Jacobo Árbenz

Jacobo Árbenz
File:Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán.jpg
President of the Republic of Guatemala
In office March 15, 1951 – June 27, 1954
Preceded by	Juan José Arévalo
Succeeded by	Carlos Enrique Díaz de León
Personal details
Born	September 14, 1913 Quetzaltenango
Died	January 27, 1971 Mexico
Political party	Revolutionary Action Party
Spouse	Maria Cristina Villanova

Colonel Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán (Spanish pronunciation: [xaˈkoβo ˈarbens ɡusˈman]; September 14, 1913 – January 27, 1971) was a Guatemalan military officer and politician. He served as Defense Minister of Guatemala from 1944 - 1951. He served as President of Guatemala from 1951 to 1954. He was ousted in a coup d'état in which the United States government was complicit and was replaced by a military junta, headed by Colonel Carlos Castillo. He went into exile after the coup and died in Mexico in 1971.

Early life

Born in Quetzaltenango, he was the son of a Swiss pharmacist who immigrated to Guatemala. His early years were marred by his father's suicide. Árbenz joined the army, attending Guatemala's military academy, and became a sub-lieutenant in 1935. He returned to the Guatemalan Military Academy in 1937 and served as a teacher of science and history. In 1939 he met his future wife Maria Cristina Villanova, who moved her husband towards socialist philosophy. Maria, a daughter of a wealthy Salvadoran landowner, had a huge impact on his life, and urged him to overthrow the Guatemalan government. Árbenz joined a group of army officers and helped to overthrow the dictator Jorge Ubico (1878–1946) in 1944. After the coup against Ubico, Árbenz served as Guatemala's defense minister in Juan José Arévalo's new government.

Presidency and coup

In March 1951, Árbenz assumed the presidency after Guatemala's second-ever universal-suffrage election, marking the first peaceful transition of power in Guatemala's history. He campaigned as a reformer and garnered 60% of the vote by promising to make Guatemala an economically independent, Socialist state that would shed its colonial-era dependence on the U.S. His predecessor, Juan José Arévalo, had successfully begun a series of reforms to open the political process to all citizens. Arévalo's extension of voting and labor rights threatened the power of the traditional elite and led to more than twenty failed coup attempts to oust him.

Árbenz continued Arévalo's reform agenda and, in June 1952, his government enacted an agrarian reform program. The agrarian reform law (decree 900) gave the government power to expropriate only uncultivated portions of large plantations. Estates of up to 670 acres (2.7 km²) were exempted if at least two thirds of the land was cultivated; also exempt were lands that had a slope of more than 30 degrees (a significant exemption in mountainous Guatemala). The land was then allocated to individual families. Owners of expropriated land were compensated according to the worth of the land claimed in May 1952 tax assessments. Land was paid for in twenty-five year bonds with a 3 percent interest rate. Arbenz himself, a landowner through his wife, gave up 1,700 acres (7 km²) of his own land in the land reform program.

While Árbenz's proposed agenda was welcomed by impoverished peasants who made up the majority of Guatemala's population, it provoked the ire of the upper landowning classes, powerful U.S. corporate interests, and factions of the military, who accused Árbenz of bowing to Communist influence. This tension resulted in noticeable unrest in the country. Carlos Castillo, an army officer, rebelled at the Aurora airport in the early 1950s, was defeated and shot, surviving his injuries. Castillo then spent some time in a Guatemalan prison before escaping and going into exile in 1951.

This instability, combined with Árbenz's relative tolerance of Guatemalan Party of Labour (PGT) and other leftists influences, prompted the CIA to draw up a contingency plan entitled Operation PBFORTUNE in 1951. It outlined a method of ousting Árbenz if he were deemed a Communist threat in the hemisphere.

The United Fruit Company, a U.S.-based corporation, was also threatened by Árbenz's land reform initiative. United Fruit was Guatemala's largest landowner, with 85% of its holdings uncultivated, vulnerable to Árbenz's reform plans. In calculating its tax obligations, United Fruit had consistently (and drastically) undervalued the worth of its holdings. In its 1952 taxes, it claimed its land was only worth $3 per acre. When, in accordance with United Fruit's tax claims, the Árbenz government offered to compensate the company at the $3 rate, the company claimed the land's true value was $75/acre but refused to explain the precipitous jump in its own determination of the land's value.

In 1952, the Guatemalan Party of Labour was legalized; Communists subsequently gained considerable minority influence over important peasant organizations and labor unions, but not over the governing political party and won only four seats in the 58-seat governing body. The CIA, having drafted Operation PBFORTUNE, was already concerned about Árbenz's potential Communist ties. United Fruit had been lobbying the CIA to oust reform governments in Guatemala since Arévalo's time but it wasn't until the Eisenhower administration that it found an ear in the White House. In 1954, the Eisenhower administration was still flush with victory from its covert operation to topple the Mossadegh government in Iran the year before. On February 19, 1954, the CIA began Operation WASHTUB, a plan to plant a phony Soviet arms cache in Nicaragua to demonstrate Guatemalan ties to Moscow.

In May 1954, Czechoslovak weaponry arrived in secret into Guatemala aboard the Swedish ship Alfhem. The ship's manifests had been falsified as to the nature of its cargo. The U.S. took this as final proof of Árbenz's Soviet links. The Czechoslovaks supplied, for cash down, obsolete and barely functional German WWII weaponry.

"The direct contacts between the Soviet Union and the Árbenz Government consisted of one Soviet diplomat working out an exchange of bananas for agricultural machinery, which fell through because neither side had refrigerated ships. The only other evidence of contact the CIA found after the operation were two bills to the Guatemalan Communist Party from a Moscow bookstore, totalling $22.95."

The Árbenz government was convinced a U.S.-sponsored invasion was imminent: it had previously released detailed accounts of the CIA's Operation PBFORTUNE (called the White Papers) and perceived US actions at the OAS convention in Caracas that year as a lead-up to intervention. The administration ordered the CIA to sponsor a coup d'état, code-named Operation PBSUCCESS that toppled the government. Árbenz resigned on June 27, 1954 and was forced to flee, seeking refuge in the Mexican Embassy.

After the coup, Frank Wisner organised an operation called PBHistory to secure Árbenz Government documents. PBHistory aimed to prove Soviet control of Guatemala and, in so doing, hopefully provide actionable intelligence with regard to other Soviet connections and personnel in Latin America. Wisner sent two teams who, with the help of the Army and Castillo Armas's junta, gathered 150,000 documents. Ronald M. Schneider, an extra-Agency researcher who later examined the PBHistory documents, found no traces of Soviet control and substantial evidence that Guatemalan Communists acted alone, without support or guidance from outside the country.

Later life

He initially stayed in Mexico, and then he and his family moved to Switzerland. The Swiss government would not allow him to stay unless he gave up his Guatemalan citizenship. Refusing to do so, Árbenz moved to Paris, and then to Prague. Czechoslovak officials were uncomfortable with his stay, unsure if he would demand the government to repay him for the poor quality of arms that they had sold him in 1954. After only three months, he moved again, this time to Moscow. He tried several times to return to Latin America, and was finally allowed to move to Uruguay in 1957.

In 1960, after the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro asked Árbenz to come to Cuba, to which Arbenz readily agreed. In 1965, his eldest and favorite daughter, a fashion model named Arabella, committed suicide, shooting herself in front of her boyfriend, the Matador Jaime Bravo, in Bogotá, Colombia. Árbenz was devastated by her death. He was allowed to return to Mexico to bury his daughter and, eventually, was allowed to remain. On January 27, 1971, Árbenz died in his bathroom, either by drowning or scalding due to hot water. The circumstances under which Árbenz died are still suspect.

Family

The son of Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán, Jacobo Arbenz Villanova, is a Guatemalan politician.

See also

• History of Guatemala
• Decree 900

Further reading

• Stephen Kinzer, Stephen Schlesinger. Bitter Fruit. 2005 Edition. David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies
• Piero Gleijeses. "Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1944-54." Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991.
• Nicholas Cullather. "Secret History: The CIA's Classified Account of its Operations in Guatemala 1952-54." Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999.
• CIA file about Operations against Jacob Arbenz http://www.foia.cia.gov/docs/DOC_0000919960/0000919960_0012.gif
• Works related to CIA and Guatemala Assassination Proposals: CIA History Staff Analysis at Wikisource
• Richard H. Immerman. The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention. University of Texas Press, Austin, 1982.
• United Fruit Company - Jacobo Arbenz (Biography of Jacobo Arbenz by Marcelo Bucheli at the United Fruit Historical Society website)

External links

• International Jose Guillermo Carrillo Foundation
• From Arbenz to Zelaya: Chiquita in Latin America - video report by Democracy Now!