to be attacked.[13]

Upon a calculation being made, however, of the time which would elapse before Wellington would be able to collect the requisite force for undertaking this operation, and of the possibility of Blücher being defeated before it could be carried into effect, it was considered preferable that Wellington should, if practicable, move to the support of the Prussian right by the Nivelles-Namur road. But a direct support of this kind was necessarily contingent on circumstances, and subject to Wellington's discretion.[14] Wellington having expressed his confident expectation of being enabled to afford the desired support, and also of his succeeding in concentrating, very shortly, a sufficient force to assume the offensive, rode back to Quatre Bras.[13]

The primary sources do not agree on what was said at the meeting. They all agree that Wellington promised aid to Blücher, but they disagree on whether Wellington made an unequivocal promise of aid, or whether Wellington made it clear that his ability to give timely assistance to Blücher was only possible if his forces were not engaged before he could send aid.[d]

Napoleon's instructions to Ney and Ney's to his command

General Flahaut, an aide de camp to Napoleon, left Charleroi with a letter from Napoleon containing instructions on what Ney was required to do. Flahaut passed through Gosselies arriving in Frasne around 11:00 and delivered the letter to Ney.[16]

This letter, which was intended to convey to Ney a general notion of Napoleon's intentions, prescribed to him, at the same time, as a principle, that he was to consider his movements subordinate to those of Napoleon. The latter intimated his purpose of attacking the Prussians at Flenrus, should he find him there, and of pushing on as far as Gembloux, where he would decide upon his plan of further operation, "perhaps at three o'clock in the afternoon, perhaps in the evening"; immediately after which Ney was to be ready to march upon Brussels, supported by Napoleon with the Guards, it being the Napoelon's's desire to reach that capital in the morning.[17]

In the opinion of the military historian William Siborne, the idea of advancing upon Gembloux, and of capturing Brussels by a coup de main, which could only be effected by a vigorous repulse and signal defeat of the Prussian I Corps (Ziten's), and by a successful turning and partial dispersion of the Prussian II Corps (Pirch I's[e]) and the III Corps (Thielmann's), as also by the rapid march of a closely collected force under Ney, proves that Napoleon had either been insufficiently informed as to the general dispositions of his opponents, or had greatly miscalculated the degree of energy and promptitude required in his movements for the execution of such a design.[17]

Very shortly afterwards, Ney received the official order of movement to which Napoleon adverted in his letter as having been sent by Soult. It instructed him to put the II (Reille's) and I Corps (d'Erlon's), as also the III Cavalry Corps (Vandamme's) which had been placed at his disposal, in movement upon Quatre Bras; to take up a position at that point; thence to push forward reconnaissances as far as possible on the roads to Brussels and Nivelles, "d'où probablement l'ennemi s'est retiré" ("whence probably the enemy has retired"); to establish—should he meet with no strong resistance—a division with some cavalry at Genappe; and to detach another division towards Marbais, in order to cover the interval between Sombreffe and Quatre Bras.[f] He was also to order the generals commanding the two corps to assemble their troops, collect the stragglers, and bring up all the wagons belonging to the artillery and to the field-hospitals that might still be in the rear.[19]

In pursuance of these instructions, Ney despatched orders of movement to Counts Reille and d'Erlon. The former was ordered to put the II Corps immediately on the march, for the purpose of taking up the following position: the 5th division in rear of Genappe, upon the heights which command that town, the left posted (appuied) upon the high road; one or two battalions covering all the debouches in advance on the Brussels road; the 9th Division, following the movement of the 5th Division, to take up a position in second line on the heights to the right and left of the village of Banterlez;[g] the 6th and 7th Divisions at Quatre Bras.[20]

It was at the same time intimated to Reille that the three first Divisions of the I Corps (d'Erlon's) were to take post at Frasne; the right most Division to establish itself at Marbais along with the 2nd (Light) Cavalry Division (Piré's); that the former was to cover his (Reille's) march towards Brussels, and both his flanks; that two Divisions of Kellermann's Corps were to take post at Frasne and Liberchies; and that the cavalry regiments of the Guard under Generals Lefebvre-Desnouëttes and Colbert were to remain in their actual position at Frasne.[20]

Reille's Corps halts at Gosselies

Ney's order had scarcely been sent off to Reille when Ney received from the latter a despatch, dated Gosselies, 16th June, a quarter past ten a.m., announcing his having just received from Girard (whose Division was still at Heppignies) a verbal report by one of his officers, to the effect that the Anglo-allies continued to occupy Fleurus with light cavalry; that hostile forces were observed advancing along the Namur road, the heads of their columns reaching as far as Saint-Amand; that these troops were gradually forming, and gaining ground; that as far as could be judged at that distance, the columns appeared to consist of six battalions each; and that movements of additional troops were perceived in their rear. Reille added that General Flahaut, in passing through Grosselies, had made him acquainted with the purport of the orders he was conveying to the Marshal, whereupon he had communicated with Count d'Erlon, in order that the latter might follow the movement which he (Reille) had intended to commence as soon as the divisions were under arms, but as a consequence of this report from Girard he would wait for the Ney's further instructions, holding the troops ready to march.[21]

About the same time, orders reached Ney from Napoleon, desiring him to unite the Corps under Reille and d'Erlon, and the cavalry corps under Kellermann, which latter, it was stated, was on the point of commencing its march towards him; remarking also, that with these troops he ought to be able to destroy whatever forces the enemy might bring forward; that Grouchy was going to advance upon Sombreffe; and that the Napoleon was setting off for Fleurus, to which place the Marshal was to address his reports.[22]

Ney's advance on Quatre Bras

In light of these orders, Ney became anxious for the speedy concentration of his troops, and again sent orders to Reille and d'Erlon to move their Divisions forwards. The information which Ney had obtained concerning the enemy in his front, and Girard's report of the assembling of troops in front of Fleurus, induced him to be cautious in his proceedings, and not to attempt any impetuous onset until he could have all his force more in hand, instead of the greater portion of it being, as it then was, lengthened out in columns of route along the Charleroi high road; and, in this respect, his views were in perfect accordance with the last despatch which he had received from the Emperor, enjoining him in the first instance, to unite the two Corps of Reilly and d'Erlon. Hence, in debouching from his position at Frasne, about 13:00 his advance was by no means vigorous: it was limited to a gradual pressing forward of the light troops, and amounted to little more than a reconnaissance.[23]

About 14:00, Ney, calculating that d'Erlon's Corps could not be far in his rear, and hoping that the sound of his cannonade would hasten its march, resolved to attack the enemy's forces which intercepted his advance upon Quatre Bras. 2nd (Light) Cavalry Division (Piré's), constituting a strong line of skirmishers with well disposed supports, covered the advance of the 5th ([[Gilbert Bachelu|Bachelu's) and the 9th (Foy's) infantry divisions, whilst the 6th Infantry Division (Jérôme Bonaparte's]) followed as a reserve.[24]

The force with which Ney thus entered the field, consisted of three divisions of the II Corps (Reille's), the 2nd (light) Cavalry Division (Piré's), four Batteries of foot, and one of horse, artillery:[24]

  • 16,189 Infantry;
  • 1,729 Cavalry;
  • 38 Guns.

The Prince of Orange's force consisted of db Perponcher's Division (with the exception of the 7th Dutch Line Battalion); one Battery of Foot, and one of Horse, Artillery:[24]

  • 6,832 Infantry
  • 16 Guns.

144 The Dutch hold Gemioncourt

It was not long after 14:00 when [24] Wellington returned to Quatre Bras from his meeting with Blücher. He observed attentively, with his glass, the movements of the French, and told the Prince of Orange he would be attacked directly.[25]

In a few minutes, the French advanced, and the Dutch-Belgian troops gradually retired; but the Prince, aware of the great advantages which the position of Quatre Bras would derive from the possession of the Farm of Gemioncourt, adjoining the Charleroi road, as also of the Wood of Bossu on the Right, and of the inclosures of Piermont on the Left, Flank, endeavoured, with that view, to make a stand, as soon as his Centre reached the first named point. The 5 th Battalion of Dutch Militia which occupied this Post, successfully withstood several attacks, during which Ney drew up his forces along the ridge which, intersecting the high road in the immediate (French) rear of (Jemioncourt, extends on one side towards the Wood of Bossu, and on the other in the direction of Piermont.

The vast preponderance of force on the part of the French, was now quite manifest to the Prince of Orange, who found himself compelled to withdraw the main body of his troops into the Wood of Bossu, still retaining, however, the Post of Gemioncourt. He gave an Order to Captain Stievenaar's Foot Battery to fall back and take up a flanking position near the Wood. Here this Officer, who possessed the highest merit, lost not a moment in reopening his fire, but scarcely had he done so when he was mortally wounded. At the same moment one gun was damaged so as to become useless. The Enemy rapidly advanced in such superior force as to compel the Battery to resume its retreat Captain Bylbveld's Horse Battery retired by the opposite side of Gemioncourt One of its limbers blew up, severely wounding an Officer, and occasioning the gun


Arrival of Picton's Division. 145

attached to it to be relinquished. The French pressed forward with their Light Troops ; and part of Tmt's Light Cavalry, seizing a favourable opportunity, gallantly charged the 27 th Dutch Light Infantry, threw it into confusion, and made many prisoners. At this time a portion of Bachelu's Infantry Division on the right advanced towards the village of Piermont.

It was about half past two, or perhaps a quarter before three o'clock, when the Prince of Orange, whose situation had become extremely critical, as he directed his anxious looks towards that point of the horizon which was bounded by the elevated ground about Quatre Bras, had the inexpressible satisfaction of recognising, by their deep red masses, the arrival of British troops upon the field.

These comprised the Fifth Infantry Division, commanded by Lieutenant Greneral Sir Thomas Picton, and consisting of the Eighth British Brigade, under Major General Sir James Kempt, the Ni^th British Brigade, under Major General Sir Denis Pack, and of the Fourth Hanoverian Brigade, under Colonel Best. The head of the Column, leaving Quatre Bras on its right, -turned down the Namur road, along which the Division was speedily drawn up ; the British Brigades in Front, and the Hanoverian Brigade in Second, line. Captain Rettbekg's Battery of Hanoverian Foot Artillery took post on the right, and Major Eggers's Battery of British Foot Artillery on the left, of the Division. The 1st Battalion of the 95th British Eegiment, commanded by Colonel Sir Andrew Barnard, was despatched in haste towards the Village of Piermont, of which it was to endeavour to gain possession.

The French, on perceiving the arrival of the British Infantry, opened a furious cannonade from their Batteries,

151. W.U Sibome, K


146



Gallantry of the Prince of Orange, 147

with a view to disturb its formation, while Net, anxious to secure the vantage ground of a Meld which he plainly foresaw, was likely to become the scene of a severe contest, renewed his attack upon Gtemioncourt, still bravely defended by the 5 th Dutch Militia. Htreupon, Perponcher, having received an Order to advance this Battalion along the high road, immediately placed himself at its head, as did also the Prince of Orange himself, who rode up to it at the same moment. The manner in which His Eoyal Highness personally led on his National Militia on this occasion, was distinguished by the most resolute aiid conspicuous gallantry. The Battalion was exposed to a most destructive fire from some guns which the Prince seemed determined to capture. Placing himself frequently at its head, and waving his hat, he presented in his own person so brilliant and heroic an example, that for a considerable time the Battalion maintained its ground most bravely against the far superior number of the Enemy. It was composed, however, of yoxmg and inexperienced soldiers, who had not attained suflBcient confidence to fight in anything like deployed order ; and, therefore, when, a few minutes afterwards, a swarm of Cavalry rushed upon it, it soon lost its compactness, and broke into a confused and hasty retreat ; whilst the French Infantry succeeded in obtaining possession of the Farm, in which they firmly established themselves.

The Duke of Wellington, who now assumed the command, was so much alive to the importance of main- taining Gemioncourt and its inclosures, that he gave direc- tions for its immediate occupation by a British Regiment, but the one destined for this service having by some accident been otherwise disposed of, some delay occurred, and the 28th British Regiment, commanded by Colonel Sir Charles Philip Bblson, was then marched down towards that point,


148 The French defeat MerlerCs Brigade

under the guidance of Lieutenant Colonel Gomh, on the Staff of the Fifth Division. As the Battalion approached the Farm, the latter was discovered to be already occupied by the French, whereupon it was withdrawn to its Division.

The Third Dutch-Belgian Light Cavalry Brigade, under General van Mkrlen, had shortly before this reached the Field, and now advanced to the support of the Dutch Infantry retiring from Gemioncourt ; but they were met and defeated by Pirn's Cavalry, and pursued along the high road nearly to Quatre Bras, where they arrived in great disorder; a portion of them coming in contact with the Duke of Wellington himself, and carrying his Grace along with them to the rear of Quatre Bras, The latter, however, succeeded in arresting their further flight, and in bringing them again to the front. The French Cavalry did not, on this occasion, follow up the pursuit, evidently hesitating to approach very near to the Allied Infantry, the latter appearing well formed, and fully prepared to receive them. The Dutch-Belgian Infantry retreated to the Wood of Bossu, abandoning four guns to the Enemy, who closely pursued them, and now began to penetrate into the Wood,

Meanwhile, Bachelu, on the French Eight, threw a con- siderable force into Piermont in sufficient time to secure its possession before the 1st Battalion 95th British Regiment had approached the Village, and was pushing forward another strong body towards a small Wood that lay still more in advance, on the opposite side of the Namur high road, the possession of which along with that of Piermont would have effectually cut off the direct communication between Quatre Bras and Ligny. Here, for the first time in this Campaign, the troops of the two nations became engaged. The Skirmishers who successfully checked the further advance of the French, and secured the Wood, were the 1st Battalion


Arrival of the Brunsmckers. 149

of the British 95th Bifles, whom the old Campaigne's of the French Army, at least those who had served in the Peninsula, had so frequently found the foremost in the fight, and of whose peculiarly effective discipline and admirable training they had had ample experience.

The possession of Gemioncourt proved of the utmost importance to Net's position, which now assumed a definite character, and, in a purely tactical point of view, offered great advantages. The southern portion of the Wood of Bossu was occupied by his extreme Left, while his extreme Bight was in full possession of Piermont ; and these points were connected by a narrow valley extending along his whole front, bounded on either side by a hedgerow, and intersecting the Charleroi road close to Gemioncourt. The outer fence was strongly occupied by his Light Troops, ready to cover the formation and advance of hia Columns of Attack, for the support of which by Artillery, the Heights constituting his main position in rear of Gemioncourt, offered every facility.

Scarcely had Picton's Division taken up its ground, when the Duke of Brunswick's Corps arrived upon the field. It was not complete ; its Artillery (imder Major Mahn) and the 1st and 3rd Light Battalions (commanded by Major Hoi^TEiK and Major Ebblikg), having been stationed in distant cantonments, had not yet joined. The 2nd Light Battalion (under Major Brand enstein) was immediately detached to the Wood near Piermont on the left of the position, and of which the possession had already been secured by the 1st BattaUon of the British 95th Begiment : the two Bifle Companies of the Advanced Guard BattaUon (under Major Bauschenplatt) were moved into the Wood of Bossu; on the right of which some detachments of Cavalry were posted for the purpose of observing the Enemy^s dispositions in that quarter. The remainder of


150 Relative strength of the two armies

these troops, by a movement to their left, when close upon Quatre Bras, deployed in rear of, and in a direction parallel to, the Namnr road, thus forming a Eeserve to Picton's Division, The absent portion of the Corps reached the field in the course of the action, as will hereafter be explained.


The Duke of Wellington's actual force on the battlefield
Designation Forces Infantry Cavalry Guns
Britsh Eight infantry brigades 2,471
Kings German Legion Nine infantry brigades 2,173
Battery of foot artillery 6
Hanoverians Four infantry brigades 2,582
Battery of foot artillery 6
Brunswickers
Advanced Guard Battalion 672
Two battalions of the
Light Infantry Brigade		 1,344
Line Infantry Brigade 2,016
Regiment of hussars 690
Squadron of lancers 232
Dutch-Belgians
2nd Infantry Brigade 6,882
3rd Cavalry Brigade 1,082
Half battery of horse artillery 2
Battery of foot artillery 8
Battery of horse artillery 8
Total 18,090 2,004 30
 
Marshal Ney's actual force on the battlefield
Forces Infantry Cavalry Guns
5th Infantry Division 5,003
6th Infantry Division 6,591
9th Infantry Division 4,595
Three divisional foot batteries 24
One reserve foot battery 8
2nd Cavalry Division 1,729
1 battery of horse artillery 6
Total 16,189 1,729 38

Position of the Brunswick Troops. 151

The cannonade which had opened against the Fifth British Division as it took up its ground, continued with unabated vigour. The French Light Troops were now observed advancing from the inclosures that skirted the foot of their position, and to meet them the Light Companies of the different Eegiments of Picton's Division were immediately thrown forward. On the French extreme Right all further progress was checked by the gallant manner in which the 1st Battalion 95th British Segiment, though opposed by a much superior force, retained possession of the Namur road, which they lined with their Skirmishers, while the Wood in rear was occupied by the Battalion Beserve and the 2nd Brunswick Light Battalion. On the French Left, however, the incessant rattle of musketry in the Wood of Bossu plainly indicated by its gradual approach in the direction of Quatre Bras, that the Dutch-Belgian Infantry were yielding to the fierce onset of the Enemy in that quarter.

The protection which the French would derive from the possession of the eastern portion of this Wood for the advance of their masses over the space between it and the Charleroi road, instantly became apparent to the British Commander; in fact, the previous pursuit of tlie Dutch- Belgian Cavalry edong this road proved the expediency of establishing some restraint to such facility for a hostile advance in that direction ; and he therefore requested the Duke of Brunswick to take up a position with a part of his Corps between Quatre Bras and Gemioncourt, so as to have his Left resting upon the road, and his Right communicating with Pkrponcher's Division, part of which was deployed along the skirt of the Wood.

The Duke of Brunswick immediately ordered forward the Guard Battalion (under Major Prostlbr), the 1st Line


152 An attach hy two French Colvmns

Battalion (under Major Metzner), and the two light Companies of the Advanced Guard Battalion, which he posted in Close Columns upon, and contiguous to, the road, on the ground indicated, and threw out a line of Skirmishers connecting these Columns with the two Jdger Companies in the Wood, As an immediate Support to the Infantry, he stationed the Brunswick Hussars (under Major Cramm) and Lancers (under Major Pott) in a hollow in their rear; while as a Eeserve to the whole, the 2nd and 3rd line Battalions (under Major Strombeck and Major Norrmann) were posted en crimaiUtre contiguously to the houses of Quatre Bras, which important point they were to defend to the last extremity.

Whilst this disposition on the Anglo- Allied Eight was in progress, two heavy French Columns were observed descending into a valley below Gtemioncourt, where, under cover of the strong line of Skirmishers, which had been for some time engaged with those of Picton's Division, they were divided into separate smaller Columns of Attack, The cannonade from the French Heights, which now sensibly quickened, was telling fearfully amidst the Fifth British Division; and a fresh impulse having been given to the Enemy's Light Troops by the near approach of their own attacldng Columns, the British Skirmishers, overpowered by numbers only, were seen darting, alternately and at short distances, to the rear, through the line of smoke that had been raised midway between the contending Armies.

At this critical moment, when the rapid progress of the French in the Wood of Bossu, and their imposing advance against his Left Wing, threatened to compromise his disposal of the Brunswick troops on the right of the Charleroi road, Wellington, by one of those electric inspirations of his master mind with which he had been wont in former

Advance of Picton'a brigades. 153

Campaigns to frustrate the best devised plans of his opponents, resolved not to await the attack, but to meet it He instantly ordered the advance of Kbmpt's and Pack's Brigades, with the exception of the 92nd Regiment, which (under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Cameron) was to continue at its post on the Namur road, close to Quatre Bras.

During the advance of these two Brigades, which was made with admirable steadiness and in the best order, the Skirmishers fell back upon their respective Battalions, all of which now presented a clear front to the Enemy. From the heads of Net's Columns, as well as from the thick lines of Skirmishers by which they were connected, a severe and destructive fire was opened and maintained against the British line, along which the gallant PiCTON, the far famed Leader of the no less renowned " Fighting Division " of the British Army in the Peninsular Campaigns, was seen galloping from one Regiment to another, encouraging his men, and inciting them by his presence and exampla The troops significantly responded to his call by those loud and animating shouts with which British soldiers are wont to denote their eagerness to close with their enemies. The interval between the adverse lines was rapidly diminishing : the fire from the French suddenly began to slacken; hesitation, quickly succeeded by disorder, became apparent in their ranks ; and then it was, that, animating each other with redoubled cheers, the British Regiments were seen to lower their bristling bayonets, and driving everything before them, to pursue their opponents down to the outer fence of the valley, whence the French line had advanced in the full confidence of triumph.

Kempt's Brigade, in consequence of the greater proximity of its original position to that of the Enemy, was the first to

154 The French Colvmns are defeased

overthrow the French Infantry. The 79th Highlanders, on the left of the line (commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Douglas), made a gallant charge down the hill, dashed through the first fence, and pursued their opponents, who had advanced in two Battalion Columns, not only across the valley, but through the second fence ; and, carried on by their ardour, even ventured to ascend the Enemy's position. By this time, however, their ranks were much broken : they were speedily recalled, and as they retraced their steps across the valley, they derived considerable support from the adjoining Battalion in the line, the 32 nd Eegiment (commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Maitland), which was keeping up from the first hedge a vigorous fire against the French, who now lined the second fence. The remaining Eegiments of both Brigades had cdl in like manner charged down as far as the nearest hedge, whence they inflicted a severe loss upon their Enemies as these precipitately retired, with their ranks completely broken and disordered on passing through the inclosure.

On the right of the line, the 42nd Highlanders (commtinded by Lieutenant Colonel Sir Egbert Macara), and 44th Eegiment (conmianded by Lieutenant Colonel Hamertgn), had advanced to within a very short distance of Gemioncourt, in which, and behind the hedges lining the valley, the French were seeking shelter.

During the progress of this contest on the Anglo- Allied left of the Charleroi road, the Brunswick troops were not permitted to remain in quiet possession of their advanced position on the right, which indeed was well calculated to attract Nby's attention. A Battery was immediately drawn up on the opposite Height westward of Gemioncourt, from which, as also from the incessant fire maintained by the Enemy's Skirmishers posted at no great distance from the

French attack the Brunsvdckers. 155

front of the line, a very destructive fire was maintained against the Brunswick troops. The Eegiment of Hussars particularly suffered, standing in line, and frequently receiving an entire discharge from the Battery. The Brunswickers were, for the most part, young and inexperienced soldiers — ^in every sense of the word, raw troops : and the numerous casualties which befel their ranks in this exposed situation might have produced a fatal influence upon their discipline, but for the noble example of their Prince, whose admirable tact and calm demeanour were most conspicuous on this trying occasion. Quietly smoking his pipe in front of his line, he gave out his Orders as if at a mere field day ; and was only restrained from taking oflfence at the representations made to him by some of his Staff of the imminent danger to which he was exposing himself, from a consciousness of the kindly motives by which they were dictated.

At length, the continued havoc created amongst his devoted followers by the fire from the French Heights, excited the impatience of the Duke himself for at least the means of retaliation ; and as his own Artillery was still upon the march from its cantonments, he sent to the Duke of Wellington a request to be furnished with some pieces of cannon.

This was immediately accedea to, and four guns were moved forward and posted on the right of the Brunswick Infantry ; but they had scarcely fired a few rounds when the Enemy's cannonade was redoubled ; two of the guns were quickly disabled, and several of the horses attached to the limbers were killed. At the same time, two Columns of French Infantry were seen advancing in succession along the edge of the Wood of Bossu, preceded by a Battalion in line, and supported by some Cavalry, of which description

Retreat of the Brunswichers. 156

of force there also appeared to be a considerable mass advancing along the Charleroi road. As the French Infantry rapidly approached the right of the line of the Brunswick Skirmishers, the latter were forced to retire, as were also the Dutch-Belgian Infantry that lined the Wood at this part of the field. The Duke of Brunswick, perceiving that the bend of the wood in rear of his I^giment of Hussars was likely to impede the freedom of its movements, immediately ordered the latter to proceed to the opposite side of the Charleroi road, and retire towards Quatre Bras, there to remain in readiness to act according to circumstances. Then, placing himself at the head of his Lancers, he gallantly charged the advancing Infantry, which, however, received them with so much steadiness and good order, and opened upon them so destructive a fire, that the attack completely failed, and the Regiment withdrew to Quatre Bras.

Finding the strength of the Enemy's forces to be so overpowering, the Duke now ordered the Infantry posted contiguously to the Charleroi road, also to retire upon the main position. The 1st line Battalion moved hastily along the road, while the Guard Battalion, with which the Duke himself was at this time present, retired across the fields eastward of the isolated House upon the Charleroi road, towards the Allied line, posted upon the road to Namur. Major Pe5stlbe, who commanded the Guard Battalion, rendered himself conspicuous by his exertions to execute this movement in as orderly a manner as possible, but the eager and close pursuit by the French light Troops, now emboldened by success, a shower of round shot upon the Column, and the approach of the Enemy's Cavalry, spread such a panic among these young troops that they fled in confusion, some through Quatre Bras, and others through the Anglo- Allied line on the left of that point; and it was in the

Retreat of the Brunswickers. 157

of force there also appeared to be a considerable mass advancing along the Charleroi road. As the French Infantry rapidly approached the right of the line of the Brunswick Skirmishers, the latter were forced to retire, as were also the Dutch-Belgian Infantry that lined the Wood at this part of the field. The Duke of Beunswick, perceiving that the bend of the wood in rear of his Eegiment of Hussars was likely to impede the freedom of its movements, immediately ordered the latter to proceed to the opposite side of the Charleroi road, and retire towards Quatre Bras, there to remain in readiness to act according to circumstances. Then, placing himself at the head of his Lancers, he gallantly charged the advancing Infantry, which, however, received them with so much steadiness and good order, and opened upon them so destructive a fire, that the attack completely failed, and the Eegiment withdrew to Quatre Bras.

Finding the strength of the Enemy's forces to be so overpowering, the Duke now ordered the Infantry posted contiguously to the Charleroi road, also to retire upon the main position. The 1st line Battalion moved hastily along the road, while the Guard Battalion, with which the Duke himself was at this time present, retired across the fields eastward of the isolated House upon the Charleroi road, towards the Allied line, posted upon the road to Namur. Major Pk5stler, who commtinded the Guard Battalion, rendered himself conspicuous by his exertions to execute this movement in as orderly a manner as possible, but the eager and close pursuit by the French light Troops, now emboldened by success, a shower of round shot upon the Column, and the approach of the Enemy's Cavalry, spread such a panic among these young troops that they fled in confusion, some through Quatre Bras, and others through the Anglo- Allied line on the left of that point; and it was in the

158 Death of the Duke of Brunswich

moment of attempting to rally his soldiers, not far from the little garden of the House before mentioned, that the Duke of Brunswick was struck from his horse by a shot which terminated the career of this gallant Prince.

In the mean time the Brunswick Hussars were ordered forward to cover the retreat of the Infantry, and repel the advance of the French Cavalry, which was now seen in rapid motion along the Charleroi road, as if incited and emboldened by the loud shouts of triumph sent forth by their light Troops in front. The Hussars, whose order while advancing, was quickly disturbed by a straggling fire from the French Infantry, to which their Eight Flank became exposed, failed in producing the slightest check upon the Cavalry, and were soon seen wheeling about and in full flight, closely pursued by their opponents.

To the 42nd Highlanders and 44th British Regiment, which were posted on a reverse slope, and in line, close upon the left of the above road, the advance of French Cavalry was so sudden and unexpected, the more so as the Brunswickers had just moved on to the front, that as both these bodies whirled past them to the rear, in such close proximity to each other, they were, for the moment, considered to consist of one mass of Allied Cavalry. Some of the old soldiers of both Regiments were not so easily satisfied on this point, and immediately opened a partial fire obliquely upon the French Lancers, which, however. Sir Denis Pack and their own Officers endeavoured as much as possible to restrain ; but no sooner had the latter succeeded in causing a cessation of the fire, than the Lancers, which were the rearmost of the Cavalry, wheeled sharply round, and advanced in admirable order directly upon the rear of the two British Regiments.

The 42nd Highlanders having, from their position, been

Gallantry of the A2nd and the iUh. 159

the first to recognise them as a part of the Enemy's forces, rapidly formed Square; but just as the two Flank Companies were running in to form the rear face, the Lancers had reached the Kegiment, when a considerable portion of their leading division penetrated the Square, carrying along with them, by the impetus of their charge, several men of those two Companies, and creating a momentary confusion. The long tried discipline and steadiness of the Highlanders, however, did not forsake them at this most critical juncture : these Lancers, instead of effecting the destruction of the Square, were themselves fairly hemmed into it, and either bayoneted or taken prisoners, while the endangered face, restored as if by magic, successfully repelled all further attempts on the part of the French to complete their expected triumph. Their Commanding Officer, Lieutenant Colonel Sir Egbert Macara, was killed on this occasion, a lance having pierced through his chin until it reached the brain ; and within the brief space of a few minutes, the command of the Regiment devolved upon three other Officers in succession : Lieutenant Colonel Dick, who was severely wounded. Brevet Major Davidson, who was mortally wounded, and Brevet Major Campbell, who commanded it during the remainder of the Campaign.

If this Cavalry attack had fallen so unexpectedly upon the 42nd Highlanders, still less had it been anticipated by the 44th Begiment Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton, perceiving that the Lancers were rapidly advancing against his rear, and that any attempt to form square would be attended with imminent danger, instantly decided upon receiving them in lina The low thundering sound of their approach was heard by his men before a conviction they were French flashed across the minds of any but the old soldiers who had previously fired at them as they passed

160 Steadiness of the iUh.

their Flank. Hamerton's words of commajid were, Bear rank, right about face ! " — " Make ready I " — (a short pause to admit of the still nearer approach of the Cavalry) — " Present ! " — " Fire ! " The eflfect produced by this volley was astonishing. The men, aware of their perilous position, doubtless took a most deliberate aim at their opponents, who were thrown into great confusion. Some few daring fellows made a dash at the centre of the Battalion, hoping to capture the Colours, in their apparently exposed situation ; but the attempt, though gallantly made, was as gallantly defeated. The Lancers now commenced a flight towards the French position by the Flanks of the 44th. As they rushed past the Left Flank, the Officer commanding the Light Company, who had very judiciously restrained his men from joining in the volley given to the rear, opened upon them a scattering fire ; jmd no sooner did the Lancers appear in the proper front of the Regiment, when the front rank began in its turn to contribute to their overthrow and destruction. Never, perhaps, did British Infantry display its charac- teristic coolness and steadiness more eminently than on this trying occasion. To have stood in a thin two deep line, awaiting, and prepared to receive, the onset of hostile Cavalry, would have been looked upon at least as a most hazardous experiment; but, with its rear so suddenly menaced, and its flanks unsupported, to have instantly faced only one rank about, to have stood as if rooted to the ground, to have repulsed its assailants with so steady and well directed a fire that numbers of them were destroyed — this was a feat of arms which the oldest or best disciplined Corps in the world might have in vain hoped to accomplish ; yet most successfully and completely was this achieved by the gallant 2nd Battalion of the 44th British Regiment, under its brave Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton.


A daring French Lancer. 161

In this attack occurred one of these incidents which, in daring, equal any of the feats of ancient chivaby, which makes the wildest fables of the deeds of the knights of old appear almost impossible ; which cause the bearing of an individual to stand out, as it were, in relief amidst the operations of the masses ; and which, by their characteristic recklessness, almost invariably insure at least a partial success.

A French Lancer gallantly charged at the Colours, and severely wounded Ensign Chbistie, who carried one of them, by a thrust of his lance, which, entering the left eye, penetrated to the lower jaw* The Frenchman then endeavoured to seize the Standard, but the brave Chbistib, notwithstanding the agony of his wound, with a presence of mind almost unequalled, flung himself upon it — not to save himself, but to preserve the honour of his B^iment. As the Colour fluttered in its fall, the Frenchman tore ofif a portion of the silk with the point of his lance ; but he was not permitted to bear the fragment beyond the ranks. Both shot and bayoneted by the nearest of the soldiers of the 44th, he was borne to the earth, paying with the sacrifice of his life for his display of unavailing bravery.

In the mean time, the leading portion of Pirn's Light Cavalry, from which the Lancers that attacked the 42nd and 44th British Begiments had been detached, as already described, continued its advance along the high road towards Quatre Bras, driving in the Brunswick Hussars, who were now galloping confusedly upon the 92nd Highlanders then lining the ditch of ih& Namur high road contiguous to Quatre Braa Pursued by the Chassewra d Cheval, and finding no opening for their passage, they made for the Bight Flank of the Begiment : and, as they were flying past, the Grenadier Company was wheeled back upon

162 French Cavalry checked by the 92nd

the road so as to oppose a front at that point to the flank of the pursuing Cavalry, upon which the Highlanders now poured a most destructive volley. The shock thus occasioned to the French Cavalry was immediately perceptible; but though thrown into confusion, the main body soon reformed, and retired with much steadiness and regularity.

The front of the Column, however, impelled by the furious ardour with which it had advanced, or, perhaps, imagining itself still followed and supported by the main body, dashed in amongst the houses of Quatre Bras, and even advanced to some distance beyond them, cutting down several stragglers whom they found there, principally belonging to the routed Brunswick Infantry, as also groups of wounded. Many of them rushed through the large opening into the Farm Yard of Quatre Bras, which was situated immediately in rear of the Eight of the 92nd. A few daring fellows finding they had proceeded too far to be able to retire by the same direction in which they had advanced, wheeled round suddenly at the point where the high roads intersect each other, and galloped right through the Grenadier Company of the Highlanders, shouting, and brandishing their swords, and receiving a fire from some of the rear rank of the Eegiment as they dashed along the road. None of them escaped: one, an Officer of the Chasseurs it Cluval, had already reached the spot where the Duke of Wellington was at that moment stationed in rear of the Highlanders. Some of the men immediately turned round and fired: his horse was killed, and at the same moment a musket ball passed through each foot of the gallant young Officer. Those of the French Chasseurs who had entered the Farm Yard, finding no other outlet, now began to gallop back, in small parties of two or

Kellermann joins Ney. 163

three at a time, but few escaped the deadly fire of the Highlanders.

Marshal Ney's actual force on the battlefield
Forces Infantry Cavalry Guns
Force already on the battlefield 16,189 1,865 38
11th Cavalry Division 1,743
One battery of horse artillery 6
Total 16,189 3,608 44

About this time, Kellebmann reached the Field, with the Eleventh Heavy Cavalry Division under Lieutenant General l'Heritibr. This augmented Net's forces to the following as shown in the table.

The French Infantry upon the extreme Left had by this time possessed themselves of the greater portion of the Wood of Bossu, from the Allied rear of which numerous groups of wounded and runaways were now seen to emerge; indeed, it soon became evident that no dependence could be placed on the continued occupation of the Wood by the Dutch-Belgian forces, and that the whole brunt of the battle would have to be borne by the British, Hanoverian, and Brunswick forces. Upon the extreme French right, all attempts to turn the opposite flank of the Anglo-allies were successfully checked by the steadiness and gallantry of the British 95th Rifles, supported by the 2nd Brunswick light Battalion.

Ney, although he had failed in his first general attack upon the Anglo-allied line, had fully ascertained that the raw troops of which the Dutch-Belgian and Brunswick cavalry in the field were composed, were totally incapable of competing with his own veteran warriors of that arm, and he therefore determined to take advantage of Kellbrmann's arrival for the execution of a vigorous cavalry attack.

164 British squares charged by cavalry

Betaming General Piquet's Brigade in reserve, he combined, for this purpose, General Guyton's Brigade, consisting of the 8 th and 11th Cuirassiers, with Pmi's light Cavalry Division ; and also taking advantage of his greatly superior Artillery force, he caused the attack to be preceded and covered by a tremendous cannonade, occasioning great havoc in the ranks of the Anglo- A Hied Infantry, the range for which the French Gunners had by this time ascertained with fearful precision.

It was not long before the British Battalions most in advance were warned of the approach of hostile Cavalry by the running in of their Skirmishers ; and scarcely had they formed their Squares when the Batteries respectively opposed to them having ceased their fire, a rushing sound was heard through the tall com, which, gradually bending, disclosed to their view the heads of the attacking Columns ; and now began a conflict wherein the cool and daring intrepidity with which British Infantry are accustomed to defy the assaults of Cavalry was exemplified in a manner that will ever reflect honour and glory upon the Regiments to whose lot it fell, on this memorable Field, to assert and maintain their country's prowess. A rolling fire from the muskets of the 42nd Highlanders and 44th British Eegiment, given at a moment when the Enemy's horsemen were almost close upon their bayonets, though most destructive in its effects upon their own immediate opponents, checked not the ardour and impetuosity of the general attack. These two diminutive Squares, now completely surrounded by the French Cavalry, seemed destined to become a sacrifice to the fury with which a rapid succession of attacks was made upon them; no sooner waa one Squadron hurled back in confusion, thjui another rushed impetuously forward upon the same face of a Square, to experience a


166 Picton advances against the Cavalry

similar fate; and sometimes diflferent faces were charged simultaneously.

A strong body of Cuirassiers now passed the Right Flank of the two Begiments, along the high road, with an evident intention of making another attempt upon Quatre Bras.

Picton, who had been watching with intense anxiety the contest maintained by the 42nd and 44th British Begiments in their exposed situation, and who had become convinced of the utter hopelessness of obtaining any efficient support from the Allied Cavalry then in the field, could no longer restrain his impatience to fly to the rescue of the devoted Squares ; and, as a substitute for Cavalry, he decided upon immediately assailing that of the Enemy with his own oft tried Infantry. With this view, he united the Boyals (under Lieutenant Colonel Colin Campbell) and the 28th Begiment, both of which Corps were at that moment standing in Column at quarter distance. Led on by both Picton and Kempt, the united Column, with loud shouts, boldly advanced into the midst of the Enemy's Cavalry; the whole extent of ground along its front appeared to swarm with Lancers, Chasseurs d Chevai, and Cuirassiers, a considerable portion of whom were now seen rapidly forming for an attack upon the Column ; but Picton constantly on the alert, and at the same time desirous of arriving at such a distance as would enable him to present an efficient flemk fire in support of the 44th Begiment, continued advancing until the last moment, when he suddenly formed it into Square.

The repeated and furious charges which ensued, were invariably repulsed by the Boyals and the 28 th, with the utmost steadiness and consummate bravery ; and although the Lancers individually dashed forward and frequently wounded the men in the ranks, yet all endeavours to effect

Steadiness of the Bintish Squares. 167

an opening, of which the succeeding Squadron of Attack might take advantage, completely failed. The ground on which the Square stood was such that the surrounding remarkably tail rye concealed it in a great measure, in the first attacks, from the view of the French Cavalry \mtil the latter came quite close upon it ; but to remedy this incon- venience, and to preserve the impetus of their charge, the Lancers had frequently recourse to sending forward a daring individual to plant a lance in the earth at a very short distance from the bayonets, and they then charged upon the lance flag as a mark of direction.

The advance of the Eoyals and the 28 th had been almost immediately followed, under the same form, by that of the 32nd Eegiment, which, having reached a convenient distance, halted,' and formed Square so as to support, at the same time, by a flank fire, the Royals and 28th, and the Square of the 79 th Highlanders, which latter Eegiment constituted a connecting link with the 95th British Regiment upon the extreme Left.

Upon the advance of the Regiments belonging to Kempt's and Pack's British Brigades, Best's Hanoverian Brigade occupied the Namur road in their rear, along which the Landwehr Battalions Luneburg, Osterode, and Miinden (respectively commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Ramdohr, Major Redek, and Major Schmid) were deployed, while the Landwehr Battalion Verden (under Major Decken), also in line, was posted somewhat in advance.

In this position, Picton's Division sustained repeated assaults of the French Cavalry, which attacked the Squares simultaneously, and in every direction : as a portion rushed upon one Square, other Squadrons passed on to assail the next ; some parties, taking advantage of sinuosities of the ground, awaited, like birds of prey, the favourable moment

168 French system of Cavalry attacks

for pouncing upon their victims; no sooner was one attacking Squadron driven back and dispersed by a stream of musketry from the face of a Square, than a fresh party would rush from its cover upon the same ranks, in the vain hope that the means of breaking its onset had been expended ; but a reserved fire never failed to bring down upon it a similar fate. Viewed from a little distance, the British Squares could at times be scarcely discerned amidst the surrounding Cavalry ; and as the latter was frequently observed flying back from sudden discharges of musketry, a spectator might easily have imagined the Squares to be so many immense bombs, with every explosion scattering death and confusion among the masses that rushed so daringly into their fatal vicinity.

The French Cavalry, by its repeated failures to make any impression on the British Infantry by the manner in which it had passed through and through the intervals between the Squares, and in which the charging Squadrons when dispersed had got intermingled, was now in great disorder — Lancers, Chasseurs^ and OuirassierSy were mixed together jmd crossing one another in every direction, seeking out their respective Corps. To retire and reform had therefore become with them an absolutely necessary measure ; but this aflforded no respite to the devoted Squares, against which the Batteries upon the French Heights now played with terrific eflfect.

During the French attack of the British Squares on the eastern side of the Charleroi road, a considerable body of Cuirassiers advanced along the latter, with the evident design of making aaother attack upon the Anglo-Allied Centre at Quatre Bras. The Belgian Cavahy, which was again ordered forward, endeavoured to check this movement,

British Skirmishers driven back. 169

but with no better effect than that which attended its former attempt; in fact, it retired sooner, charged and pursued by the Cuirassiers, against whom a rapid fire was now opened from the 92nd Highlanders, who still lined the ditch of the Namur road, close to Quatre Bras, a fire so destructive in its effects that the steel clad warriors were completely staggered, and the order of their advance so thoroughly shaken that they were compelled to retire in confusion.

In addition to the furious cannonade to which they were subjected, the foremost of Ficton's British Battalions, more especially the 42nd and 44th B^iments, were exposed to a rapid and destructive fire, which, as soon as the Enemy's Cavalry had been withdrawn, was opened upon them by the French troops advancing from the inclosures of Gemioncourt. To check this, Skirmishers were thrown forward, but from the want of sufficient ammunition, they could reply but very feebly to the fire of their opponents, who, not suffering the same disadvantage, were picking them off as fast as they could load. Their line soon became fearfully thinned, and finally their ammunition was totally exhausted, to. which circumstance the Officer on whom the command of them had devolved (Lieutenant Biddock, 44th E^iment) called the attention of Sir Denis Pack, who ordered him to close his men to their centre and to join his own Begiment

He had just executed the first part of the Order, when the French Cavalry having rallied and reformed, renewed their attacks upon the British Squares. Squadrons of GuirassieTs and Lancers, in their onward course, swept past Lieutenant Biddogk and his party, while others intercepted his direct line of retreat. He instantly formed four deep.

170 "28th, remember Egypt!

and with his front rank at the charge, he made good his way through the Enemy's Cavaby, as far as the south face of the Square formed by the 44th Regiment ; which, however, was so hotly pressed at the moment as to be unable to receive him, whereupon he ordered his men to lie down close to their bayonets, until a favourable opportunity should oflfer for their admission within the Square.

A repetition of the former scene on this part of the Field now took place, and the attacks, which were conducted with similar impetuosity, were met by a resistance equally undaunted. As if to overawe the Square formed by the Eoyals and 28th British Regiments, the French Cavalry now made a simultaneous attack upon three of its faces, and these consisted mainly of the latter Corps. Picton, who was again in the Square, upon perceiving the approach of this apparently overwhelming force, suddenly and emphatically exclaimed, 28th! remember Egypt!" They answered him with a loud cheer, and reserving their fire until the Cavalry had approached within a few yards of the Square, their muskets were coolly and deliberately levelled at their assailants, who in the next moment were hurled back in wild disorder, horses and riders tumbling over one another, and creating indescribable confusion. Similar in their results were all the attacks made upon the other British Squares, which maintained their ground with the same imshaken steadiness and gallantry.

These repeated charges by the French Cavalry, though conducted by veteran soldiers, with admirable order and compactness, and though affording innumerable instances of individual gallantry and daring, were certainly not carried on in a manner calculated to ensure success over Infantry distinguished by such high training and such undaunted bravery as the British proved themselves to possess on this


French Lancers destroy a Battalion, 171

memorable occasion. There was no indication of a systematic attack upon any particular point by a rapid succession of charging Squadrons — no forlorn hope like rush upon the opposing bayonets by the survivors of a discharge of musketry levelled at a leading Squadron, and that rush followed up with lightning-like rapidity by the next Squadron, which, in spite of the intervening space encumbered with the bodies of men and horses overthrown in the first charge, would thus obtain the greatest chance of effecting by its own weight and compact order, a breach in the Square at the point originally selected for the assault

No such system of attack was attempted ; but, on the contrary, it almost invariably happened that the leading Squadron no sooner received the fire from the point attacked, than it either opened out from the centre to the right and left, and retired, or, it diverged altogether to one flank, leaving the succeeding divisions, in both cases, to observe the same movement ; and, in this manner, the whole of the attacking force exposed itself to a far more extended range of fire and consequent loss, than if it had pursued the more daring, and at the same time, more decisive, mode of attack just described.

Whilst a considerable portion of the French Cavalry was thus fruitlessly assailing the British Squares, a body of Lancers, which had advanced considerably in the rear of those Squares, made a sudden and unexpected charge upon the Hanoverian Landwehr Battalion Verden, which was then, as previously explained, deployed a short distance in front of the Namur road: it was completely successful, and the greater part of the Battalion was cut down by the Lancers, who, emboldened by this triumph, were preparing to cross the Namur road, where a well directed fire opened upon them

172 It wees long past Jke o*clock

by the Landwehr Battalions Llineburg and Osterode, lying concealed in the ditch by which it was lined, threw them into disorder, and forced them to a precipitate retreat

The whole of the French Cavalry was now withdrawn for the purpose of reforming its broken and disordered ranks, leaving the Anglo-Allied Infantry to be again assailed by a vigorous cannonade, from the Heights above Gemioncourt. The only movement on the part of the Anglo- Allied forces was the advance of the Brunswick Guard Battalion and 2nd line Battalion in front of Quatre Bras, by the right of the Charleroi road, aj3 a precautionary measure against any flank attack that might be attempted from the Wood of Bossu , upon the advanced Battalions of Picton's right.

It was long past five o'clock. The French Infantry in the Wood of Bossu was continually making progress towards the Namur road, across which increased numbers of the Dutch-Belgian troops, to whom the defence of the Wood had been entrusted, were seen hastily retiring. In Fiermont, the French light Troops had been reinforced, and they were now evidently preparing for a more vigorous attack upon the extreme Left of Wellington's forces; whilst certain movements in the vicinity of Gtemioncourt gave intimation of an intended renewal of the attack upon Quatre Bras. All prospect of the Anglo-Allied Cavalry encountering Key's veteran Dragoons with any chance of success had entirely vanished ; whilst, on the other hand, the latter were on the point of being reinforced by the arrival of another Cavalry Division. Pack's Brigade had expended nearly the whole of its ammunition ; its exposed position, and the continued Cavalry charges in its rear having precluded the transmission of the necessary supply. The Brunswickers had been greatly discouraged by the death of their gallant Prince ; and the

Arrival of Alien's Brigades. 173

losses sustained by all the troops engaged had already been truly frightful

It was at this very moment, when Wellington's situation had become so extremely critical, that two Infantry Brigades of the Third Division, under Lieutenant General Sir Chakles Alten, most opportunely reached the Field of Action by the Nivelles road. They were the Fifth British Brigade, commanded by Major General Sir Colin Halkett, and the First Hanoverian Brigade, under Major General Count KusLMANSEGGE ; and were accompanied by Major Lloyd's Battery of British Foot Artillery, and by Captain Clebves's Battery of Hanoverian Foot Artillery.

Duke of Wellington's actual force on the battlefield
Designation Forces Infantry Cavalry Guns
Force already on
the battlefield		 18,090 2,004 30
British 5th Infantry Brigade 2,254
Battery of foot artillery 6
King's German Legion Battery of foot artillery 6
Hanoverians 1st Infantry Brigade 3,189
Dutch Belgians 7th Dutch Line Battalion 731
Total 24,264 2,004 42
 
Marshal Ney's actual force on the battlefield
Forces Infantry Cavalry Guns
Force already on the battlefield 16,189 3,472 44
12th Cavalry Division 1,502
One battery of horse artillery 6
Total 16,189 4,974 50

By the arrival of these troops Wellington's force was augmented as shown in the table to the right. About the same time. Net's troops were reinforced by the remaining Division of Kellermann's Ccorps of Heavy Cavalry, so that his whole force was constituted as shown in the same table.

174 Ney's satisfactory position

Ney, on perceiving the arrival of this reinforcement to the Anglo- Allied troops, despatched a peremptory Order to d'Erlon to hasten to his support and join him without a moment's delay ; and having well calculated the advantages he still retained, he resolved upon a bold and vigorous eflfort to secure the victory.

The greater portion of the Wood of Bossu was now in his possession ; and this circumstance appeared to him to present the means of establishing himself at Quatre Bras, and of thus enabling him effectually to turn Wellington's Eight Flank, and cut oflf his line of retreat upon Brussels. With this view he had already greatly reinforced his Infantry in the Wood through which he had even ordered the advance of two Batteries, in a direction parallel to, and within a very short distance of, its eastern boundary, so that they might be prepared to act upon the plain, as soon as circumstances rendered such a proceeding advisable or expedient. He now also threw forward additional light Troops to strengthen his extreme Eight in the vicinity of Piermont; whilst his Cavalry, so vastly superior, both in numbers and in efficiency, to that which the British Commander had brought into the Field, constituted his main central force, and compensated in a great measure for the deficiency created in this point of his line by the drawing oflf of the Infjuitry to the Flanks.

The two French Batteries above alluded to as having advanced along the interior of the Wood of Bossu, suddenly opened a destructive fire from the edge of the latter upon the Brunswick troops posted on the right of the Charleroi road, just as Lloyd's Battery arrived at Quatre Bras. The Duke instantly ordered the advance of this Battery into the open space between the Charleroi road and the Wood, for the purpose of silencing the French guns ; but before the British


Gallantry of Lloyd's Battery. 175

ArtUlerymen could unlimber, several horses of the Battery were killed, wheels were disabled, and, from the proximity of the Enemy's guns, some of the Gunners were literally cut in two by the round shot with which they were so closely assailed. Nevertheless, the Battery succeeded, not only in silencing its opponents, but also in forcing back into the wood a French Colunm of Infantry, which, advancing directly towards the Brussels road, had endeavoured to turn its Eight Flank: after which brilliant services, Lloyd, perceiving no adequate Support, judged it prudent, in the then crippled state of his Battery, to retire to his former Post, abandoning two guns for which he had not a sufficient number of horses remaining, and which consequently could not be recovered until the termination of the action.

Halkett's Brigade, shortly after passing Quatre Bras, was ordered to bring up its left shoulders ; and, entering the rye fields in front of the Namur road, it proceeded some little distance in advance, and halted.

Kielmansegge's Brigade continued its march along the Namur road, and received Orders to strengthen the extreme Left, as also to support, and, where necessary, to relieve the exhausted British Battalions, which had so bravely withstood the fiercest onsets of a most daring and well organised Cavalry, and had so unflinchingly endured the incessant cannonade maintained against them by the well served Batteries on the French Heights.

It was during the advance of the Third British Division to take up its ground — Halkett proceeding directly to the front, and Ktelmansbgge moving along the Namur road to the left — and under cover of the heavy cannonade which was maintained against the Allied line at this time, that again a Column of French Infantry advanced from out of the Wood, towards the Brussels road, and entering the latter

176 The 92nd capture an isolated House

by the isolated House southward of Quatre Bras, established itself in and about that building and its indosures.

Shortly afterwards, another Column advanced in support of the former one, which then emerged from its cover, and began to ascend that part of the Anglo- Allied position occupied by the 92nd Highlanders. On perceiving this, Major General Babnes, Adjutant Greneral to the British forces, who had just ridden up to the right of the Eegiment, placed himself very conspicuously at the head of the Highlanders, waving his hat, and exclaiming, "92nd, follow me!" In an instant the latter sprang out of the ditch in which they had hitherto been posted, and with great gallantry and steadiness charged down the slope. The French Infantry hastily fell back, until having gained the partial shelter afforded them by the isolated House and its inclosures, they opened a most destructive fire upon the Highlanders, who nevertheless slackened not their pace, but drove the French out of their cover. Their Commanding Officer, Colonel Cameron, here received his death wound, and having lost the power of managing his horse, the latter carried him at its utmost speed along the road until he reached Quatre Bras, where his servant was standing with his led horse, when the animal, suddenly stopping, pitched the unfortunate Officer on his head The supporting Column, however, securing the garden opposite to the House and on the right of the road, seemed resolved to make a stand against the further advance of the Highlanders; but the latter, by a judicious disposition of their force in three divisions — one towards each flank of the garden, and the other directly to the gate in front — and again uniting as soon as these points were secured, once more rushed upon their foes with the bayonet, displaying, under a terrific fire, the most undaunted bravery.


Halkett sends the 69ih to help Pack. 177

As soon as the French turned their bocks, the 92nd poured upon them a volley which proved most destructive, and continued their advance, pursuing the Enemy along the edge of the Wood, into which they finally retired upon perceiving a disposition on the part of the French Cavalry to charge, and finding themselves exposed to a heavy cannonade which was rapidly thinning their ranks to a fearful extent Subsequently, in consequence of their very severe loss, they were withdrawn through the Wood to Quatre Bras.

Again the French Skirmishers were creeping up the slope from the Gemioncourt inclosures, and Pack, who had united the remains of the 42nd and 44th Begiments into one Battalion, made the best show of resistance in his power to their teazing tiraillade ; but being aware how very small a quantity of ammunition remained in his men's pouches, his anxiety on this point became extreme, the more so as he had good reasons for apprehending fresh attacks of Cavalry. His advanced position in the inmiediate proximity of the formation of the Enemy's Columns of Attack, naturally kept him on the look out for efiective British support ; and on observing the head of Halkett's Brigade, as the latter was advandng from Quatre Bras, he instantly despatched an Aide de Camp to that General, with a message, that his own Brigade had expended nearly the whole of its ammunition, and that if he did not offer him a Support, he would be under the necessity of almost immediately abandoning his position. Halkstt at once acceded to the proposal by sending forward the 69 th British Eegiment, and desiring its Commanding Officer, Colonel Morice, to obey any Orders he might receive from General Pack.

In pursuance of Orders received from the Duke, Halkett moved the remainder of his Brigade into the space between the Wood of Bossu and the Charleroi road, fronting the

178 The Prince of Orange's mistake.

French Left Wing. Here he found the Brunswick Infantry retiring with precipitation : he immediately put himself in communication with their Commanding Officer, Colonel Olfermann, and by aid of the support which his Brigade presented to their view, he succeeded in bringing them up imder cover, in the ditch which, traversing the space between the Wood and the high road, ran nearly parallel with the Enemy's line.

Leaving his Brigade in the position he had taken up, in support of the Brunswickers and of Pack's Brigade, and pending the arrival of further instructions from the Duke, Halkett galloped to the Front, nearly beyond the Farm of Qemioncourt, for the purpose of ascertaining, if possible, the disposition and intentions of the Enemy. He was not kept long in suspense, Ney's arrangements for another general attack having been concluded ; and, observing the Cavalry destined to advance against the Allies on both sides of the Charleroi road in motion, he turned round his horse and hastened to dispose his Brigade in such a mtmner as to render it fully prepared to brave the coming storm. On his way, he sent an intimation to Pack of his discovery, and Orders to the 69th Kegiment to prepare forthwith to receive Cavalry.

A sudden and heavy cannonade had already opened from the French Heights — a sure prelude to the attjwk which was about to take place — and the 69th Regiment was in the act of forming Square, when the Prince of Orange rode up to it and asked what it was doing. Colonel Moricb explained that he was forming Square in pursuance of the instructions he had received ; upon which His Eoyal Highness, remarking that he did not think there was any chance of the Cavalry coming on, ordered him to reform Column, and to deploy into line. During this last move-

Steadiness and gallantry of the SOth. 179

ment a strong body of French Cuirassiers, taking advantage of the surrounding high corn, and of the circumstance of the Eegiment lying in a hollow, approached unperceived quite close to the spot, and rushing suddenly and im- petuously upon a Flank, succeeded in completely rolling up the Begiment, riding along and over the unfortunate men, of whom great numbers were cut down, and in the midst of the confusion thus created, captured and carried o£f one of the Colours; in defence of which Major Lindsay, Lieutenant PiaoT, and Volunteer Clarke, highly distin- guished themselves, and were desperately wounded. Some Officers and men took shelter in the Square formed by the 42nd and 44th Begiments ; the mounted Officers gained the other side of the road, pursued by about twenty of the Enemy, and escaped by riding through one of the Hanoverian Battalions lining the Namur road.

The 30th Begiment, which had also been deployed into line by the Orders of the Prince of Orange, most fortunately discovered, in sufficient time, the approach of Cavalry (notwithstanding the extraordinary height of the rye, which greatly impeded all observation), formed Square with remarkable rapidity, and, reserving their fire until the very last moment, they completely dispersed and drove ofif a body of PiR]fi's Lancers, and a portion of Kellermann's (hvrassiers, which troops had made a charge upon them, enveloping two faces of their Square. Picton, who, from the opposite side of the high road, was an eye witness of this scene, was so much pleased with the perfect steadiness of the Eegiment, that, seizing a favourable opportunity of galloping up to it, he called for the Commanding Officer, and told Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton that he should report to the Duke the gallant conduct of his Corps. Indeed the steadiness and gallantry of the 30 th in this Battle were so

180 Renewed Cavalry attack upon Picton

conspicuous as also to draw upon them the well merited commendations of the Prince of Obangb, and Generals Altek, Halkbtt, and Kislhanseggk

The 73rd Eegiment (under Colonel Harris), and the Brunswickers, were equally on the alert ; but the French Cavalry, on finding them prepared, diverged towards the high road.

The 33rd Regiment (under Lieutenant Colonel Elphin- stone), had formed Square upon its leading Company (the Grenadiers) at the moment the latter had reached some rising ground ; in which position it became a conspicuous mark for the fire, at point blank distance, of a French Battery which opened upon it with great spirit. It was deemed advisable to deploy it into line, in which forma- tion the Begiment advanced towards the two Brunswick Battalions then fiercely engaged with the Enemy's light Troops near the skirt of the Wood ; but upon approaching the latter, a report was spread along the line that French Cavalry was in its rear, whereupon the Begiment rushed precipitately into the Wood, within which it was speedily reformed.

Whilst that portion of Ksllermann's Dragoons which had dispersed the 69th Begiment, were sweeping gallantly onwards in their bold career along the high road towards Quatre Bras, the greater body of this Corps advanced into the open space on the right of that road. Here Picton's gallant little bands found themselves again involved in one general onset of Cavalry, made with a violence and fury which seemed to betoken a desperate resolve to harass the devoted Squares to the last extremity, and to cany every thing by main force. At the same time a dense doud of Skirmishers, bursting forth from the inclosures of Piermont,

Ney has hopes of victory. 181

threatened to turn the extreme Left of t^e Anglo-Allied Army ; whilst the French Infantry in the Wood of Bossu, close upon the northern boimdary of the latter, equally endangered its extreme Bight.

At this moment, Net's prospects were bright enough to justify his hopes of success, and he hailed the captured Colour, presented to him by the Cuirassier Lami of the 8th Raiment, as the harbinger of victory. In fact, on whatever point of his line Ney now directed his view, his operations were full of promise as to the result

It was certainly a most anxious moment to the British Chief : but frightfully crippled as were his resources by the &ilure and hasty retreat of the great bulk of the Dutch- Belgian Infantry, by the evident inferiority and utter helplessness of his Cavalry, and by the dreadfully severe losses already inflicted upon his British Regiments, he calmly surveyed the field of slaughter, and deliberately calculated upon the extent to which the heroic valour and admirable spirit so imequivocally displayed by the British and German Infantry would enable him to bear up against the storm that now spread its fury along his whole line, until his eagle glance might detect some favourable opening, seize some critical moment, to deal the stroke that, by a combination as sudden as the launching of the thunderbolt of the storm itself, should avert its fury, or oppose to it a barrier that might exhaust its strength.

The arrival of Lloyd's British, and Olbbves's German, Batteries, attached to Alten's Division, had already made a most important addition to the Duke's Artillery force ; the former took poQt in front of Quatre Bras on the right, tiie latter on the left, of the Charleroi road.

Almost immediately afterwards. Major Kuhlmann's Battery of Horse Artillery of the King's German Legion,


182 The French Cuirassiers a/re dispersed

belonging to the First Division, which it had preceded on the Nivelles road, reached the Field, and moved rapidly to the point of intersection of the Brussels and Nivelles road, where it came into action, at the very moment the CuirassieTs who had fallen upon Halkett's Brigade were advancing in mass along the former road towards Quatre Bras. Two guns under Lieutenant Speckmann were posted so as to bear directly upon the French Column, and completely to enfilade the road ; and as the Cuirassiers approached with the undaunted bearing that betokened the steadiness of veterans, and with the imposing display that usually distinguishes mailed Cavalry, a remarkably well directed fire was opened upon them : in an instant the whole mass appeared in irretrievable confusion ; the road was literally strewed with corses of these steel clad warriors and their gallant steeds ; Kellebmann himself was dismounted, and compelled like many of his followers to retire on foot.

It was at this moment that Colonel Laurent, who had been despatched from the Imperial Head Quarters, reached Ney, with a pencilled note requiring the Marshal to detach the I Corps towards Saint-Amand. Having fallen in with the head of the Column of that Corps, he had taken upon himself to alter the direction of its march ; and, on coming up with Count d'Erlon, who had preceded his Corps, and was then in front of Frasne, he showed him the note, and explained to him where he would find the head of his Column. Shortly afterwards. General d'Elcaiore, Chief of the Staff to the First Corps, arrived to report the movement which was in course of execution.

Ney now saw clearly that at the very moment he required the aid of d'Erlon's Corps, not only to counterbalance the arrival of reinforcements which had joined Wellington, but

Napoleon's despatches to Ney. 183

to give an efficient support to the renewed general attack he had projected, that Corps had been placed beyond his reach, and that he must, in all probability, continue to fight the battle without any addition to the force he had already in the Field. Nevertheless, he did not allow the circumstance to suspend the execution of his operations ; and, with the hope of yet securing the assistance of the First Corps, he sent back Greneral d'Elcambre, with a peremptory Order for its return towards Quatre Bras.

It was soon after this that Ney received another despatch from Napoleon, dated at two o'clock. From its general tenor it was evidently written previously to the departure of Colonel Laukent with the Order for the flank movement of d'Erldn's Corps, and therefore the bearer of it must have taken longer time than was necessary in conveying it to the Marshal. It announced that the Prussians were posted between Sombreffe and Bry, and that at half past two Grouchy was to attack them with the Third and Fourth Corps d^ArrrUe, and expressed the Emperor's wish that Ney should also attack whatever Enemy might be in his front, and, after having repulsed the latter, fall back in the direction of ligny, to assist in enveloping the Prussians. At the same time it stated, that should Napoleon succeed in defeating the latter beforehand, he would then manoeuvre in Ney's direction, to support in like manner the Marshal's operations. It concluded by requesting information both as to Nby's own dispositions and those of the Enemy in his front. This despatch reached Ney at a moment when he was most seriously engaged, when the issue of the battle was extremely doubtful, and the probability of his being enabled to aflford the support required by Napoleon most questionable.

184 The fierce straggle at Piermont

Upon the extreme Left of the Anglo-Allied forces, the advance of the French light Troops from Kermont and its vicinity W£W met in a most determined and gallant manner by the head of Kielmansegge's Hanoverian Brigade (which after having moved along the Nivelles road, exposed to the continued fire from the Batteries on the French Heights, had just reached that part of the field), in conjunction with the 1st Battalion 95th British Eifles, and the 2nd Brunswick light Battalion. The most determined efforts were made by the Enemy to turn the Anglo- Allied Flank. The French Infantry had already gained the high road, and were boldly pressing forward, when the British Rifles, the Brunswick Light Infantry, and the Hanoverian Field Battalion Liineburg (under lieutenant Colonel Elencke) dashed in amongst them. The contest was obstinate and severe ; but the Allied light Troops having been reinforced by the Hemoverian Field Battalion Grubenhagen (under lieutenant Colonel Wurmb), graducdly obtained the ascendancy, and, dislodging their opponents from one inclosure after another, continued steadily advancing, and gaining ground.

Along the whole front of the central portion of the Anglo-Allied Army, the French Cavalry was expending its force in repeated but unavailing charges against the indomitable Squares. The gallant, the brilliant, the heroic, manner in which the remnants of Kempt's and Pack's Brigades held their ground, of which they surrendered not a single inch throughout the terrific struggle of that day, must ever stand preeminent in the records of the triumphs and prowess of British Infantry.

To relieve them as much as possible from the severe pressure they experienced, now that their ammunition was almost entirely exhausted, some of the Hanoverian Battalions were judiciously thrown forward so as to aflford

Arrival of more Brunsmchers. 185

them a close, immediate, and efficient, support, while others continued to line the Namur road ; a disposition for which the arrival of Kielmansegge's Brigade had presented the ready means, and which imposed an impregnable barrier to any further advance of the French Cavalry, whose ranks were now thoroughly disordered, and their numbers greatly diminished, by their perseverance in a contest the hopelessness of which began to appear but too evident

During that part of the Battle just described, Ney received a further despatch from the Emperor by Colonel FOBBIK JAN80N. It was dated a quarter past three, and announced to the Marshal that Napoleon was at that moment seriously engaged. It desired Ney to manoeuvre immediately so as to turn the Bight of the Prussians and fall upon their Bear, and contained the remark that the latter would thus be taken en flagrant ddit at the moment they might be endeavouring to join the English. The impossibility of Key's complying with these directions was already sufficiently apparent.

At this time, Wellington received an addition to his forces by the arrival of the 1st and 3rd Brunswick Light Battalions, and the Brunswick Brigade of Artillery under Major Mahn, consisting of a Battery of Horse, and another of Foot, Artillery. The guns were immediately posted dose upon the Kamur road, at a short distance to the left of Quatre Bras ; and their fire, combined with that of the British and German Batteries, soon produced a very perceptible effect upon the French Artillery. The Infantry reinforced the 1st and 3rd Brunswick Line Battalions occupying the houses of Quatre Bras.

The most important reinforcement, however, was the


186 Arrival of Cooke's Division.

arrival, at nearly the same moment — about half past six o'clock — of the First British Division, under Major General Cooke, consisting of the First Brigade of Guards, commanded by Major General Maitland, and the Second Brigade of Guards, commanded by Major General Sir John Byng.

Duke of Wellington's actual force on the battlefield
Designation Forces Infantry Cavalry Guns
Force already on
the battlefield		 24,264 2,004 42
British 1st Infantry Division 4,061
Battery of foot artillery 6
King's German Legion Battery of horse artillery 6
Brunswick 1st and 3rd light battalions 1,344
Battery of foot artillery 6
Battery of horse artillery 6
Total 29,669 2,004 70
 
Marshal Ney's actual force on the battlefield remained the same
Total 16,189 4,974 50

Their line of march having been by the Nivelles road, they came very opportunely upon the most critical point of the Anglo- Allied position, namely, its extreme Eight, just at the moment when the French light Troops, having driven out the Dutch - Belgian Infantry, showed themselves in force along the northern boundary of the Wood of Bossu, and some of their Skirmishers had almost gained the high road.

The Prince of Orange, who had galloped along this road to meet the Guards, immediately ordered the Light

It enters the Wood of Bossu, 187

Companies under Lieutenant Colonel Lord Saltoun, to enter the Wood. They rushed forward with a loud cheer, and commenced a brisk fire on their opponents, who were soon made sensible of the superior description of force now brought against them. The remainder of the Brigade speedily followed, and the loud, sharp, animated rattle of musketry, which was progressing rapidly into the very heart of the Wood, plainly indicated that even in this quarter, where the French had hitherto been the most successful, and whence they might not only have molested the Anglo- Allied troops on the eastern boundary of the Wood, but have most seriously endangered the Bight of the British position, they were now encountering a most vigorous and determined resistance.

Halkett's Brigade, with the Brunswickers, resolutely maintained the ground on which they had been charged by the French Cavalry. As the latter retired, the Light Companies of the Brigade, with a portion of the Brunswickers on the right, and some Hanoverian Riflemen on the left, advanced in pursuit The French threw forward a line of Tirailleurs to check them, and a brisk fire was maintained on both sides. The cannonade on this side of the field was also kept up with great spirit. At length the French Cavalry advanced, forcing back Halkett's Skirmishers upon their respective Columns, on which they then charged. Their attack, however, was not made with much energy, and, upon their being uniformly repulsed, the Light Troops resumed their former ground. Halkett pushed forward his Battalions to the line of his Skirmishers, and then moving towards Ids right, in the direction of the ravine, which descends from the Wood, drove across the rivulet a body of French Infantry, from which a portion of his

188 The Guards recover the Wood.

Brigade had suffered a sievere fire. In this part of the affair one of Picton's Battalions — the Koyals— co-operated. The two Brunswick Battalions continued boldly to advance even beyond this line, resting their right close upon the Wood.

In the meantime, Byng's Brigade had closely followed up Mattland's in support, having previously sent forward its Light Companies under Lieutenant Colonel Magdonell round by Quatre Bras, skirting the eastern border of the Wood. The spirited and determined nature of the advance of the British Guards not admitting of that restraint which, considering the many intricate parts of the Wood, was essential for the preservation of order, led to great con- fusion in their ranks by the time they reached the southern extremity, after having fairly driven out the French ; and in this state they ventured to pursue the Enemy on the open ground, but were quickly repulsed by his Eeserves; and the French Artillery poured so destructive a fire into this portion of the Wood, that MAiTLArn) deemed it advisable to withdraw the 2nd Battalion (under Colonel Askew) to the rivulet, where it was immediately joined from the rear by the other Battalion of his Brigade (the 3rd, under Colonel the Hon. William Stuart).

The time which would have been occupied in restoring the order and regularity that had been so completely lost during the progress of these Battalions through the Wood, was considered too precious for that purpose at such a moment, and the Brigade was ordered to form line to its left, outside the Wood, the men falling in promiscuously as fast as they emerged from their cover, and extending the line into the plain between the Wood and the Brussels road. Thus formed, the line advanced, though but for a short distance, when it opened and continued a brisk fire, under which the

JaneK.


Gallantry of the Brunswick Infantry. 189

Trench Infantrj, in its immediate front, deployed with the utmost steadiness and gallantry. This advance had been followed by the Brunswick Guard Battalion, which was now manoeuvring to form on the left of Mattlahd's Brigade.

The French Cavalry, which had been watching for an opportonity to charge the Brigade, now made a dash at its Left Flank. When the irregular formation of the latter, which has been already explained, is considered, it is evident that any attempt to form Square at that moment would have involved the British Guards in inextricable confusion, and have rendered them an easy prey to the French horsemen. Sapid as was the advance of the latter, its object was frustrated in a manner which testifies the extraordinary discipline of the men of that Brigade. Mere discipline it was not ; it was an instinctive momentary impulse, which seemed to animate the whole Cc«Tp8 with the sole conviction, that the only step to be taken, the only chance left for safety, consisted in a general and instantaneous movement to the ditch which bounded the Wood on their right This was accomplished with complete success, and the French Cavalry, which had advanced in full confidence Of an easy triumph, were hurled back in confusion by a volley from the ditch, which the Brigade had lined with a rapidity, a dexterity, and a precision, quite wonderful; while at the same moment, the Brunswick Battalion threw itself into Square, and received the Cavalry with a degree of coolness, steadiness, and gallantry, which won for it the warmest admiration and encomiums of the British who witnessed the manoeuvre. The flanking fire which was thus brought to bear so suddenly on the French Cavalry by the Brunswickers, and the destructive front fire so deliberately

190 Advance of the Anglo-Allied Left

poured in amongst them by the British Guards from the ditch, fairly drove them out of this part of the Field,

More to the left, the French were retiring before Halkbtt in perfect order, covered by their Skirmishers. As that General's Brigade neared the Farm House of Gemioncourt, Major Chambers of the 36 th Begiment, an experienced Officer, incited by the desire of capturing a Post which had been throughout the day a poirU d*appui to the French Centre, led on two Companies of his Corps towards it They made a gallant rush into the courtyard, but were met by a smart fire which forced them back. Major Chambers, however, rallied his men in the orchard; and having instructed them how to proceed in their attack, the place was instantly carried.

The further advance upon the Anglo- Allied Left had, in the meantime, kept equal pace with that on the Bight Ney had been compelled to yield the strongholds by aid of which he had hoped to force the Duke's position : his Infantry had been driven out of Piermont and the inclosures in front of his Bight, as also out of the Wood of Bossu on his Left : Gremioncourt, also, in front of his Centre, had been captured; while the plain between the two positions, over which his Cavalry had executed innumerable charges — charges that were occasionally suspended merely that the scattered bands might rally afresh to renew the onslaught with redoubled vigour, and that his Artillery might pour upon the devoted Squares its destructive missiles, by which each was shattered to its very centre, — was now completely cleared from the presence of a single horseman.

It was long after sunset, and darkness was sensibly approaching, when Wellington, now that his Flanks and

TFeZKrigrion orrfer^ a grenem? oc^twnce. 191

Centre were relieved, in the manner already described, from the severity of a pressure of such long duration, led forw€trd his victorious troops to the foot of the French position. The loud shouts which proclaimed the triumphant advance of his forces on either Flank were enthusiastically caught up and responded to by those who constituted the main central line, and who had so nobly and so resolutely withstood and defied the impetuous battle shock by which they had been so repeatedly and so pertinaciously assailed.

Ney, convinced of the utter futility, if not imminent hazard, of protracting the contest, withdrew the whole of his forces, and concentrated them on the Heights of Frasne, throwing out a strong line of Picquets, to which Wellington opposed a corresponding line, having the southern extremity of the Wood of Bossu on the Eight, the indosures south of Piermont on the Left, and Gemioncourt in the Centre, for its main Supports.

The French Picquets manifested an extraordinary degree of vigilance; the slightest movement on the side of the Anglo- Allied Picquets instantly attracted attention, and was noticed by a concentrated fire from the watchful Sentries of the Enemy. No movement, however, of any consequence was made on either side during the night The wearied combatants sought that rest of which they stood so much in need, and the silence in which the Anglo- Allied bivouac soon became hushed, was only disturbed by the arrival of additional reinforcements, consisting principally of British Cavalry.

Net was joined by the First Corps, after the termination of the action. At nine o'clock, d'Erlon presented himself to the Marshal for the purpose of reporting to him his proceedings, and of receiving his Orders, after which the

Lossss ut the Battle of Quaire Bras. 193

Corps was bivona-cked in the rear of Frasne; With the exception, however, of Durutte's Division (the Fourth), and Jaquinot's Light Cavalry Brigade, which d'Erlon had left on the Field of ligny, in front of the extreme Eight of the Prussian Army ; a measure which he had deemed advisable in oixler to prevent the Enemy from debouching into the plain between Bry and the Wood of Delhutte.

It is singular that Napoleon, who at Fleurus held so powerful a Beserve as that consisting of the Imperial Guard and the Sixth Corps, and who was in perfect ignorance of the true state of affairs at Quatre Bras, should have ventured to withdraw from Key a force amounting to more than one half of that which he had originally placed at his disposal It was decidedly a false step, from which no advantcige resulted on his own Field of Battle, whilst there can be very little doubt that it lost him that of Quatre Bras.

The losses sustained in this Battle by the Anglo- Allied Army in killed, wounded, and missing, were as follows : —

Men Notes
Britsh 2,276
Hanoverians 369
Brunswickers 819
Dutch-Belgians 1,000 This is an estimate
Anglo-allied total 4,463

The French loss amounted to about 4,000 killed, wounded, and missing.

Such was the Battle of Quatre Bras : a battle in which

194 British Infantry v. French Cavalry

the British, the Hanoverian, and the Brunswick, Infantry, covered itself with imperishable glory ; to estimate the full extent of which we must constantly bear in mind, that the whole brunt of the action fell upon that Infantry; that throughout the greater part of the day it was totedly unaided by any Cavalry, that Arm of the Allies in the field having, at the outset, proved itself incompetent to engage with the French; and, lastly, that it was completely abandoned in the latter part of the action by the Second Dutch-Belgian Infantry Division, amounting to no less than 7,533 men.

When the imagination dwells upon that which constitutes one of the most prominent features of the Battle — the manner in which the gallant Picton, on finding there was no Cavalry at hand wherewith to charge eflfectively that of the Enemy, led on the British Infantry, and dashed intov the midst of the French masses, stoutly maintaining his ground in defiance of their oft repeated assaults, invariably scattering back their charging Squadrons in confusion, and this, too, in the face of a splendid Cavalry, animated by the best spirit, and headed by a Kellermann, whose fame and merit were so universally acknowledged — with what exulting pride and heartfelt gratitude must not the British nation reflect on the heroic valour displayed by her sons in their noble fulfilment of the desires and expectations of her Cambrian Chief !

The zealous and cordial support which the Hanoverians and the Brunswickers afforded to their British brethren in arms, the devotion with which they commingled with them in the thickest of the fight, are indelibly engraven in the grateful memory of every true German, and remain recorded as a lasting theme of admiration in the history of their fatherland.

Strategical gains and losses. 195

The defeat sustained by the French was certainly not attributable, in the slightest degree, to any deficiency on their part, of either bravery or discipline. Their deportment was that of truly gallant soldiers, and their attacks were all conducted with a chivalric impetuosity, and an admirably sustained vigour, which could leave no doubt on the minds of their opponents as to the sincerity of their devotion to the cause of the Emperor.

In a strategical point of view, both parties gained certain important advantages, and lost others which had been comprised within their respective plans of operation,

Ney had succeeded in preventing the junction of the Anglo-Allied Army with the Prussians, and might have obtained still more important results, had he not been deprived of the services of d*Erlon*8 Corps, the amval of which he had been so fully led to expect

Wellington, though he had been compelled to relinquish all hope of being enabled to afford that aid to BLtJcHER which, in the morning, he had proffered to him, yet, by maintaining his ground at Quatre Bras sufficiently long to admit of the arrival of reinforcements which enabled him to obtain a brilliant victory, he completely succeeded in frustrating the grand object of Neva's movements, which had been to defeat the Anglo-Allied troops thus advancing, in detail, and also to operate upon BLtJcHER's Eight Flank. The Duke's success gave ample and convincing evidence of the sagacity and foresight with which his plans had been devised and matured, as also of the soundness of those calculations by which he had for some time previously placed himself, with the confident security of a master of his art, in a posture of defence, fully prepared to meet every emergency, from whatever point, or however suddenly, the coming storm

196 Wellington's Orders for the next day

might arise. And now that he had gamed the Battle, and secured the important point of Quatre Bras, upon which the remainder of his troops were advancing, and where the greater portion of them would arrive in the evening and during the night, he was perfectly ready and willing, should the Prussians prove victorious at Ligny, to renew the contest on the following morning, by attacking Ney with his collected force ; and then, if successful (of which little doubt could be entertained), by a junction with BlCcher's Eight, to operate upon Napoleon's Left, so as to bring the great mass of the combined Armies to bear directly upon the main body of the French ; or, in case of a defeat of the Prussians, to make good his retreat along his princip«J line of operation, in such a manner, as to secure a position between Quatre Bras and Brussels, favourable for a co-operation of Blocker's forces with his own, and for presenting a bold and determined stand against the further advance of the French Emperor.

Orders were now forwarded for the movement of Clinton's Division on the following morning, at daybreak, from Nivelles to Quatre Bras : and of Colville's Division, at the same hour, from Enghien to Nivelles. The Eeserve Artillery was directed to move at daybreak, on the following momiog, to Quatre Bras, there to receive further orders ; and the Tenth Infantry Brigade, under Major General Sir John Lambert, was directed to march, at the same hour, from Assche to Genappe, there to remain until further orders.

The tremendous roar of Artillery in the direction of Ligny gave a sufficient intimation to the Duke that a great Battle had taken place in that quarter, but as it seemed to continue stationary, and only ceased as night set in, he wa^

No news of the Battle of Ligny. 19?

doubtful of the result, and remained in this state of sus- pense and uncertainty until the following morning ; the Officer who had been despatched in the night to Quatre Bras from the Prussian Head Quarters with the expected communication, having been surprised in the dark, and made a prisoner by the FrencL

Notes

  1. ^ Siborne spells Houtain-le-Val, Hautain-le-Val
  2. ^ Siborne spells Sombreffe "Sombref"
  3. ^ Siborne spells it Sotteghem (Siborne 1895, p. 129)
  4. ^

    "So did [Wellington] promise to come to Blücher aid at Ligny? The answer is a simple yes ... Prussian accounts of the meeting make no mention of the qualifying 'providing I am not attacked myself', while von Müfflung [Prussian liaison officer seconded to Wellington's staff] does record those words. General von Dornberg, Prussian-born but serving in the British army [as commander of the 3rd British Brigade], recalled something similar; he claimed Wellington said 'I will see what is opposing me and how much of my army has arrived and then act accordingly.' Yet three Prussian accounts claim that not only did the Duke promise to come, but that he even offered Blücher the exact time he expected to arrive, though as one account says the expected arrival time was 2 p.m., the second 3 p.m. and the third von Clausewitz, who was not even present, 4. p.m. ... So the accounts differ, but Wellington had already seen for himself the French presence at Quatre-Bras and he would hardly have given a promise that he knew was most unlikely to be kept. He expected a fight at Quatre-Bras and must have warned his Prussian allies of that strong possibility. Geisenau always blamed Wellington for the outcome of Ligny, describing it as 'the defeat we had suffered because of him',..."

    — Bernard Cornwell.[15]
  5. ^ "'Pirch I', the use of Roman numerals being used in Prussian service to distinguish officers of the same name, in this case from his brother, seven years his junior, Otto Karl Lorenz 'Pirch II'" [18]
  6. ^ In the official orders from Soult, Quatre Bras is called Trois-Bras although it is a cross-roads and not three-way junction, however it was called Trois Bras on the Kaart van Ferraris (Kaart van Ferraris 1777, 'Seneffe - Seneffe' #80).
  7. ^ Banterlez is located at 50°34′56.181″N 4°27′2.11″E / 50.58227250°N 4.4505861°E / 50.58227250; 4.4505861. Siborn spells the village Bauterlet; while the Kaart van Ferraris spells it Banterlet (Siborne 1895, p. 140; Kaart van Ferraris 1777, 'Nivelles - Nivelles' #79).
  1. ^ a b c Siborne 1895, p. 129.
  2. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 129–130.
  3. ^ a b Siborne 1895, p. 130.
  4. ^ a b c Siborne 1895, p. 131.
  5. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 131–132.
  6. ^ a b Siborne 1895, p. 132.
  7. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 132–133.
  8. ^ a b c Siborne 1895, p. 133.
  9. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 133–134.
  10. ^ a b Siborne 1895, p. 134.
  11. ^ Siborne 1895, p. 134–135.
  12. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 135, 201–202.
  13. ^ a b Siborne 1895, p. 135.
  14. ^ Siborne 1895, p. 136.
  15. ^ Cornwell 2015, p. ~230.
  16. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 135–139.
  17. ^ a b Siborne 1895, p. 139.
  18. ^ fortunecity.com 2007.
  19. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 139–140.
  20. ^ a b Siborne 1895, p. 140.
  21. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 140–141.
  22. ^ Siborne 1895, p. 141.
  23. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 141–143.
  24. ^ a b c d Siborne 1895, p. 143.
  25. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 143–144.

References

Attribution:

Ladies in waiting

The politics of female households : ladies-in-waiting across early modern Europe by N N W Akkerman; Birgit Houben;
ISBN: 9789004258396 9004258396 130608251X 9781306082518 9004236066 9789004236066
OCLC Number: 862372019
Description: 1 online resource.
  • Contents: Tudor England. --
    • Petticoats and politics: Elisabeth Parr and female agency at the early Elizabethan court / Helen Graham-Matheson --
    • Jane Dormer's recipe for politics: a refuge household in Spain for Mary Tudor's ladies-in-waiting / Hannah Leah Crumme --
  • Habsburgs. --
    • The imperial court in Vienna. --
    • Ladies-in-waiting at the imperial court of Vienna from 1550 to 1700: structures, responsibilities and career patterns / Katrin Keller --

"In service to my lady, the empress, as I have done every other day of my life": Margarita of Cardona, Baroness of Dietrichstein and lady-in-waiting of Maria of Austria / Vanessa de Cruz Medina --

  • The court in the Spanish Netherlands. --
    • Women and the politics of access at the court of Brussels: The infanta Isabella's camareras mayores (1598-1633) / Birgit Houben and Dries Raeymaekers --
    • Dwarfs-and a loca-as ladies' maids at the Spanish Habsburg courts / Janet Ravenscroft --

France. --

    • 'A stable of whores'? the 'flying squadron' of Catherine de Medici / Una McIlvenna --
    • In search of the ladies-in-waiting and maids of honour of Mary, Queen of Scots: a prosoprographical analysis of the female household / Rosalind K. Marshall --
    • Clients and friends: the ladies-in-waiting at the court of Anne of Austria (1615-66) / Oliver Mallick --
  • The Stuart courts. --
    • Perceptions of influence: the Catholic diplomacy of Queen Anna and her ladies, 1601-1604 / Cynthia Fry --
    • The goddess of the household: the masquing politics of Lucy Harington-Russell, Countess of Bedford / Nadine Akkerman --
    • The female bedchamber of Queen Henrietta Maria: politics familial networks and policy, 1626-40 / Sara J. Wolfson --
  • The Swedish court. --
  • Living in the house of power: women at the early modern Swedish court / Fabian Persson --
  • Epilogue the politics of female households: afterthoughts / Jeroen Duindam.
lets take it in small steps then. Rather than the complications of templates and everything else in article space lets do it here on the talk page. Please look through the list below and add the date/year (if missing), location, publisher, ISBN and page numbers to the end of the lines for as many as possible. As you do each one please place {{tick}} to the end of the line (I have already done that for the ones that are already completed). -- PBS (talk) 13:11, 26 April 2017 (UTC)
  • Akkerman, Nadine (2013), The Politics of Female Households: Ladies-In-Waiting Across Early Modern Europe[full citation needed]
  • Akkerman, Nadine; Houben, Birgit, The Politics of Female Households: Ladies-in-waiting across Early Modern Europe[full citation needed]
  • Almanach de Gotha: annuaire généalogique, diplomatique et statistique, 1859[full citation needed]
  • "Ladies-in-Waiting and Equerries", The Official website of the British Monarchy, archived from the original on 3 February 2016checkY
  • Chung, Priscilla Ching, Palace Women in the Northern Sung, pp. 960–1126[full citation needed]
  • PD-icon.svg Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911), "Honour", Encyclopædia Britannica, 13 (11th ed.), Cambridge University Press, p. 664checkY
  • Cruz, Anne J.; Stampino, Maria Galli, Early Modern Habsburg Women: Transnational Contexts, Cultural Conflicts, dynastic continuities[full citation needed]
  • Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, Women and the Family in Chinese History[full citation needed]
  • Duindam, Jeroen Frans Jozef, Vienna and Versailles: The Courts of Europe's Dynastic Rivals, 1550-1780[full citation needed]
  • Kolk, Caroline zum (June 2009), "The Household of the Queen of France in the Sixteenth Century", The Court Historian', 14 (1)[full citation needed]
  • Hsieh Bao Hua, Concubinage and Servitude in Late Imperial China[full citation needed]
  • Gosman, Martin; Macdonald, Alasdair James; Vanderjagt, Arie Johan, Princes and Princely Culture: 1450-1650[full citation needed]
  • Hamer, Dianne (2011), Sophie: biografie van Sophie van Würtemberg (1818-1877) — op basis van brieven en dagboken[full citation needed]
  • Kägler, Britta, Frauen am Münchener Hof (1651-1756)[full citation needed]
  • Kerkhoff, Jacqueline, Maria van Hongarije en haar hof 1505-1558: tot plichtsbetrachting uitverkoren[full citation needed]
  • Lebra, Takie Sugiyama, Above the Clouds: Status Culture of the Modern Japanese Nobility[full citation needed]
  • Lillehoj, Elizabeth, Art and Palace Politics in Early Modern Japan, 1580s-1680s[full citation needed]
  • Mansel, Philip, The Eagle in Splendour: Inside the Court of Napoleon[full citation needed]
  • Nagel, Susan (2008), Marie-Therese, Child of Terror: The Fate of Marie Antoinette's Daughter, NY: Bloomsbury: Macmillan, ISBN 1-59691-057-7checkY
  • Persson, Fabian (1999), Servants of Fortune. The Swedish Court between 1598 and 1721, Lund: Wallin & Dalholm, ISBN 91-628-3340-5checkY
  • Hauge, Yngvar; Egeberg, Nini (1960), Bogstad, 1773-1995, H. AschehougcheckY
  • Walthall, Anne, Servants of the Dynasty: Palace Women in World History[full citation needed]
  • Kjølsen, Klaus (2010), Det Kongelige Danske Hof 1660-2000[full citation needed]
  • Rowley, G. G., An Imperial Concubine's Tale: Scandal, Shipwreck, and Salvation in Seventeenth-Century Japan[full citation needed]
  • Rundquist, Angela (1989), Blått blod och liljevita händer: en etnologisk studie av aristokratiska kvinnor 1850-1900, Carlsson, Diss. Stockholm: Univ., Stockholm[full citation needed]
  • Seward, Desmond (2004), Eugénie. An empress and her empire, Stroud: Sutton, cop., ISBN 0-7509-2979-0checkY
  • Zedlitz-Trützschler, Robert (1924), Twelve Years at the Imperial German Court[full citation needed]

List

Napoleonic Wars

Political effects

In this section where it says "Europe" is is suppose to mean "Continental Europe" because almost none of it applies to the constituent countries of the UK.

I think that the last paragraph in this section should be deleted.

Military legacy

I think that the information in the section Military legacy needs to be rewritten because parts of it are factually inaccurate and other parts are biased (written to present just one point of view)


Enlarged scope=

Until the time of Napoleon, European states employed relatively small armies, made up of both national soldiers and mercenaries. These regulars were highly drilled professional soldiers. Ancien Régime armies could only deploy small field armies due to rudimentary staffs and comprehensive yet cumbersome logistics. Both issues combined to limit field forces to approximately 30,000 men under a single commander.

Just about everything in this first paragraph is inaccurate.

  • until the time of Napoleon, European states employed relatively small armies. A brief look at the number involved in various battles of the War of Spanish Succession (1702–1715) makes a mockery of that:
    • Battle of Blenheim (13 August 1704) between 52,000 Allies and 55,000 French.
    • Battle of Ramillies (23 May 1706) about 60,000 on each side
    • Battle of Oudenarde (11 July 1708) about 100,000 on each side.
    • [[Siege of Lille (1708); about 100,000 on each side.
    • Battle of Malplaquet (11 September 1709) Army size Allies 86,000, 100 guns; French 75,000, 80 guns. With 21,000 Alllies killed and wounded; 11,000 French killed and wounded it was the bloodiest battle of the century (including the French revolutionary battles at the end of the century).
    • Siege of Bouchain (9 August – 12 September 1711 ), army sizes Allies 85,000; French 90,000
    • Battle of Denain (24 July 1712) army sizes: Allies 120,000; French 100,000
  • made up of both national soldiers and mercenaries. The New Model Army did not contain mercenaries and Captain Edward Sexby made a point of mentioning that in the Putney Debates "I wonder we were so much deceived. If we had not a right to the kingdom we were mere mercenary soldiers".
  • "These regulars were highly drilled professional soldiers." Really were the two armies that met at the Battle of Edgehill in (1642) highly drilled professional soldiers? Besides just over 10 years later at the Battle of the Dunes (1658) relatively raw English soldiers in the New Model Army attacked and defeated "highly drilled professional soldiers" of the Spanish army who were on top of a 150 foot sand-hill in next to no time.
  • "Ancien Régime armies could only deploy small field armies due to rudimentary staffs and comprehensive yet cumbersome logistics." Is this sentence meant to mean just French monarchists or all pre French revolutionary nations? Which ever it is mean to mean this can not apply to the armies of Louis XIV (The Sun King) as he was fielding field armies of 100,000.

"The scale of warfare dramatically enlarged during the Revolutionary and subsequent Napoleonic Wars. During Europe's major pre-revolutionary war, the Seven Years' War of 1756–1763, few armies ever numbered more than 200,000 with field forces often numbering less than 30,000. . The French innovations of separate corps (allowing a single commander to efficiently command more than the traditional command span of 30,000 men) and living off the land (which allowed field armies to deploy more men without requiring an equal increase in supply arrangements such as depots and supply trains) allowed the French republic to field much larger armies than their opponents."

  • "comprehensive yet cumbersome logistics. Both issues combined to limit field forces to approximately 30,000 men under a single commander." This is just not true. The British in all four major wars it fought in the 18th century and during the Napoleonic Wars did not "live of the land" because if armies do that they need a very big tail (because you have to protect yourself from a very annoyed peasantry) as the French found to their cost in Spain and Russia. Wellington kept his men on a short leash, see for example the [[[Malplaquet proclamation]] for this reason and also living of the land leaves you vulnerable to scorched earth polices like those in Russia or the land in front of the Lines of Torres Vedras. Indeed I have read that towards the end of the 1814 campaign French refugees passed through Wellington's lies for the relative safety of Coalition occupied France because of the behaviour of their own soldiers accustomed as they were to living off the land in Spain and doing the same in France.
  • Military innovators in the mid-18th century began to recognise the potential of an entire nation at war: a "nation in arms" -- The Wars of the Three Kingdoms were far more a war of the entire nation than the Napoleonic Wars were for the United Kingdom and The Protectorate was far more a nation in arms than anything that came after it.
  • The French innovations of separate corps (allowing a single commander to efficiently command more than the traditional command span of 30,000 men). This was an innovation in one respect, because it formalised a system that had existed previously but in an ad-hock manner. For example there relationship between John, Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene of Savoy at the Battle of Blenheim can be viewed as the equivalent of two corps commanders combining their corps to fight as a single army with Marlbrough in command of the centre and one wing wile Prince Eugene fought on the other wing. At the Battle of Waterloo although both armies consisted of corps and Napoleon was happy to let his corps commanders get on with it, Wellington ignored William of Orange (one of his corps commanders) and issued commands at battalion level when he thought he needed to "Up, Guards, and at them again." and "Now Maitland Now is Your Time". So while the statement is semi-true it needs to be qualified. It is a bit like saying that the Anglo-American Joint commands of the second world war were innovations that allowed fighting on multiple theatres, while true, without some explanation, and qualification, it is a simplification too far.

Likewise the information about the size of the military forces is all over the place and cherry picks its numbers.

Innovations

This is not a coherent section. It reads like jottings for an essay.

Total war

From the article "First was the ideological clash between revolutionary/egalitarian and conservative/hierarchical belief systems. Second was the emerging nationalism in France, Germany, Spain, and elsewhere that made these "people's wars" instead of contests between monarchs."

These two sentences contradict each other, and it seem to me that neither label applies to Britain as the English were neither conservative/hierarchical or had emerging nationalism. That had happened centuries before in England.

"Secondly the military emerged in its own right as a separate sphere of society distinct from the ordinary civilian world." Not in Britain -- the civil war and the Protectorate had done for that idea

"The fighting army represented the essence of the nation's soul." Not in Britain Wellington's comment on his soldier was "scum of the earth". For the British if any branch of the military represented the nation's soul it was the Royal Navy.

The problem with statements like "Historians have explored how the Napoleonic wars became total wars." who says it was a total war? Not all historians that is for sure. So why is it stated in this article as form of undisputed fact. I the following article (Roser and Nagdy, 2016) there is a graph of "UK defence spending as a percentage of GDP" the spending on the Napoleonic wars averaged around 15% which is closer to the expenditure during the much shorter wars of the War of Spanish Succession and the Seven Years War than the two total was of the 20th century which peaked at over 40% if GDP.

So while it is true that some describe the Napoleonic wars as total war, I think this is a minority view and ought to be presented that way. Even if not a minority view, as the statistics show, it is unlikely to be the only view on this issue and it ought to be presented in a more balance way.

Peninsular War


Rule of the Major Generals

File:England and Wales.svg or File:England and Wales Historic Counties HCT map.svg

Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1894), History of the commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660;, vol. 3, London, p. https://archive.org/stream/cu31924088000728#page/n226/mode/1up page 226 {{citation}}: External link in |ulr= (help); Text "Longmans, Green and Company" ignored (help)CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)

Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1894), History of the commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660;, vol. 3, London, p. facing 198 (1) [https://archive.org/stream/historyofcommonw03gard#page/n224/mode/1up 92) {{citation}}: Text "Longmans, Green and Company" ignored (help)CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)

Check origyear

  • A New Directory for the Public Worship of God. Founded on the Book of Common Order 1560-64, and the Westminster Directory 1643-45, and prepared by the "Public Worship Association in connection with the Free Church of Scotland" (3 ed.). Macniven & Wallace. 1899 [1898]. {{cite book}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |trans_title= (help)

Waterloo

Rossomme

Napoleon reviewed his army around La Bell alliance and then returned to Rossomme. Selborn review=373-374, back to Rossomme 375

  • Sloane, William Milligan, The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte (Complete), Library of Alexandria, pp. 1299–1300, ISBN 978-1-4655-8967-5
    • Dawn stopped raining. Napoleon reconnoitred. (p. 1299)
    • Back for the famous Breakfast. (p. 1299)
    • 8:00 plan of battle sketched (p. 1299)
    • 9:00 orders dispatched (p. 1299)
    • 10:00 Slept for an hour (p. 1299)
    • 11:00 mounted and road by the Brussels highway to the farm Belle Alliance. (p. 1299)
    • "From Belle Alliance Napoleon returned and took his station on the height of Rossommme." (p. 1300)
  • Siborne, William (1848), The Waterloo Campaign, 1815 (4th ed.), Westminster: A. Constable
    • Review of troops (p 372-374)
    • "upon the Height in the rear of La Bell Alliance which afforded him a commanding view of the whole Field. ... The state of the ground was reported practicable for the movements of Artillery". (p. 375)
    • Napoleon, nervously anxious to stain to its utmost tension, .... galloped forward to the inner gentle slope of the eminence on the left of the Charleroi read which overlooked the Farm of La Haye Sainte, formed the most prominent point of his whole line, and by which was to pass the leading column of the Guard, there to stenthen, by the magic spell of his immediate presence.(519-520)
    • It now reached the hollow immediately under the nearest French Height which was intersected by that road, and upon with the troops that had composed the first attacking colum of the Gurard had been rallied by Napoleon, and formed into three Squares. ... as [they] retired towards the hight road inclining to La Bell Alliance.(552-553)
    • French Reserve posted close to La Bell Alliance and in the very heart of Napoleon's position.(553)
    • As Napoleon and his Staff were at this time retiring along the high road, on the Right Flank of his Cavalry of the Guard.(p 575)
    • It was an hour after midnight when Napoleon reached Quatre Bras (584).
    • upon Charleroi, whither Napoleon himself proceeded (585).
  • Gillespie-Payne, Jonathan (22 July 2003), Waterloo: In the Footsteps of the Commanders, Pen and Sword, pp. 114–, ISBN 978-1-84415-024-3
    • "At the Rossomme farm house for the fair proportion of the early stages,only moving forward once he sensed his presence was required. If you take the road in a south-easterly direct from La Belle Alliance for 140m, you reach 'Napoleon's Observation Post'." (p. 114)
  • Pawly, Ronald (20 March 2012), Napoleon's Red Lancers, Osprey Publishing, pp. 40–, ISBN 978-1-78096-557-4
    • "Naoleaon guarded by his duty squadons (to which the Red Lancers contributed part), moved during the battle to three different potions. In the morning he stayed near Rossomme farm; at about 3pm he was near the De Coster house, at about 7pm in the evening he was between La Balle Alliance and La Haye Sainte." (p. 40)


  • Uffindell, Andrew; Corum, Michael (1 November 2002), On The Fields Of Glory: The Battlefields of the 1815 Campaign, Frontline Books, pp. 154–, ISBN 978-1-85367-514-0
    • Decoster captured at around 5:00. ... Napoleon was mainly to be found at either of two mounds along the Brussels road. One of those mounds near Rossomme and the other the resing gorun you can see on the wester side of the road where the famous Wounded Eagle monument now stands. Lieutenant-General Baron Maximilien Foy watched him from afar:'I saw him, with my telescope, walking up and down, dressed in his grey greatcoat, and oftern leading on the small table bearfin his map'". Major lemonnier-Delafosse, ... foot of Napoleon's mound near Rossomme. He thus enjoyed an opportunity of observing his Emperor at close range: "Seated on a straw chair, in front of a coarse farm table, he was holding his map open on the table. His famous spyglass in his hand was often trained on the various points of the battle. When resting his eye, he used to pick up straws of wheat which he carried in his mouth as a toothpick. Stationed on his left, Marshal Soult alone waited for his orders and ten paces to the rear were grouped all is staff on horseback. Sappers of the engineers were opeing up ramps around the mound so that people could reach the emperor more easily. ... his army for two hours already had attacked and pushed back the enemy on the whole line...."
  • Nofi, Albert A. (2 October 2007), The Waterloo Campaign, June 1815, Da Capo Press, pp. 200–, ISBN 0-306-81694-6
    • "The Emperor spent the morning supervising the sitting of the grand Battery. ... lined up on a from of about 800 metres along a low ridge some 500 metres in advance of the Frencc lines. ... This task was completed shortly before 1300. Since the firing of such a number of guns would soon fill the air with great clouds of smoke, Napoleon rode back about a kilometre from the front to the Rossomme farm, the highest place in the area at nearly 150 meters above sea level, in order to get a final look at everything through his telescope."
  • Mann, Henry Emile. (2013). pp. 1-2. With Waterloo: The Permission. London: Forgotten Books. (Original work published 1900) p. 180 (195)
    • "The Emperor remained some time before La Belle Alliance. After dispatching General Haxo of the Engineers to ascertain whether the English had raised any entrenchments, he took up his post about three-quarters of a mile in the rear, on a bank which rises near the Rossomme farm. From the farm"


  • Houssaye, Henry; Mann, Arthur Emile; Euan-Smith, A. (1900), 1815 Waterloo, London: Adam and Charles Black, pp. 179–180 {{citation}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
    • Mentions Decoster First at Le Caillou, then "either through imbecility or malice, Decoster gave false information throughout the whole day. Another guide Joseph Bourgeois, from the hamlet of Odeghien. He stuttered with fear and kept his eyes obstinately fixed on the ground; Napoleon sent him away."... "The Emperor remained some time before La Belle Alliance. After dispatching General Haxo of the Engineers to ascertain whether the English had raised any entrenchments,^*^ he took up his post about three-quarters of a mile in the rear, on a bank which rises near the Rossomme farm. From the farm were brought out a chair and a little table upon which the maps were spread. Towards two o'clock, when the action had become serious, the Emperor posted himself on another eminence nearer the line of battle, at a short distance from the Decoster Inn, General Foy, who had recognised the Emperor by his grey coat, could see him walking up and down with his hands behind his back; at times he would stop, put his elbows on the table and then resume his walk."


Friendly fire

At the juncture between Prussian and Anglo-allied forces there were reports of friendly fire insistences these occurred both in the hamlet and on the vicinity of the Brussels Road between La Bell Alliance and Rossomme farm. In the former Dutch troops were mistaken by the Prussians for French troops because their uniforms were similar to the French. The Dutch troops hastitilly withdrew from within the Prussians line of march. In the second incident Prussian cavalry advancing towards Rossomme from Planinoit mistook British light cavalry for French cavalry and a number of British troopers were killed an wounded. The evidence of this was seen by the Vivian British Brigade commander who can across British casualties when he rode down the road the morning after the battle.>

  • Cotton, Edward (1849). A Voice from Waterloo: A History of the Battle Fought on the 18th June 1815. G. B. Green. p. 130.

End of the battle

  • Sale, Nigel (15 November 2014), The Lie at the Heart of Waterloo: The Battle's Hidden Last Half-Hour, History Press Limited, p. 199, ISBN 978-0-7509-6276-6 — This is a secondary source on the spat that occurred in 1833 over the contribution of the 52nd Foot Regiment.
  • Major [George] Gawler (1833), "The crisis and close of the action at Waterloo", The United Service Magazine, pp. 299–310
  • Vivian, Hussey (1833), "Reply to Major Gawler on his 'Crisis of Waterloo", The United Service Magazine, pp. 310–324

See page:

  • 319 "The 52nd, 71st, and the head of the Prussian columns met just beyond the farm of Rosomme, and at the same moment the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Blucher riding up together, from La Belle Alliance, the Prussians were ordered to continue the Pursuit."

I had halted and reformed my brigade in front of, and on the right of, the farm of Rosomme, when I was told the Duke of Wellington was on my left.

  • "Chrisis of the Battle of Waterloo", The Dublin University Magazine: a literary and political journal, vol. 2, William Curry, Jun., and Company, August 1833, pp. 121–130 — summary of the two main papers in favour of Vivian
  • "Crisis of Waterloo: Major Gawler's reply to Sir Hussey Vivian", The Dublin University magazine: a literary and political journal, II: 411-419, October 1833 (See also letter from Omega and Editor's reply, pp. 594-595, Nov., 1833).
  • Pollock, Arthur William Alsager, ed. (1836), "The Crisis of Waterloo:The slight discrepancy: The 23rd Dragoons.", The United Service Magazine, H. Colburn, pp. 360–361 {{citation}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  • "Popular errors respecting the Battle of Waterloo", The United Service Magazine, 1839, pp. 199–200 Suggests that Wellington and Blucher met at Rosomme "on the road to Genappe" -- citing Vivian quoting Gower
  • "Major Gawler's answer to Sir Hussey Vivian's 'reply' &c.", The United Service Magazine, H. Colburn, 1833, pp. 1–16 "Major Gawler in reply to 'P.' and 'Waterloo Man'." p. 392–393 (October 14, 1833
  • Smith, George Charles Moore, ed. (1903), "Appendix II. Lord Seaton's accounts of Waterloo, with some Remarks. "observations on Colonel Gawler's "Crisis of the Action at Waterloo" (Dictated to Colonel W. Rowan, at Toronto, 1835)", The life of John Colborne, Field-Marshal Lord Seaton..., John Murry, p. 398

Details of the left wing

Search on:

  • "It attempted to take possession of the hamlet of Smohain and the farms of Papelotte and La Haye,"

The most important feature here is the defile directly south of the two farms, Papelotte and La Haye.[a] The hamlet of Smohain is situated in this deep small valley astride a stream of the same name which originates a short distance to the west.[b] A branch of the Ohain road runs south-east past Papelotte and follows the this stream east to Ohain and Warvre; other less important roads, all uncobbled at the time of the battle, connect Somhain with Plancenoit and Papelotte with La Belle Alliance. Another road runs south-east from Smohain past Frishermont,[c] a château similar to Hougoumont. All these roads cut so deeply into the sandy clay hillside as a present extreme problems for cavalry or infantry in formation trying to cross them.[d] The small stream running through marshland, the sunken roads and the defile itself were considerable military obstacles, particularly in view of the wet condition of the countryside on 18 June 1815.[1]

Notes
  1. ^ Papelotte was rebuilt and enlarged in the nineteenth century, but La Hey remains much as it was in 1815
  2. ^ Names have been confused in this area also. Smohain is also known as la Marache. The Nassauers in their official report almost certainly confused Papelotte with Frishermont.
  3. ^ Occupied by Marlborough as his headquarters in 1705
  4. ^ These roads show clearly on Craan's map (made in 1816) and are still in used. The roadbeds are not partially cobbled, but in some places 15 feet below the surface of the fields. Banked hedges bordered most of these roads on both sides in 1815.
  1. ^ Weller 2010, p. 134.
References
Further reading
  • Cotton, Edward (1849), A voice from Waterloo. A history of the battle, on the 18th June 1815, p. 80 — Lots of details about the fighting
  • Glover, Gareth (2014), Waterloo: Myth and Reality, Pen and Sword, p. 165, ISBN 978-1-78159-356-1 — "Château of Frichermont, owned by Monsieur Beaulieu". Lots of details about the fighting
  • Hooper, George (1862), Waterloo, the downfall of the first Napoleon, p. 180
  • James Walter Haweis (1908), The campaign of 1815, chiefly in Flanders p. 235, 253, 300

Anglo-Allied Front Line — Extreme Left

Upon the extreme Left of the first or main line was stationed Vivian's Light Cavalry Brigade, comprising the 10th and 18th Hussars, and the 1st Hussars of the King's German Legion. The two former regiments were in line, in rear of the Wavre road, and withdrawn a little from the crest of the ridge: the right of the 10th Hussars resting upon a lane, which, leading up from Smohain, crossing over the position, and descending along its reverse slope, proceeds in the direction of the village of Verd Cocou.[1]

The 1st Hussars of the King's German Legion were also in line, and formed in reserve. The Left of the Brigade was completely en l'air, upon high, open, and flat ground; the main ridge widening considerably in that direction, as previously explained. A picquet, consisting of a squadron of the 10th Hussars (under Captain Taylor), occupied the village of Smohain, down in the valley which, having its source a little to the westward of La Haye Sainte, takes an easterly and therefore parallel course with that part of the ridge which formed the Left wing of the Anglo-allied position. The advanced post of this picquet was on the further side of the village, and its vedettes formed a chain on the rising ground beyond, within half-carbine shot of some French cavalry, standing dismounted in close columns. A party was detached from the Picquet as a patrol on the road to Ohain.[2]

The village of Smohain, as also the farms of La Haye and Papelotte, with adjacent houses and enclosures, were occupied by a portion of the 2nd Brigade of Perponcher's Division of the troops of the Netherlands. The Regiment of Orange Nassau, consisting of two battalions, held Smohain and La Haye: while the Farm of Papelotte was occupied by the Light Company of the 3rd Battalion of the 2nd Regiment of Nassau, which, together with the 2nd battalion of this Regiment, and four guns of Captain Bylkveld's Dutch-Belgian Battery of Horse Artillery, were posted upon the exterior slope, immediately under the brow of the main ridge, and a little to the westward of the lane leading directly up the slope from the farm of Papelotte.[3]

The advanced posts of these troops were at the foot, and their line of sentries extended along the brow, of the opposite slope of the valley; this line receded towards the western limit of the Hamlet of Papelotte, where it joined the general line of picquets along the bottom of the exterior slope of the position of the Anglo-allied left wing.[3]

On the right of Vivian's Brigade, and having its own right resting upon a narrow lane, forming a slight hollow way, lined with hedges, stood Vandeleur's Brigade of Light Cavalry, consisting of the 11th, 12th, and 16th British Light Dragoons, in columns of squadrons, by regiments, left in front. The lane on which its right rested descending the interior slope of the position, joined the other lane which led from Vivian's Right to Verd Cocou.[3]

The extreme left of the infantry of the main line of the position was formed by the 5th Hanoverian Brigade (Colonel Vincke's), belonging to Picton's Division. It was formed in columns of battalions, those of Hameln (Major Strube's) and Hildesheim (Major Rheden's) in first, and those of Peine (Major Count Ludolph von Westphalen's) and Gifhorn (Major Hammerstein's) in second, line; and was posted somewhat under the crest of the ridge, upon the reverse slope, and in rear of the junction of a lane leading up from Papelotte, with the Wavre road.[4]

On the immediate right of Vincke's Brigade, and having its own right upon the knoll which presents the highest and most commanding point along the position of the left wing of the Anglo-allied army, the 4th Hanoverian Brigade (Colonel Best's), was drawn up. It formed part of the 6th Division, and was composed of the Landwehr battalions of Luneburg, Verden, and Osterode, which were deployed in front line; and of Münden, which was in reserve. A battery of Hanoverian foot artillery, under Captain Eettberg, was attached to this brigade, and, from the peculiarly favourable circumstances of the ground, which formed a sort of natural fieldwork, was most advantageously placed.[5]

Upon the exterior slope of that portion of the ridge which lies between the before mentioned knoll and the Genappe high road, Bylandt's Brigade of Perponcher's Division of the troops of the Netherlands was deployed in front line. It consisted of the 27th Battalion of Dutch Light Infantry, the 7th Battalion of the Belgian line, and of the 6th, 7th, and 8th Battalions of Dutch Militia. Of the above, the 5th Battalion of Dutch Militia was posted in reserve, along with the remaining four guns of Captain Byleveld's Battery of Horse Artillery attached to this brigade, in rear of the straggling hedge which lines the Wavre road, between the knoll and the Charleroi high road.[6]

Upon the interior slope of the ridge, and at a distance of about 200 yards (180 m) from the Wavre road, was posted the 9th Brigade of British Infantry (Major General Sir Denis Pack's) in a line of battalion columns, at deploying intervals. It consisted of the 3rd Battalion 1st Royal Regiment, the 1st Battalion 42nd Royal Highlanders, 2nd Battalion 44th Regiment, and of the 92nd Highlanders.[7]

The left regiment, the 44th, was stationed on the knoll, in rear of the right of Best's Hanoverian Brigade; and on the right of the 44th stood, in succession, the 92nd, 42nd, and 1st Royals.[7]

Anglo-Allied Front Line — Left. 331

Upon the right, but more in advance, of Pack's Brigade, and at a short distance in rear of the hedge along the Wavre road, stood the Eighth Brigade of British Infantry, under Major General Sir James Kempt, also in Line of Battalion Columns, at deploying intervals, and comprising the 28th Regiment, the 32nd Regiment, the 1st Battalion 79th Highlanders, and the 1st Battalion 95th Rifles. The Right of the 32nd Regiment rested upon a high bank of the Charleroi road; on its left stood the 79th Higlilanders, and the 28th formed the Left Regiment of the Brigade.

In the immediate front of the Right of the Brigade, and at a distance from the Wavre road of about 120 yards, there was a Knoll having on its right a large Sand Pit, adjoining tlie Charleroi road ; and partially facing the small Garden in rear of La Haye Sainte. On the Allied side of the Knoll was a single hedge, extending about 150 yards from the Charleroi road in a direction parallel to the Wavre road. In the Sand Pit were posted two Companies of the 1st Battalion 95th British Rifles; the

332 Anglo-Allied Front Line — Left Centre. June is.

Knoll and hedge were occupied by another Company of the same Eegiment. These Advanced Companies had placed an abatis across the high road, near that part of it which is joined by the hedgerow. The remaining Companies line I a portion of the Wavre road, commencing from the point of its intersection with the Charleroi road.

These two Brigades, namely, the Eighth and Ninth British, together with the Fifth Hanoverian Brigade, constituted the Fifth Division, under Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Picton.

Along the continuation of the ridge on the right of the great Charleroi road, the Third Division, commanded by Lieutenant General Sir Charles Alten, was disposed in the following order : —

The Second Brigade of the King's German Legion, commanded by Colonel Ompteda, which formed the Left of the Division, consisted of the 1st and 2nd Light Battalions (under Lieutenant Colonel von dem Bussche, and Major Baring), and of the 5th and 8th line Battalions of the King's German Legion (under Lieutenant Colonels Linsingen and Schr5der).

The 1st Light Battalion was formed in Column of Companies at quarter distance. Left in front. It stood a little in rear of the cross road which unites the great Nivelles road with that of Charleroi, on which last its Left Flank rested. To the right of this Column stood the 5 th Line Battalion, formed in Column at quarter distance upon one of its centre Companies. In rear of these two Columns, and fronting the deploying interval between them, stood the 8th line Battalion, in Second Line, in Column of Companies, at quarter distance, upon one of its centre Companies.

Anglo-Allied Front Line — La Haye Sainte. 335

The 2nd light Battalion, under the command of Major Baring, occupied the Farm of La Haye Sainte.

The buildings of this Farm are so disposed as to form three sides of a square, the north side comprising the Farm House itself, with a portion of the stabling ; the west side the remainder of the stables and cow houses ; and the south side principally a large Bam : a brick wall, extending along the great road, unites the north and south buildings, and thus forms the fourth boundary of the large quadrangular farm yard.

On the south, or French, side of the Farm, and down in the valley, which here separates the Allied and French positions, lies an Orchard, about 240 yards long and 80 wide, having for its eastern boundary, the great road, in direct prolongation of the wall which incloses the farm yard on that side. This Orchard is inclosed within a hedgerow ; as is also a Kitchen Garden, on the north side of the Farm, excepting the boundary of the latter along the road side, which is a continuation of the eastern waU.

A large gate and a doorway, the former almost facing the east end of the Bam, and the latter quite close to the east end of the dwelling house, leaA from the yard into the great road ; another gate, at the south end of the stabling which forms the western side, as also a large door from the west end of the Great Barn, lead both into a small narrow portion of the Orchard, whence there is an outlet into the open fields on the right. From the front door of the dwelling house, which faces the farm yard, there is a passage to the back or north side of the house, whence a door opens into the Kitchen Garden.

Since daybreak, the little garrison, amounting to scarcely 400 men, had been busily engaged in strengthening their Post to the fullest extent of the means within their

336 Anglo-Allied Front Line — Centre

reach, which, however, were extremely limited. Among the difficulties which they had to overcome, it may be remarked that, on tlie preceding evening, immediately after taking possession of the Farm, the soldiers had broken up the Great Barn door, on the west side, for firewood ; and that, about the same period, the Carpenters of the Eegiment were detached to Hougomont, in compliance with an Order received to that effect. Unfortunately, also, the mule laden with the Eegimental trenching tools had been lost the day before, so that not even a hatchet was forthcoming. Loop holes were pierced through the walls ; and a barricade was thrown across the high road, in prolongation of the south walL The Battalion was composed of six Companies, of which Major Baring posted three in the Orchard, two in the Buildings, and one in the Garden.

On the right of Ompteda's Brigade stood the First Hanoverian Brigade, under Major General Count Kielman- SEGGE, consisting of the Field Battalions of Bremen, Yerden, Duke of York, Grubenhagen, and Liineburg. The last mentioned Battalion was formed in Column, at quarter distance, upon one of its centre Companies ; the head of the Column in line with, and at a deploying interval from, that of the Right Column of Ompteda's Brigade. Next, on the right, at the proper interval for deployment, stood the two Battalions Verden and Bremen, in Contiguous Columns of Companies, at quarter distance ; the former Right in front, the latter Left in front. The two Battalions York and Grubenhagen were formed in Second Line, in rear of the centre of the interval between the Battalions Liineburg and Verden, in Contiguous Columns of Companies, at quarter distance, York Right, and Grubenhagen Left, in front.

On the right of Kielmansbgge's Hanoverian Brigade, was posted the Fifth British Brigade, commanded by Major

Break

On the right of the Third Division, nearest to the extremity of the ridge, and immediately opposite the Farms of Papelotte and La Haye, was posted the Fourth Division, commanded by Lieutenant General Count Dukuttb. Its First Brigade, under General Chevalier Pegot, consisted of the 8 th and 29 th Begiments of the line ; and its Second Brigade, under General Brue, of the 85th and 95th R^ments of the line ; all four Regiments comprising two Battalions each. These two Brigades were also deployed in two lines, the second at a distance of sixty yards in rear of the first.

The Cavalry attached to this Corps, which was the First Division, commanded by lieutenant General Baron Jaquinot, was posted in a valley on the right of the Infantry : having in its front the Village of Smohain, which it held in observation, as also the Ch&teau of Frischermont, on the right of the valley ; at the same time throwing out Patrols in the direction of Chain. It was deployed in three lines. Its First Brigade, imder General Bruno, consisting of the 3rd and 7th Cha88efwrs\ and its Second

BREAK

A review of Wellington's dispositions. 353

... Although the left of the main front line rested upon an

354 A review of Wellington's dispositions.

open plain or elevated plateau, and was thereof completely en l'air: yet the villages of Smohain, the Farms of La Hay and Papelotte, tougher with the scattered houses and numerous enclosures on the abrupt slope descending into the valley in front, by being well garnished with Infantry offered the means of protracted resistance; while calvarly was at hand, on the hight ground, to cover the latter if forced to retire, and to frustrate the complete development of the enemy's disposition of attack. The latter description of fore was also available in maintaining a vigilant look out for any direct flan attack, which, however, was the less to be apprehended in consequence of the pre-concerted Prussian co-operation in that quarter.

358 French Front Line — Left Wing

...

The Left Wing of the Front Line of the French Army was formed by the Second Corps, commanded by Lieutenant Greneral Count Reille, comprising three Divisions of Infantry and one of light Cavalry.

Its Bight Division, which was the Fifth, commanded by Lieutenant General Baron Bachelu, rested its Bight upon La Belle Alliance, and was ranged along the descent from thence down into the valley, which, more westward, winds past Hougomont. The First Brigade of this Division, under General HussoN, consisted of the 2nd Regiment of Light Infantry and the 61st Regiment of the line, the former comprising two, and the latter, three. Battalions ; and the Second Brigade, under General Baron Campy, of the 72 nd and 108th Regiments of the line, the former comprising two, and the latter, three. Battalions. The Brigades were deployed in two lines, the second at a distance of sixty yards in rear of the first.

...


355

The general direction of the Front line of the French Army was nearly parallel with that of the Anglo-Allies.

The high road from Charleroi to Brussels, which intersected the Allied position near its Centre, also passed through the centre of the French line. The point of this intersection was La Belle Alliance, a small Farm house and Inn ; and the distance from the one position to the other, taken along the high road between these two points, was 1400 yards.

About two hundred yards in the French rear of this house is a summit, the altitude of which exceeds, by about thirteen feet^ that of any point along the Anglo-Allied

356 French Front Line — Right Wing.

position. A ridge issuing from it, and extending in a north easterly direction towards Frischermont, formed the position of the Right Wing of the Front line of the French Army.

The Cavalry attached to this Corps, which was the First Division, commanded by lieutenant General Baron Jaquinot, was posted in a valley on the right of the Infantry: having in its front the Village of Smohain, which it held in observation, as also the Ch&teau of Frischermont, on the right of the valley ; at the same time throwing out Patrols in the direction of Chain. It was deployed in three lines. Its First Brigade, imder General Bruno, consisting of the 3rd and 7th Cha88efwrs\ and its Second

358 French Front Line — Left Wing.

Brigade, under General Oobbecht, of the 3rd and 4th Lancers.

[LUCHER'S dispositions for the grand flank movement of his Army towards the Field on which Wellington had announced to him his intention of accepting Battle from Napoleon, provided he might calculate on the Marshal's assistance, were fully described in Chapter VIII. Reconnoitring parties and Patrols had been pushed forward, early in the day, to feel for the Left of the Anglo- Allied Army, the communication with which was successfully established. It then became desirable to explore the ground that lay more to the Right Front of the Prussians, in the direction of the Right Flank of the main French Army, in order to ascertain the nature of any precautionary measures adopted by Napoleon to impede the junction of the Allied Commanders. Major LOtzow, of the Staff, was sent upon this duty, with a Detachment of the 2nd Silesian Hussars ; and on reaching the Wood of Paris, he not only found this imoccupied, but discovered that no steps whatever had been taken by the French to cover and secure their Right Flank. A Prussian Troop of Hussars advanced beyond the Wood of Paris, to a point near Frischermont, whence it had a good view of both the French and Allied dispositions and movements; and where it was not even menaced by the approach of any hostile party.

As Major LDtzow, fully alive to the importance* of speedily occupying the Wood of Paris, was returning to communicate the above intelligence to the Prince, he met

Break 371

Some time before the Battle commenced, a Prussian Patrol reached the Village of Smohain, in which was posted the Picquet of the 10th British Hussars, under Captain


372 The exultation of the French Army.

Taylor ; whom the Officer accompanying the Patrol desired to report to the Duke of Wellington that General Count Bulow was at St. Lambert, and advancing with his Corps. Captain Taylor immediately despatched lieu- tenant Lindsey, of the 10th, with the intelligence to Head Quarters, as directed. The Prussian Officer was certainly ignorant of the very slow progress made by the main body of Bulow's Corps ; and the information which he thus conveyed to the Duke, before the Battle had commenced, naturally led the latter to Calculate upon a much earlier arrival of the Prussians than could possibly take place : for, in point of fact, it was only Bolow's Advanced Guard which had then reached St Lambert.

The Farm of Papdotte taken and retaken. 393

deployed upon the exterior slope of the Anglo-Allied position, were severely felt.

Light Troops now issued forth from each Column, and soon spread out into a line of Skirmishers extending the whole length of the valley. As Donzblot's Division, which was on the left, approached La Haye Sainte, one of its Brigades moved out to attack that Farm, while the other continued its advance on the right of the Charleroi road ; and it was not long before a sharp fire of musketry along and around the hedges of the Orchard of La Haye Sainte announced the first resistance to d'Erlon's formidable advance. Shortly afterwards a dropping fire commenced among the hedges and inclosures of Papelotte, La Haye, and Smohain ; which were occupied by the Nassau Battalions under Prince Bernhard of Saxe Weimar. The Right Brigade of Duruttb*s Division was thrown out against the troops defending these inclosures; while the Left Brigade continued to advance across the valley, so as to form a Support to Marcognet's Division on its left, and, at the same time, to connect this attack with the advance of the latter against the main Front Line of the Allied Right Wing.

Durutte's Skirmishers pressed boldly forward against those of Prince Bernhard's Brigade ; and it was not long before they succeeded in gaining possession of the Farm House of Papelotte, driving out the light Company of the 3rd Battalion of the 2nd Regiment of Nassau, commanded by Captain Rettberg; but the latter, on being reinforced with four additional Companies, resumed the offensive, and gallantly retook the Farm. The contest in this quarter was now limited to a persistent skirmish ; which extended itself along La Haye and Smohain, occupied by the R^ment of Orange Nassau. With this tiraiUade


It was now nearly seven o'clock. 487

... It was now nearly seven o'clock. The troops defending Hougomont and its inclosures had succeeded in repelling the last assault ; and the contest in and around this Post again degenerated into a tiraillade kept up with more or less vigour on all points. Along the front of the extreme Eight of the Anglo-Allied Line, the Skirmishers from Mitchell's British Infantry Brigade maintained their ground with great steadiness and gallantry. The main body of the Bninswick Infantry stood on the interior slope, in rear of Adam's Brigade; and Chassj^'s Dutch- Belgian Infantry Division, which had arrived from Braine TAlleud, was deployed along, and in rear of, the Nivelles road, its Centre intersected by the narrow road leading from the chattssSe to the Village of Merbe Braine, which position it had taken up on the advance of Adam's Brigade to the general Front Line. In front of the Anglo-Allied Left, the Skirmishers of both Armies were continually engaged ; and upon the extreme Left the troops in Smohain, La Haye, Papelotte, and adjacent inclosures, successfully resisted all attempts of the Enemy to dislodge them.

Blucher encourages his exhausted soldiers. 491

General Grolbiaii, the Quartermaster General of the Army, to whom he immediately represented how matters stood: when this Ofl&cer directly pushed forward the Silesian

Hussars and two Battalions of Infantry from BOlow's Advanced Guard, to take possession of the Wood; these troops having fortunately just crossed the Defile of St Lambert.

492 The Prussians reach the Wood of Paris.

not make me break it : only exert yourselves a few hours longer, children, and certain victory is ours." This appeal from their venerated Chief was not made in vain : it served to revive the drooping energies of the wearied, and to stimulate still further to successful exertion the more robust and able bodied.

At length, after considerable delay and constant difficulty, the passage of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Brigades, as also of the Eeserve of both Cavalry and Artillery, was accomplished ; and by four o'clock these troops had ascended the opposite slope of the valley, and reached the plateau of the ridge which, constituting the narrow interval between the Lasne and the Smohain, with a rapid fall on either side towards those streams, presented a comparatively dry and firm soil favourable for the further operations of the Prussian forces in this direction.

As the troops reached the Wood of Paris, they were disposed, with a considerable front, and in a close compact order, on each side of the road leading from Lasne towards Planchenoit. The Artillery kept the road itself ; and the Cavalry was drawn up in rear of the Wood, ready to follow the Infantry.

The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Brigades were expected to join in a short time ; and Pirch's Corps was following along the same line. It had been BlCcher's intention to await the arrival of these troops, and then to debouch with the assembled force ; but having watched the progress of the Battle, he became apprehensive, on perceiving the tremendous cannonade, and the renewed attack after four o'clock, that the Enemy might direct a still greater force against Wellington's Line, and succeed in breaking the latter before he commenced the attack on his side of the Field. He could clearly distinguish Napoleon's Reserves, in


Break

In order to cover the Left Flank, Colonel Hiller, commanding the Sixteenth Brigade, detached both the 3rd Battalions of the 15 th Eegiment and the 1st Silesian landwehr, under Major Kellbr, to keep a look out in that direction as far as the rivulet of the Lasne ; beyond which, Major Falkenhausen was scouring the country with one hundred Horsemen of the 3rd Eegiment of Silesian Landwehr Cavalry.

Gteneral Losthin, commanding the Fifteenth Brigade, detached three Battalions towards Frischermont and Smohain, to cover the Right Flank. They were the 2nd Battalion of

494 Advance of the Prussians from the Wood

the 18th Begiment, and the 3rd Battalion of the 3rd Silesian Landwehr, followed by the Ist Battalion of the former Begiment.

Domon's Cavalry continued drawn up en potence, and was at a considerable distance from the Prussian Advance, when BlOchbr ordered a cannonade to open upon it ; more with a view to make known his arrival to the Anglo-Allied Army, and to induce the French to withhold the employment of a still greater force against the latter, than from any motive affecting his own immediate operations at the moment.

DoMON now sent forward a Begiment of Chasseurs A Cheval to attack the Prussian Column, whilst he followed with his whole line. Hereupon the 2nd Silesian Hussars and the 2nd Neumark Landwehr Cavalry moved through the intervals of the Infantry, and formed up in front ; the Hussars to the left, and the Landwehr to the right. They then advanced, followed by the 3rd Silesian Landwehr Cavalry in support, and drove back the French Chasseurs ; but becoming menaced in flank, and observing Domon^s whole Line advancing, they were, in their turn, compelled to retire. This movement was covered by the Horse Battery No. 1 1 ; and more particularly by Captain Schmidt's Foot Battery of the Fifteenth Brigade, which drew up to oppose the pursuit of the French Cavalry. The vigorous fire which continued to be maintained by both these Batteries, combined with the advance of the Prussian Infantry Columns, induced Domon to decline following up his attack at the moment.

The three Battalions already mentioned as having been detached to the right, had, by this time, reached Smohain. Their advance in that direction had been conducted with so much caution, that they debouched from the south-eastern inclosures of the Village most unexpectedly for both the


Lobau's Corps marches against Prussians. 495

Allied troops in that vicinity, and the Infantry forming the extreme Eight of the French Front Line. The Prussians continued to advance; crossed the principal fence which separated them from the French extreme Eight, and drew up in Line almost at right angles with the direction of the Enemy's front — two Battalions in Line, with the third in support. It was half past five o clock when this took place.

The French at once advanced against them ; whereupon the Prussians retired, and after regaining the hedges in the valley, lined the latter as Skirmishers, and maintained a vigorous and successful tiraillade with their opponents.

In the mean time Napoleon, judging from the boldness of the Prussian Advance, that considerable support was at hand ; and apprehensive, no doubt, of the evil consequence likely to arise from that Advance, if not promptly and effectually checked, had ordered the Sixth Corps, under Count LOBAU, to move forthwith to the right from its reserve station in rear of La Belle Alliance ; and, in con- junction with Domon's Cavalry, to take up a position favourable for repelling the attack by which he was menaced on that side of the Field.

Blucher, observing this disposition, the execution of which was effected with great rapidity and in good order, proceeded to give a broader and more imposing front to his own troops. He extended his Eight Flank to the wooded Heights of Frischermont, and rested his Left upon a ravine descending to the Lasne, close to the Wood of Vir^ra The Reserve Cavalry, under Prince William of Prussia, was put in motion, in two Columns, towards the Left Flank ; on which it was subsequently formed up.

When L0BAU*s Corps moved off to the right, the Regiments of the Old and Middle Guard advanced and

496 The whole of Bulow's Corps now attacks

took up the position, in reserve, which it had occupied on the Heights in rear of La Belle Alliance.

As LOBAU 8 Corps advanced and passed Domon's Cavalry, the latter was disposed as a Support Having crossed the valley which, commencing from the ridge above Planchenoit, on the north side of the Village, descends towards Smohain, he opened a brisk fire from his guns upon BOlow's Line. A spirited cannonade ensued, in the course of which the Prussian Foot Battery No. 14 had three guns disabled.

It was not long, however, before the remaining Brigades of Bolow's Corps, the Thirteenth and Fourteenth, came up. Their Batteries hastened to the front, and materially increased the force of the Prussian fire.

Blocker, who had now the whole of BOlow's Corps at his disposal, was bent upon following up his original intention of directing his attack against the Enemy's Rear. With this view he made the Sixteenth Brigade take ground to its left, and brought up the Fourteenth Brigade in its rear, as a Support ; whilst at the same time he supplied the place of the former in the Line by posting the Thirteenth Brigade on the left of the Fifteenth. General Hacke^ who conmianded the Thirteenth Brigade, detached the 1st and 3rd Battalions of the Second Neumark Landwehr to the right, in support of the troops in Smohain. A portion of this Detachment occupied Frischermont, thus obtaining an appui for the Prussian Eight Flank, and securing the communication with the Prince of Saxe Weimar's Brigade, posted along the inclosures in front of the extreme Left of the Anglo-Allied Army. This Flank was also covered by the West Prussian Uhlans and the 2nd Neumark Landwehr Cavalry, that had been detached from the Reserve Cavalry of the Fourth Corps under Prince William of Prussia; which was following, as a Support, the Left Wing of Bolow's


Lohau's Corps retires to the Charleroi road. 497

line, now advancing in the direction of Planchenoit The Artillery along the Prussian Line had by this time assumed a formidable appearance, the following Batteries of the Corps having come successively into action, — the twelve pounder Batteries Nos. 3 and 5, the six pounder Batteries Nos. 2, 13, 14, and 21, and the Horse Batteries Nos. 11 and 12— -comprising altogether sixty four guns.

The ground over which Bt)LOw's Corps was now in the act of advancing, was highly favourable for the development of a force destined to attack the Flank of an Army, the Front of which was so completely avx prises with the Enemy as was that of the French at this moment. Nearly •at all points it commanded the position occupied by the French Eight en potence ; the Line was remarkably well appwSd on the Flanks; and its Front was parallel with the Enemy's main line of operation.

The force which Lobau had at his disposal was greatly inferior to that of the Corps he was sent to oppose. The former amounted to fifteen Battalions, twenty one Squadix)ns, and forty two guns — the latter (exclusive of the six Battalions and eight Squadrons detached to the right) consisted of thirty Battalions, twenty seven Squadrons, and sixty four guns. He could not present a Front sufficiently extensive and compact that would secure him from being turned in either Flank. Hence, when he perceived that tiie principal force in this well planned attack was advancing from the Prussian Left, in the direction of Planchenoit, which then lay in his Right Hear, unoccupied by any French troops; he felt the necessity of retiring towards the Charleroi road, which he did by withdrawing his Brigades e?i ^chiguier.

It was not long before several round shot from the

498 The Guard sent to Planchenoit.

It will be recollected that Vivian's, and subsequently

Zieten's Advanced Gitard joins Wellington's Left. 509

Left of the Army being turned: and having previously understood from Sir William Delancey and other Stafl Officers, that fresh Cavalry was much wanted in the Centre ; he proposed to Vandbleur, who was on his right, and who was his senior Officer, that the two Brigades should move towards the Centre, where they might be of service. Vandeleijr declined to act without Orders: whereupon Vivian put his own Brigade in motion, passing along the rear of Yakdeleur's, and soon after having commenced his inarch he met Lord Uxbridge; who was much pleased to find that the Duke's wishes had thus been anticipated, and sent Orders to Vandeleur to follow, accompanying the former Brigade himself towards the Centre, passing along the foot of the slope in rear of the position of the Left Wing of the Anglo- Allied Line.

The Prussian troops, whose advance had thus induced VrviAN to quit the extreme Left, were the Advanced Guard of ZiETEifs Corps: and consisted of a part of the 1st Infantry Brigade, namely, the 3rd Battcdion 12th Eegiment, the 1st and 2nd Battalions 24th Begiment, the 3rd Battalion Ist Westphalian Landwehr, and the 1st and 3rd Silesian Eifle Companies ; as also of a part of the Keserve Cavalry, namely, the 1st Silesian Hussars, the Brandenburg Uhlans, the Brandenburg Dragoons, and the 2nd Kurmark Land- wehr Cavalry.

They had already been joined by Lieutenant Colonel Fremantlb, who delivered to Zieten the Duke's message : in reply to which that General remarked that he did not feel himself authorised to detach his Corps in the manner proposed; adding, however, that the great mass of the Prussian Army was arriving upon the Field.

The remainder of the Reserve Cavalry which was commanded by Lieutenant General E5der, together with

510 Wellington's dispositions. jone is.

the main body of the Corps, were still considerably in the rear. They were met by Captain Jackson of the British StaflF Corps, who had been sent to look for them. These troops did not reach the Field of Battle until after the victory had been decided.

Wellington, finding that there was no chance of his shattered line being strengthened by the arrival, in sufficient time, of a Prussian force from his left, to support his weak points of defence ; and that he must therefore depend solely on his own resources for the means of warding off the desperate blow which Napoleon was about to strike, immediately made such dispositions as the circumstances of the moment appeared to him to demand. The incessant attacks made by the French Light Troops debouching from La Haye Sainte, from the moment that Farm fell into their possession, had caused great havoc in the Centre of his line, where the want of reinforcement became most apparent To meet this deficiency, he ordered the Brunswick Battalions, which stood at this time in rear of Maitland's and Adam's Brigades — namely, the 2nd and 3rd Light, and the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Line, Battalions, to move by their left into the interval between Halkett's British, and Kruse's Nassau, Brigade.

To occupy the ground thus vacated by the Brunswickers, he put in motion d'AubremiS's Dutch-Belgism Infantry Brigade from its recently assumed position in rear of the Nivelles road ; whence the other Brigade of Chass^*s Dutch- Belgian Division, under Major General Ditmer, was shortly afterwards ordered to move in the direction of the left of Maitland's British Brigade.

The remains of his Cavalry stood in rear of the Centre ; towards which VrvLAi^'s and Vandeleur's Brigades v?ere now moving from the Left, as previously explained.

538 Zieter's Infantry attack the French

Vandeleur's, Brigade, quitted the Left of the Anglo- Allied Line, on the approach of the Advanced Guard of Zieten*8 Corps towards that point. Shortly before the arrival of these troops, the French Skirmishers in front of Durutte's Division, which constituted the angle of the potence on which stood the extreme Eight of Napoleon's Army, having been considerably reinforced, were pushed forward for the purpose of establishing themselves in the houses and inclosures in the valley below them, and of impeding, by this means, the connection between Bulow's Corps and the Anglo-Allied Left The Nassauers, of Prince Bernhard of Saxe Weimar's Brigade, fell back from the houses of the Hamlet of Papelotte ; but firmly maintained their ground on the Allied side of the valley, retaining possession of the Farms of Papelotte and La Haye. The French Skirmishers, passing further to their right, pressed on to the Village of Smohain; where they became warmly engaged with the Prussian troops that had been so judiciously posted in that quarter.

Blucher, perceiving the Infantry of the Advanced Guard of Zieten's Corps upon the Height above Smohain, sent an Order for its moving by the shortest way to engage the Enemy in the valley. The Prussian Greneral Mt^FFLiNG, attached to the Headquarters Staff of the Duke of Wellington, was at that moment in this vicinity, and gave the requisite instructions to the Staff Officer sent forward from Zieten's Corps.

About this time, the Fifth and Sixth Infantry Brigades, as also the Reserve Cavalry of Pirch's Corps, reached the Field, in rear of BOlow. Pirch, placing himself at the head of his leading Brigade (the Fifth), immediately conducted it in the direction of Planchenoit ; and, on coming up with the Fourteenth and Sixteenth Brigades, he began.

Third Prussian attack on Planchenoit 539

in conjunction with Colonel Hiller, to make the necessary dispositions for the Third attack upon that Village. The Sixth Brigade was ordered to follow as a Eeserve ; and the attack was to be supported by a simultaneous advance of the Eight Wing of Bolow's Corps against Lobau's Line, which was exceedingly well drawn up, and exhibited every indication of making a determined stand. BlDcher had despatched an Order to the Seventh Brigade (of Pirch's Corps) to move together with the 4th Kurmark Landwehr Cavalry, upon Maransart, on the south side of the Lasne, for the purpose of covering his Left Flank. The remaining Brigade (the Eighth) of Pirch's Corps, which had been detained in consequence of the Bear Guard affair near Wavre, received Orders from Pirch to quicken its advance.

The Eeserve Cavalry of Pirch's Corps was deployed in three Lines on the right of the Cavalry of the Fourth Corps. The First Line consisted of the Pomeranian Hussars and the Brandenburg Hussars ; the Second, of the Silesian Uhlans, two Squadrons of the 6 th Neumark Dragoons, and the Queen's Dragoons ; and the Third, of the 5th Kurmark and Elbe Landwehr Cavalry. These Lines of Cavalry thus occupied the interval between the Wings of BOlow's Corps ; and, at the same time, served to impose, by their display of force, upon the French Cavalry, under Domon, which was then in reserve.

Blocker, judging the recapture of Planchenoit to be a most essential aid in the general operations against the French, as affording the means not only of turning the Kight of LoBAU's Corps, but also of molesting the Eear of the French Army, and of endangering its main line of retreat, ordered the immediate advance of the troops destined for the Third attack upon that Village.

They were formed in the following order : — The 2nd and


540 Bulow's Right attacks Lohau's Corps

3rd Battalions of the 2nd Regiment (Fifth Brigade) made the attack in the direction of the Church ; the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 5 th Westphalian Landwehr, formed into one, were directed upon the French left of the Village ; the 1st Battalion of the 2nd Regiment followed in rear of the central space between these two Columns ; Major Witzleben led the 3rd Battalion of the 25th Regiment (Fifth Brigade) towards the Heights on the (French) right of the Village ; and the remainder of this Regiment, which had occupied the outer edge of the "Wood of Virire on the left, also advanced. The 11th Regiment and the 2nd Pomeranian Landwehr, belonging to the Fourteenth Brigade, and the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 15 th Regiment, with the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the Ist Silesian Landwehr, belonging to the Sixteenth Brigade, followed in support of this attack. The whole force was disposed in chequered Columns, preceded by a strong Line of Skirmishers, and covered by the Prussian Batteries on the Heights in rear.

The Horse Battery, No. 6, posted on the high ground upon the right of the Wood of Virfere, was principally occupied in diverting the fire from a Horse Battery of the Reserve Artillery of the French Imperial Guard, which had one half of its guns above the hollow way formed by the road leading down into Planchenoit from La Maison du Roi, and the other half detached to an elevated spot in the south part of the Village, whence it had a commanding view of a considerable portion of the advancing Columns.

Simultaneously with this Third attack upon Planchenoit, the Thirteenth and Fifteenth Brigades, which constituted Bt)LOW*s Right Wing, advanced against Lobau's Line, covered by a force of Artillery much superior to that which the French could bring to bear against them. They were disposed in chequered Columns of Battalions, in the

Prussians and Nassauers fire on each other. 541

following manner : — In Front Line were the 2nd Battalion of the 18 th Begiment and the 3rd Battalion of the 3rd Silesian Landwehr ; in the Second Line were the Ist and 3rd Battalions of the 18th Regiment, the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 3rd Silesian Landwehr, and the Ist Battalion of the 10th Regiment ; in the Third Line were the three Batttilions of the 4th Silesian Landwehr, and the 2nd Battalion of the 10th Regiment. The three Battalions of the 3rd Neumark Landwehr followed in reserve.

The Right of this advance was supported by the West Prussian Uhlans and the 2nd Neumark Landwehr Cavalry.

In the mean time, the First Infantry Brigade of Zieten's Corps, having continued its descent into the valley, passing Hackk's Infantry in and about Smohain on its left, advanced upon La Haye and Papelotte, and mistaking the . Nassauers for French, through the similarity of uniform, opened a sharp fire upon them, and drove them from their ^ Post. The latter at first replied to this fire, which was kept up for some minutes, killing and wounding on both sides, until the error was discovered. These troops then began pressing forward, conjointly with those from Smohain, against the French Skirmishers.

The Advanced Cavalry of Zietkn's Corps, which had been seen approaching the Left of Wellington's Line, had now joined. The Brandenburg Dragoons and Brandenburg Uhlans, drew up in Line in rear of the Wavre road, and on the immediate Left of Best's Hanoverian Infantry Brigade. The 1st Silesian Hussars formed upon the outer slope of the ridge, in rear of the lane leading from the Wavre road down to Papelotte. The 2nd Kurmark Landwehr Cavalry drew up in the hollow in the rear of the interval between the Landwehr Battalions Osterode and Verden of Best's Brigade. It was on the ground immediately in front of

542 Prussian Cavalry and Artillery join the Left.

this interval that Captain Rettbekg's Hanoverian Foot Battery had been posted throughout the day: and as the latter had expended the whole of its ammunition, it with- drew to the rear as the Prussian Horse Battery, No. 7, came up, by which it was then relieved ; and the Prussians opened a cannonade from this point upon the opposite Heights. The Prussian Foot Battery, No. 7, quitting the Wavre road, proceeded some way down the outer slope of the ridge to seek a favourable point whence it could by its fire cover the advance of the Infantry in the valley.[8]

Such was the general disposition of BlDcher's forces relatively with that of Wellington's Army at the time when the latter had defeated the attacking Columns of the French Imperial Guard ; and was following up its triumph by boldly assailing the very Centre of Napoleon's position, at which point the latter had collected his sole remaining Reserves. Perhaps a more comprehensive view of this relative disposition of the Prussian troops may be aflForded by simply stating, by way of a summary, that the advanced portion of Zieten's Corps had joined the Left of the Allied Line, that part of Pirch*s Corps (including his Reserve Cavalry) had joined B0LOW ; and that the latter was on the advance — his Right to attack Lobau, and his Left to make a Third assault upon Planchenoit — the French opposed to them evincing, at all points, every indication of making a firm and determined stand.

We must now resume the detail of the brilliant and decisive dispositions of the Duke of Wellington, whom we left triumphantly defeating the French Imperial Guard, and requesting the Earl of Uxbridge to bring forward fresh Cavalry, to aid the advancing Infantry in taking immediate advantage of the disorder and confusion into which the

June 18. The Grenadieis h» Cheval walkjrom ike Field. 575

of any of the Allied troops. In the midst of the crowd of fugitives which impeded the progress of the Brigade ; there appeared a Eegiment of Cavalry, moving at a walk, in Close Column, and in perfect order, as if disdaining to allow itself to be contaminated by the confusion that prevailed around it. It was the Orenadiers A Cheval. The 12th British light Dragoons were the nearest to it, having got in advance of the rest of the Brigade, and were opposite the Eight Flank of the Column, whence a few pistol or carbine shots were fired at them. The 12th made a partial attack; but they were so much inferior in numbers (being very weak at this period), and were so greatly obstructed in their movements by the crowd, that they were unable to produce any impression upon so compact and steady a body of Cavalry ; which literally walked from the Field in the most orderly manner, moving majestically along the stream, the surface of which was covered with the innumerable wrecks into which the rest of the French Army had been scattered.

As Napoleon and his Staflf were at this time retiring along the high road, on the Right Flank of this Cavalry of the Guard ; it is reasonable to infer that the latter was therefore induced to maintain the admirable order in which it was thus seen, to secure the Emperor's retreat

Whilst the great mass of the French Army, in a state of thorough disorganisation, was thus driven by Wellington's victorious troops across the whole extent of ground which had constituted its general position ; as also, on its Right, by that portion of the Prussian troops consisting of part of Zieten's, and of the Right Wing of Bülow's, Corps : the Battalions of the French Imperial Guard in Planchenoit were maintaining a most desperate and obstinate contest with Bülow's Left Wing, aided by a part of Pirch's Corps, to which the attack of the Village had been confided.

Notes
  1. ^ Siborne 1895, p. 327.
  2. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 327, 229.
  3. ^ a b c Siborne 1895, p. 229.
  4. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 229–330.
  5. ^ Siborne 1895, p. 330.
  6. ^ Siborne 1895, pp. 330–331.
  7. ^ a b Siborne 1895, p. 331.
  8. ^ Siborne 1848, p. 542. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFSiborne1848 (help)
References

England Cromwell

[User:Rob984|Rob]] on this page back in September last year you wrote:

National flags are a modern concept. They are used in general civilian context, unlike military banners and maritime flags, and are usually designated by the establishment. Nationalism is a recent development. Historically, people were loyal to their leader, not to their nation. With the development of nationalism, national flags developed. Many national flags were historically military or maritime flags.

Here is a quote from an English delegation attending the Church Council at Constance in 1414-17[2]

Whether a nation be understood as a people marked off from other by blood relationship and habit of unity, or peculiarities of language (the most sure and positive sign and essence of a nation in divine and human law)... or whether a nation understood, as it should be, as a territory equal to that of the French nation, England is a real nation...

In the same book that the previous quote comes from it says "during the reign of Henry VIII the saint's emblem 'cam to be recognised as the true flag of England, and may sixteenth-century paintings of the English Army feature this banner, sometimes as the sole standard flown."[3]

The letters and speeches of Oliver Cromwell with elucidations by Thomas Carlyle and S.C. Lomas "Letter LXXXII, Knottingley 387:

It I be not mistaken, the House of Commons did vote all those traitors that did adhere to, or bring in, the Scots in their late invading of this Kingdom under Duke Hamilton and not without clear justice, this being a more prodigious treason than any that had been perpetrated before, because the former quarrel on their part was that Englishmen might rule over one another, this to vassalise us to a foreign nation.

The letters and speeches of Oliver Cromwell Volume 2 (1904) pages 7-8, Cromwell to the Roman Catholic of Bishops of Ireland (in full English imperial mode):

... Who is it that created this common enemy? I suppose you mean Englishmen. The English. Remember, ye hypocrites, Ireland was once united to England. That was the original "union." Englishmen had good inheritances which many of them purchased with their money; they or their ancestors, from many of you and your ancestors. They had good leases from Irishmen, for long time to come; great stocks thereupon ; houses and plantations erected at their cost and charge. They lived peaceably and honestly amongst you...

If nationalism is a more recent development than the 17th century how do you explain these reference to the English and England by Oliver Cromwell?

Regimental colours

Slighting

http://www.shsu.edu/lmr038/resSlighted.html Conventional wisdom says that the phenomenon of slighting was simply a fiscal and military policy by Parliament ‘to deny use to the enemy’, but the full picture is far more complex.

John Duncan Halliday Hedley

Extended content

Detailed ts memoir (119pp) of his Army service in the Far East covering his officer training at Maymyo, Burma (November 1939 - February 1940),

  • his posting as a Lieutenant to the 4th Battalion The Burma Rifles (February 1940),
  • his appointment as Signals Officer (October 1940) and promotion to Captain (May 1941),
  • an engagement with Japanese troops at Kawkareik (October 1941),
  • his posting to 63rd Brigade as an interpreter (March 1943) and subsequent posting to the 111th Brigade as Brigade Intelligence Officer (June 1943),
  • his service with the second Chindit expedition (March - May 1944) during which he was injured,
  • his promotion to Major and posting to Force 136 of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) (July 1944),
  • his involvement with Operation BISON, an SOE reconnaissance mission to assess Japanese troop movements between Maymyo and Mandalay, Burma (January - March 1945)
  • and his service as an SOE liaison officer working with local resistance groups and the British Army during an assault on Elephant Point, a strategic position on the Rangoon river (May 1945)
  • and his involvement with 207 British Military Mission to Siam whose objectives were to train the Siamese Army and liaise between British Army HQ and the Siamese Government and Army (August 1945 - February 1946).
Extended content
  • Distinguished Service Order,Burma 1945
  • parent unit Army in Burma Reserve of Officers
  • born 22.12.1907
  • educated Eton College
  • graduated King's College,Cambridge (M.A.)
  • merchant,Bombay Burmah Trading Corporation in civilian life
  • Burma Rifles 1941
  • Brigade Intelligence Officer,111 Brigade (Chindits) 1944 (Captain)
  • WIA 1944 Burma ("Blackpool")
  • Force 136 SOE 1944-45 (Major)
  • master,Bromsgove School,England postwar
  • author "Jungle Fighter:Infantry Officer,Chindit and SOE Agent in Burma,1941-45"
  • deceased
  • St Bartholomew Churchyard, Tardebigge, near Bromsgrove, Worcestershire
  • The London Gazette, 3 January 1928, Issue: 33344, p. 47–General List: Officer Training Corps: Offr.Cadet Lce.-Corpl. John Duncan Halliday Hedley, from Cambridge Univ. Contgt., Sen. Div., O.T.C., to be 2nd Lt. for serv. with the Infy. Unit of that-Contgt. 1st Oct. 1927.
  • Grave of John Norman Hedley (3 Sep 1907-1974) DSO OBE -- A different contemporary Major Royal Marines.
  • John Duncan Halliday Hedley found in England, Andrews Newspaper Index Cards, 1790-1976
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