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Airey Neave

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Airey Neave
Member of Parliament
for Abingdon
In office
30 June 1953 – 30 March 1979
Preceded bySir Ralph Glyn
Succeeded byThomas Benyon
Personal details
Born(1916-01-23)23 January 1916
Died30 March 1979(1979-03-30) (aged 63)
Palace of Westminster, London
NationalityBritish
Political partyConservative
SpouseDiana Neave
Alma materMerton College, Oxford
ProfessionTerritorial Army officer

Airey Middleton Sheffield Neave, DSO, OBE, MC, (January 23, 1916March 30, 1979) was a British soldier and later Conservative politician and MP for Abingdon. Neave was assassinated by the Irish National Liberation Army in 1979.

Early life

Neave was educated at Eton College and went on to study law at Merton College, Oxford. Whilst at Eton Neave wrote a prize-winning essay in 1933 examining the likely consequences of Adolf Hitler's rise to power and predicted war. When he went to Oxford he purchased and read the full works of Carl von Clausewitz and when asked why, answered: "since war [is] coming, it [is] only sensible to learn as much as possible about the art of waging it".[1]

Army career

He also joined the Territorial Army and became an officer in the regular army at the beginning of World War II. He was sent to France in February 1940 as part of a searchlight regiment. He was wounded and captured by the Germans in Calais on May 23, 1940. He was imprisoned at Oflag IX near Spangenberg and in February 1941 moved to Stalag XXa near Thorn in German-occupied western Poland. In April 1941 he escaped from Thorn with Norman Forbes. They were captured near Itow while trying to enter Soviet-controlled Poland and were briefly in the hands of the Gestapo. In May, they were both sent to Oflag IV-C.

Neave made an attempt to escape from Colditz on August 28, 1941, but his poor German uniform disguise (fashioned from an RAF tunic dyed green, and a cap made out of a blanket - allegedly a bright green colour due to Neave being colour blind) led to him being captured while still within the castle (he passed one sentry post without being halted, but was stopped at the second). He tried again on January 5, 1942, again in disguise, together with Dutch officer Anthony Luteyn. Better uniforms and escape route (they made a quick exit from a theatrical production using the trap door beneath the stage) got them out of the prison and by train and on foot they made it to Switzerland via Leipzig, Ulm and Singen by January 9. He returned to England through France, Spain and Gibraltar. He was the first British officer to make a "home run" from Colditz. He was later recruited as an intelligence agent for MI9. He also served with the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, investigating Krupp. As a well-known war hero he was honoured with the role of reading the indictments to the Nazi leaders on trial. He wrote several books about his war experiences.

While at MI9, he was the immediate superior of Michael Bentine.

Political career

Neave stood at the 1950 election in Thurrock and was elected for Abingdon in a by-election in June 1953, but his career was held back by a heart attack he suffered in 1959. In the early 1970s, Neave is alleged to have been involved with some right-wing security service plots against Harold Wilson's Labour government, such as the Clockwork Orange project in Northern Ireland.

In 1975, Neave was the campaign manager for Margaret Thatcher's victorious attempt to become leader of the Conservative Party. He was rewarded with the post of head of her private office. He was then appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and was poised to attain the equivalent Cabinet position.

Death

Neave was killed on 30 March 1979, when a mercury-tilt based car bomb exploded under his car at 2.58pm as he drove out of the Palace of Westminster car park. Both of his legs were blown off and he died in hospital an hour after being freed from the wreckage. The Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) claimed responsibility for the killing.

Neave's death came a few weeks before the 1979 general election which brought about a Conservative party victory and Margaret Thatcher to power as Prime Minister. His wife Diana was subsequently elevated to the House of Lords as Baroness Airey of Abingdon.

Neave's biographer Paul Routledge met with a member of the Irish Republican Socialist Party (the political wing of INLA) who was involved in the killing of Neave and who told Routledge that Neave "would have been very successful at that job [Northern Ireland Secretary]. He would have brought the armed struggle to its knees".[2] The INLA issued a statement regarding the killing in the August edition of The Starry Plough, saying that "In March, retired terrorist and supporter of capital punishment, Airey Neave, got a taste of his own medicine when an INLA unit pulled off the operation of the decade and blew him to bits inside the 'impregnable' Palace of Westminster. The nauseous Margaret Thatcher snivelled on television that he was an 'incalculable loss'—and so he was—to the British ruling class".[3]

Tony Benn records in his diary (February 17, 1981) that a journalist from the New Statesman, Duncan Campbell, told him that he had received information from an intelligence agent two years previously that Neave had planned to have Benn assassinated if a Labour Government was elected, James Callaghan resigned and there was a possibility that Benn might be elected Party Leader in his place. Campbell claimed that the agent was ready to give his name and the New Statesman was going to print the story. Benn, however, discounted the validity of the story and wrote in his diary: "No one will believe for a moment that Airey Neave would have done such a thing".[4] However the magazine printed the story on February 20, 1981, naming the agent as Lee Tracey. Tracey claimed to have met Neave and was asked to join a team of intelligence and security specialists which would "make sure Benn was stopped". Tracey planned a second meeting with Neave but Neave was murdered before they could meet again.[5]

Assassination conspiracy theories

Kevin Cahill, an Irish investigative journalist, claims Neave was on the verge of a massive overhaul of the security services, possibly involving a merger of MI5 and MI6 and arising from his belief in corruption in the security services. Cahill suggests a link between Neave's murder and Sir Christopher Sykes' murder and the attempted murder of Christopher Tugendhat in December 1980. Cahill claims that Neave would have been head of the combined security services with Sykes and Tugendhat as his deputies, with Sykes responsible for foreign operations and Tugendhat responsible for home operations.

Cahill claims to have had a conversation with a drunken Neave on St. Patrick's Day 1979 in the foyer of the Irish embassy in London. Cahill had left a party and was waiting for a taxi. He saw Neave in the room and introduced himself to him as an admirer. Cahill claims that Neave was inebriated and responded "quite out of the blue" by saying "There are going to be changes here, big changes, soon. There is going to be cleaning of the stables...There has been serious corruption." Neave then said that there was "no use playing games. We have to win...We will win when the [corruption] is sorted out. Count on that." Cahill found Neave's remarks surprising because he seemed internally preoccupied with the UK, with his Northern Ireland brief "almost a sideline". Cahill also thought that Neave's mention of corruption meant Soviet penetration.

Whilst working in the House of Commons as Paddy Ashdown's research assistant Cahill claims to have had around six conversations with the security staff there. The most frequent remark was that "everyone knew" the story behind Neave's death but that no one could talk about it in detail because it would have been too dangerous. Cahill claims they did not believe INLA murdered Neave but that it was an "inside job".

Cahill concluded that Neave was murdered by the security services; MI6 agents working with the CIA because Neave sought to prosecute senior figures in the intelligence establishment for corruption.[6]

Another person who did not accept the generally accepted version of events was Enoch Powell, the Ulster Unionist MP. Powell claimed in an interview with The Guardian on January 9, 1984 that the Americans had murdered Neave, along with Lord Mountbatten and Robert Bradford MP. He claimed the evidence came from a member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary with whom he had a conversation.[7]

On October 18, 1986 Powell returned to the subject of Neave's death in a speech to Conservative students in Birmingham. He told them that INLA had not killed Neave but was assassinated by "MI6 and their friends". Powell claimed Neave's Northern Ireland policy had been one of integration with the rest of the UK and that the Americans feared that this process, if implemented by Neave, would have been irreversible. His murder, alleged Powell, was intended to make the British Government adopt a policy more acceptable to America in her aim of a united Ireland within NATO.[8]

Notes

  1. ^ Paul Routledge, Public Servant, Secret Agent: The Elusive Life and Violent Death of Airey Neave (Fourth Estate, 2002), p. 35.
  2. ^ Ibid, p. 360.
  3. ^ Holland, Jack & McDonald, Henry (1996). INLA Deadly Divisions. Poolbeg. pp. p. 221. ISBN 1-85371-263-9. {{cite book}}: |pages= has extra text (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  4. ^ Tony Benn, The Benn Diaries (Arrow, 1996), pp. 506-507.
  5. ^ Routledge, pp. 299-300.
  6. ^ Routledge, pp. 335-336.
  7. ^ Simon Heffer, Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1999), p. 881.
  8. ^ Ibid, p. 906.

Publications

File:Airey Neave - Saturday At MI9 - 1989 paperback book cover.jpg
The cover of the 1989 UK paperback edition of Neave's Saturday At M.I.9
  • Saturday At MI9
  • They Have Their Exits
  • Flames of Calais
  • Nuremberg
  • Little Cyclone
Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by Member of Parliament for Abingdon
19531979
Succeeded by