Jump to content

Lumbee

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by 75.151.66.225 (talk) at 18:17, 1 September 2011 (→‎Lost Colony of Roanoke). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

Lumbee
Total population
55,000[1]
Regions with significant populations
 United States
Languages
English

The Lumbee are a Native American tribe recognized by the state of North Carolina.[2] The name "Lumbee" is derived from the word lumber or Lumber River, which winds through Robeson County, North Carolina. The river was named for the extensive lumber trade in the region in the early 19th century. Purnell Swett is the Lumbee tribal chairman.[3]

In 1885, the Lumbee were recognized by the State of North Carolina as Croatan Indians. They unsuccessfully sought federal recognition thereafter. In 1952, after a request from tribal members, the Robeson County Commissioners conducted a tribal referendum on the tribal name. Tribal members voted for adoption of the name "Lumbee Indians of North Carolina". The Lumbee claim to be descendants of the Cheraw and related Siouan-speaking tribes originally inhabiting part of the coastal regions of the state of North Carolina. Some residents of Robeson County claim to be descendants of the Iroquoian-speaking Tuscarora. This is disputed by the federally recognized nation.

In 1956, the United States Congress passed H.R. 4656, known as the Lumbee Act, which recognized the Lumbee as Native American people, but did not recognize them as an official tribe. In consultation with the tribe, as a condition of recognition Congress excluded the Lumbee from receiving the federal services ordinarily provided to federally recognized tribes through the Bureau of Indian Affairs. As the only tribe in this circumstance,[4] the Lumbee have since sought full federal recognition through congressional legislation.[5][6]

Such recognition through congressional legislation is supported by some federally recognized tribes and opposed by others.[7][8] The Tuscarora Nation of North Carolina, which has neither state nor federal recognition, opposes recognition of the Lumbeee.[9][10] The federally recognized Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians (of North Carolina) has consistently opposed Lumbee efforts to gain federal recognition.

History

Oh Hai Dere

Legends

Obama Did This

P :P :P :P :P :) :0 :) :0

Cherokee descent

In his unpublished 1934 master's thesis, Clifton Oxendine held that the Lumbee descend from Iroquoian-speaking Cherokee, some of whom fought with the British against the Tuscarora in the war of 1711-13 under Colonel John Barnwell of South Carolina. He contended that the Cherokee stayed in the swamps of Robeson County when the campaign ended.[11] No Cherokees were listed in the record of Barnwell's company.[12] Later research has also cast doubt on whether Barnwell marched through so-called Lumbee country on his way to the campaign.[13] The Cherokee were people of the mountains, not the coastal area.

Oxendine and others hold to the oral tradition among some Lumbee that their forefathers participated in the Tuscarora campaign with Colonel Barnwell, and had some origin in the Cherokee.[14] Although there were no Cherokee in the Barnwell campaign of early 1712, there were Cherokee in the force led by Colonel James Moore of South Carolina the following year.[14]

Siouan descent

The 1915 McPherson Report said in reference to the Cheraw (quoting the Handbook of American Indians, 1906): “Their numbers in 1715, according to Rivers, was 510, but this estimate probably included the Keyauwee. Being still subject to attack by the Iroquois, they finally—between 1726 and 1739—became incorporated with the Catawba……They are mentioned as with the Catawba but speaking their own distinct dialect as late as 1743 (Adair). The last notice of them in 1768, when their remnant, reduced by war and disease to 50 or 60, were still living with the Catawba.”[15]

The McPherson Report also notes (quoting Indians of North Carolina, p. 216): “In 1738 smallpox raged in South Carolina and worked great destruction, not only among the whites, but also among the Catawba and smaller tribes. In 1759 it appeared again, and this time destroyed nearly half the tribe.” This report was the first related to Robeson County Indians in which the Cheraw were mentioned. Scholars did not suggest there was any significant, if any, influence from the Cheraw, or any other smaller Siouan-speaking tribes, in the Robeson County area.[citation needed]

Swanton continued to do research on Native Americans of the Southeast. In 1933, he published his assertion (where?) that the Keyauwee and Cheraw of the Carolina Piedmont were most likely the primary ancestors of the people known from 1885 to 1912 as Croatan Indians.[14] He also believed that there were likely remnant descendants from the Waccamaw of the lower Cape Fear region near Wilmington, and the Woccon of the central coastal region of North Carolina and the Bear River, all probably of Siouan linguistic stock. In the 21st century, these tribes are all extinct except for a small band of Waccamaw who live on the shores of Lake Waccamaw in the heart of their old country.[14]

Swanton traced the migration of tribes in the East.[16] In addition to the Keyauwee, Cheraw, Bear River, Waccamaw, and Woccon already mentioned, the Eno and Waxhaw migrated from Piedmont, South Carolina northeast to the north-central part of North Carolina, then back south again to a point on the Pee Dee River just south of the border of the two Carolinas. Swanton said that all of them, with exception to the Keyauwee, were mentioned as travelling west to join the Catawba; Swanton argued that the Keyauwee were probably the most influential contributor to the self-identified Indian population of Robeson County. He thought it was more appropriate to call Robeson County Indians descendants of the Cheraw, as the Cheraw were more well known from the historic record.[citation needed]

Tuscarora descent

A number of Robeson County residents reject the modern Lumbee label and claim descent from the Tuscarora Indians. The Iroquoian-speaking North Carolina tribe suffered defeat at the hands of the British colonists and Indian allies in 1713. Most Tuscarora left their homes in northeastern North Carolina to migrate north to New York, where they joined the Iroquois League as its sixth nation by 1722. Tuscarora tribal leaders in New York determined that the emigration was complete by 1802, and said that any Tuscarora who decided not to migrate to New York with the council fire were choosing to live separate from the Tuscarora Nation and would no longer be considered members.

Because of this historic determination by the tribal council, the Lumbee claim to Tuscarora heritage is contested by both the federally recognized Tuscarora Nation of New York and the unrecognized Tuscarora Nation of North Carolina.[17] The recognized Tuscarora tribe asserts that only a few Tuscarora remained behind and they were no longer recognized as members. Their descendants thus could not claim to have continuity with the tribe and its traditions, which is required for federal recognition as a tribe.

Proponents of the Tuscarora hypothesis make two arguments. First, the migration trail of Lumbee ancestors from coastal Virginia to Robeson County passed through the territory in which the Tuscarora had lived. This made intermarriage with Tuscarora a possibility.[18] But, such intermarriage does not mean that the few Tuscarora were able to maintain a tribal culture. Second, contemporary anecdotal references to members of the outlaw Henry Berry Lowrie gang of the Reconstruction era described them as of partial Tuscarora descent.[19]

In the 1920s, some Robeson County Indians made contact with individual members of the Mohawk Nation, formerly part of the Iroquois Confederacy, which the Tuscarora were admitted to in 1722. The mostly rural Robeson County Indians began to express a Tuscarora identity. They strongly objected to the Lumbee name and to the Cheraw theory of ancestry. Many associate with the Tuscarora Nation of North Carolina, which is recognized by neither the United States government nor the federally recognized Tuscarora Nation of New York.

Traditional Indian trails through Robeson County provided paths for trading and migration. Oxendine mentions the Lowrie trail,[20] which skirted the central part of Lumbee country. This trail linked to the trading path from Virginia to western South Carolina at its western end. It crossed the "Wilminton, High Point, and Northern trail" identified by Swanton near the heart of Lumbee country, and ran from northeast to southwest.[citation needed] The Cheraws-Winya Bay trail originated 30 miles (48 km) west and ran southeast to the South Carolina coast.[citation needed]

Scholarly research

In the early decades of the 20th century, various Department of Interior representatives[21] described the Lumbee as having Native American origin, and assigned them variously to one tribe or another. In 1936, Carl Seltzer, a physical anthropologist engaged by the federal Department of the Interior, conducted an anthropometric study of several hundred self-identified Indian individuals in Robeson County. He concluded the majority were Indian. But, researchers no longer consider his tests as valid determinants of ethnicity; they have been found to have been flawed.

18th century

In 1754, a surveying party reported that Anson County was "a frontier to the Indians." Bladen County abutted Anson County which at that time extended west into Cherokee territory. The same report also claimed that no Indians lived in Bladen County (which at that time contained what today is Robeson County). Land patents and deeds filed with the colonial administrations of Virginia, North and South Carolina during this period show that individuals claimed as Lumbee ancestors were migrating into southern North Carolina along the typical routes of colonial migration from Virginia and obtaining land deeds in the same manner as any other migrants. In the first federal census of 1790, the ancestors of the Lumbee were enumerated as Free Persons of Color.[22] In 1800 and 1810 they were counted in "all other free persons."

In 1885, Hamilton McMillan wrote that Lumbee ancestor James Lowrie received sizeable land grants early in the century and by 1738 possessed combined estates of more than two thousand acres (8 km²). Dial and Eliades claimed that John Brooks established title to over one thousand acres (4 km²) in 1735, and Robert Lowrie gained possession of almost seven hundred acres (2.8 km²).[23] But, a state archivist has noted that no land grants were issued during these years in North Carolina. The first land grants to documented individuals claimed as Lumbee ancestors did not take place until more than a decade later, in the 1750s.[24] The Lumbee petition for federal recognition did not use material from McMillan's claims.[25]

Land records show that beginning in the second half of the 18th century, persons since identified as ancestral Lumbee took titles to land described in relation to Drowning Creek and prominent swamps such as Ashpole, Long, and Back Swamp. According to James Campisi, the anthropologist hired by the Lumbee tribe, this area "is located in the heart of the so-called old field of the Cheraw documented in land records between 1737 and 1739."[26]

But, the Lumbee petition for recognition based on Siouan connection, prepared by Lumbee River Legal Services in the 1980s, shows that the Cheraw Old Fields, sold to a Thomas Grooms in the year 1739, were located not in North Carolina at all. They were located in South Carolina, near the current town of Cheraw. This was more than 60 miles (100 km) from Pembroke.[27]

Pension records for veterans of the American Revolutionary War listed men with surnames later associated with self-identified Lumbee families, such as Samuel Bell, Jacob Locklear, John Brooks, Berry Hunt, Thomas Jacobs, Thomas Cummings, and Michael Revels. In 1790, ancestral Lumbees such as Barnes, Bell, Braveboy (Brayboy), Brooks, Bullard, Chavers (Chavis), Cumbo, Hammonds, Hunt, Jacobs, Lockileer (Locklear), Lowrie (Lowry/Lowery), Oxendine, Revils (Revels), Strickland, and Wilkins were listed as inhabitants of the Fayetteville District; they were enumerated as "Free Persons of Color" in the first federal census.[28][29]

Antebellum

The year 1835 proved to be critical for all free people of color in North Carolina. Following Nat Turner's Slave Rebellion of 1831, the state legislature passed amendments to its original 1776 constitution; it abolished suffrage for "free people of color." This was one of a series of laws passed from 1826 to the 1850s that historian John Hope Franklin characterized as the "Free Negro Code," erecting restrictions on that class. Free people of color were stripped of various political and civil rights which they had enjoyed for almost two generations. They could no longer vote, bear arms without a license, serve on juries, or serve in the state militia.[30]

In 1853, the North Carolina Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the state's restrictions on free people of color's bearing arms without a license. Noel Locklear, in State v. Locklear, was convicted for the illegal possession of firearms.[31][32][33] In 1857, William Chavers from Robeson County, now considered a Lumbee ancestor because of his surname, was arrested and charged as a "free person of color" for carrying a shotgun. Chavers, like Locklear, was convicted. Chavers promptly appealed, arguing that the law restricted only "free Negroes," not "persons of color."

The appeals court reversed the lower court, finding that "free persons of color may be, then, for all we can see, persons colored by Indian blood, or persons descended from Negro ancestors beyond the fourth degree" [meaning that with less than one-eighth African ancestry, they were legally classified as white]. Two years later, in another case involving a free person of color from Robeson County, the North Carolina Court of Appeals held that forcing an individual to appear before a jury to show skin color was the same as forcing him to provide evidence against himself. Most of such racial cases were brought by members of the proto-Lumbee community against each other. They used the racially discriminatory laws against each other to settle petty disputes amongst themselves.

The twentieth-century anthropologist Gerald Sider published accounts of "tied mule" incidents repeated to him in the 1960s, which supposedly had caused losses of land for Lumbee ancestors during the 19th century. While Robeson County land records show an appreciable loss of Lumbee ancestors' title to land during the 19th century, the documented causes are failure to pay taxes and other common reasons. Not one "tied mule incident" has yet been discovered in Robeson County records.[34][31][35]

Civil War

As the war progressed and the Confederacy began to experience increasing labor shortages, it began to rely on conscription labor. A yellow fever epidemic in 1862-63 killed many slaves' working on the construction of Fort Fisher near Wilmington, North Carolina, then considered to be the "Gibraltar of the South." North Carolina's slave owners resisted sending more slaves to Fort Fisher. Robeson County, along with most eastern North Carolina counties, began to conscript young free men of color. A few were shot for attempting to evade conscription, and others attempted to escape from work at Fort Fisher. Some succumbed to starvation, disease and despair. Documentation of conscription among the free people of color in Robeson County is difficult to locate. The practice may have been limited to a few specific areas of the county.[36][37][38]

Several dozen Lumbee ancestors served in regular units in the Confederate army; they are documented as drawing Confederate pensions for their service. Others tried to avoid coerced labor by hiding in the swamps. During that period, some men from Robeson County operated as guerrillas for the Union Army, sabotaging the efforts of the Confederacy, and seeking retribution against their Confederate neighbors.

Lowrie Gang

Henry Berry Lowrie (also spelled Lowry) was notable for organizing a gang during the Civil War. Most of the gang members were related, including two of Lowrie's brothers, six cousins (two of whom were also his brothers-in-law), the brother-in-law of two of his cousins, in addition to a few not related through kinship. The Lowrie gang included free men of color and also freed slaves and whites. The Lowries claimed to be Tuscarora Indians.

The gang committed two murders during the Civil War and were suspected in several thefts and robberies. After an interrogation and informal trial, Robeson County's Home Guard executed Henry Berry Lowrie's father and brother. This was in the period of the Union General William T. Sherman's army entering Robeson County.[36][39] Shortly after, Henry Lowrie and his band stole rifles and killed the county sheriff and several of the men responsible for his family losses.

Lumbee Jamie Oxendine and U.S. Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur during the opening of the National Museum of the American Indian.

The insurrection of the Lowrie gang against the establishment in Robeson County influenced their community. The mixed-race community developed a sense of being unique, possessed with a separate identity and history, while Henry Berry Lowrie became a culture hero to the Lumbee.[40]

In 1872, during the Reconstruction era, George Alfred Townsend published The Swamp Outlaws, a history of the Lowrie Gang. Townsend described Henry Berry Lowrie as being of mixed Tuscarora, mulatto, and European ancestry: "The color of his skin is of a whitish yellow sort, with an admixture of copper—such a skin as, for the nature of its components, is in color indescribable, there being no negro blood in it except that of a far remote generation of mulatto, and the Indian still apparent." Townsend wrote of Pop Oxendine, "Like the rest, he had the Tuscarora Indian blood in him...If I should describe the man by the words nearest my idea I should call him an Indian gypsy."[41]

Post-Reconstruction: education and state recognition

In 1868 the legislature elected under Reconstruction created a new constitution, which established a public education system in North Carolina. The following year, the state legislature approved a measure that required segregated, separate schools for whites and blacks (in the binary society, traditionally free people of color, or mixed race, were mostly included in the latter category). Many Lumbee ancestors complied with the legislation and sent their children to Freedmen's Bureau schools. Other traditionally free people of color refused to enroll their children in schools for freed slaves. In Robeson County, this impasse ended when, in 1885, North Carolina formally recognized the historically free people of color in Robeson County as "Croatan Indians", through the effort of Democratic representative Harold MacMillan. He suggested that the free people of color were survivors of England's "Lost Colony" at Roanoke Island who had intermarried with the Hatteras, an Algonquian people.[42] MacMillan was working to distinguish the mixed-race people from the freedmen, and to recruit them as Democratic voters.[43] That same year, the North Carolina General Assembly approved legislation that authorized a public school system for Indians.

Within the year, each Croatan Indian settlement in the county established a school "blood committee" that determined students' racial eligibility.[citation needed] In 1887, tribal members petitioned the state legislature to request establishment of a normal school to train Indian teachers for the county's tribal schools. North Carolina granted permission. Tribal members raised the requisite funds, along with some state assistance that proved inadequate. Several tribal leaders donated money and privately held land for schools. In 1899, North Carolina representatives introduced the first bill in Congress to appropriate funds to educate the Indian children of Robeson County. Another bill was introduced a decade later,[44] and yet another in 1911.[45] In 1913, the House of Representatives Committee on Indian Affairs held a hearing on S.3258 in which the Senate sponsor of the bill reviewed the history of the Lumbee and concluded that they had "maintained their race integrity and their tribal characteristics."

Robeson County's Indian Normal School evolved into Pembroke State University and later still, the University of North Carolina at Pembroke. By the 19th-century's end, the Indians of Robeson County established schools in eleven of their principal settlements.[46]

Ku Klux Klan conflict

During the 1950s, Ku Klux Klan chapters attacked activists with the Civil Rights Movement and African Americans who were advancing in communities. After North Carolina adopted the Lumbee Act in 1957, Klan Wizard James W. "Catfish" Cole began to harass the Lumbee, claiming they were half-breeds who had overstepped their place in the segregated Jim Crow South. Klansmen burned a cross on the lawn of a Lumbee woman who was dating a white man. Cole planned a large Klan rally on January 18, 1958, near the town of Maxton. The Lumbee decided to confront the Klan.

The "Battle of Hayes Pond", or "the Klan Rout," made national news. Some 350-500 armed Lumbee overwhelmed and scattered the 50-100 Klansmen (leaders had projected 5,000 Klansmen would rally). The Lumbee encircled the Klansmen and confronted them. They opened gunfire, and four Klansmen were wounded in the first volley, none seriously; the remaining Klansmen panicked and fled. The Lumbee celebrated the victory by burning Klan regalia and dancing around the flames.[47]

Attempts to gain federal recognition

When the Croatan Indians petitioned Congress for educational assistance, their request was sent to the House Committee on Indian Affairs. It took two years for the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, T.J. Morgan, to respond to the Croatan Indians of Robeson County, telling them that, "so long as the immediate wards of the Government are so insufficiently provided for, I do not see how I can consistently render any assistance to the Croatans or any other civilized tribes." [sic, in contrast to Indians on reservations.][48]

By the first decade of the 20th century, congressional legislation was introduced to change the Croatan name and to establish "a normal school for the Indians of Robeson County, North Carolina." Charles F. Pierce, Supervisor of Indian Schools, investigated the tribe's congressional petition, reporting favorably that "a large majority [were] at least three-fourths Indian" as well as law abiding, industrious, and "crazy on the subject of education." The normal school would allow the training of teachers. Pierce also believed that federal educational assistance would be beneficial. But, he opposed such legislation since, in his words, "[a]t the present time it is the avowed policy of the government to require states having an Indian population to assume the burden and responsibility for their education, so far as is possible."

In 1915, the report of Special Indian Agent O.M. McPherson of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, was sent to the North Carolina legislature by the US Senate. North Carolina had requested assistance in gaining information as to the status of Indians of Robeson County. The legislature was chiefly reviewing material and issues related to the state's treatment of the Cherokee, who had been mostly forced out of the state under the Indian Removal Act of 1830. McPherson found that the Indians of Robeson County, since 1885 called Croatan Indians, had developed an extensive system of schools and a political organization to represent their interests. While he, like Pierce before him, noted that Robeson's Indians were eligible to attend federal Indian schools, he doubted that these schools could meet their needs. Despite McPherson's recommendations, Congress decided not to act on the matter.[49]

A committee report of 1932 acknowledged that the federal bill of 1913 was intended to extend federal recognition on the same terms as the amended state law. The chairman of the House committee abrogated assumption of direct educational responsibility to the Indians of Robeson County by the federal government. He believed they were already eligible to attend Indian boarding schools. Thus, the federal government was meeting its responsibility to the Indians of Robeson County through Indian boarding schools, such as Carlisle Indian Industrial School.

Indian New Deal

With passage of the Indian Reorganization Act in 1934, the Indians of Robeson County redoubled their efforts for access to better education and federal recognition. The Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) sent John R. Swanton, an anthropologist from the Bureau of American Ethnology, and Indian Agent Fred Baker to determine the origins and evaluate the claim of the Indians of Robeson County. Swanton speculated that Robeson's Indians were of Cheraw and other eastern Siouan tribal descent. At this point, the Lumbee population split into two groups. One group supported the Cheraw theory of ancestry. The other faction believed they were descended from the Cherokee, which had occupied territory in the mountains and western part of the state. North Carolina's politicians abandoned the federal recognition effort until the tribal factions agreed on an identity.

Lumbee Act

The Lumbee Act, also known as H.R. 4656, which recognized the Lumbee as having Native American origins but withheld recognition as a "tribe", was passed in late May 1956 and signed by President Dwight David Eisenhower on June 7, 1956. The Lumbee Act designated the Indians of Robeson, Hoke, Scotland, and Cumberland counties as the "Lumbee Indians of North Carolina." HR 4656 also stipulated that "[n]othing in this Act shall make such Indians eligible for any services performed by the United States for Indians because of their status as Indians." This restriction as to eligibility for services was a condition tribal representatives had agreed to at the time in order to achieve recognition. In testimony before Congress, Lumbee spokesmen repeatedly denied that they wanted any financial services; they said they only wanted recognition as American Indians.

Petitioning for federal recognition

The Lumbees have repeatedly sought federal recognition as an Indian tribe, going before Congress in 1899, 1910, 1911, 1913, 1924, 1932 and 1933 with petitions variously claiming to be Croatan, Cherokee, Siouan and Cheraw Indians.[50]

In 1952, the Lumbees adopted their present name, after the Lumber River which winds through Robeson County. In 1956, Congress passed the Lumbee Act, saying that the Lumbee were entitled to call themselves the "Lumbee Indians of North Carolina" but as a condition of recognition as agreed upon by tribal representatives, denying them access to financial and other services accorded to other recognized Indian tribes. In testimony before Congress, Lumbee spokesmen had denied that they wanted any financial services; they said they only wanted recognition as American Indians.

In 1987, the Lumbees petitioned the U.S. Department of the Interior for federal recognition, in a bid for financial benefits accorded recognized Native American tribes.[51] The petition was denied because of language in the Lumbee Act stating that the Lumbee were ineligible for federal benefits.

The Lumbee resumed lobbying Congress, testifying in 1988, 1989, 1991 and 1993 with bids for federal recognition by congressional action.[50] All of these attempts failed in the face of opposition not only by the Department of Interior but also by the several recognized Cherokee tribes, including North Carolina's Eastern Band of the Cherokee, some of the North Carolina Congressional delegation, and some representatives from other states with federally recognized tribes. Some of the North Carolina delegation recommended an amendment to the 1956 Act that would enable the Lumbee to apply to the Department of Interior under the regular application process for recognition.[50] The tribe made renewed bids for recognition with financial services in 2004 and 2006. In 2007 North Carolina Senator Elizabeth Dole introduced the Lumbee Recognition Act.[10]

On January 6, 2009, US Representative Mike McIntyre introduced legislation (H.R. 31) intended to grant the Lumbee Indians federal recognition.[52] The bill has since garnered the support of over 180 co-sponsors,[53] including that of both North Carolina Senators (Richard Burr and Kay Hagan).[54] On June 3, 2009, the US House of Representatives voted 240 to 179 for federal recognition for the Lumbee tribe, acknowledging that they are the descendants of the Cheraw tribe. The vote will go on to the US Senate.[1] On October 22, 2009, the United States Senate Committee on Indian Affairs approved a bill for federal recognition of the Lumbee. The bill includes a no-gaming clause.[55] The bill still needs approval by the full Senate and the President before becoming law. The Senate adjourned for 2010 without taking action.[56]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ a b Lumbee bill passes House vote." The Fayetteville Observer. 3 June 2009 (retrieved 3 June 2009)
  2. ^ "Native American Heritage." State Library of North Carolina. (retrieved 8 Nov 2009)
  3. ^ "Swett wins tribal chairman race." The Laurinburg Exchange. 18 Nov 2009 (retrieved 19 Nov 2009)
  4. ^ S. Hrg 109-610, Statement of Hon. John McCain, US Senator of Arizona, Chairman, Committee on Indian Affairs, 7/12/2006; S. Rpt. 109-334 (9/13/2006); Quinn, Federal Acknowledgement of American Indian Tribes: Authority, Judicial Interposition, and 25 C.F.R. § 83; 17 Am. Indian L. Rev. 37 (1992).
  5. ^ For a treatment of the argument that the Lumbee should be recognized through congressional legislation, see the majority opinion in "U.S. Congress, House Committee on Natural Resources," Report Together with Dissenting Views to Accompany H.R. 334, 103rd Cong., 1st sess., 14 October 1993, H. Rpt. 290."
  6. ^ See United States Government Accountability Office Testimony (GAO-02-415T: More Consistent and Timely Tribal Recognition Process Needed; 2/7/2002)(GAO-02-936T: Basis for BIA's Tribal Recognition Decisions Is Not Always Clear; 9/17/2002)(GAO-05-347T: Timeliness of the Tribal Recognition Process Has Improved, but It Will Take Years to Clear the Existing Backlog of Petitions; 2/10/2005) and GAO Report (GAO-02-49: Improvements Needed in Tribal Recognition Process; 11/2001); also see U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs Hearing on Recommendations for Improving the Federal Acknowledgment Process (4/24/2008) where Senator Byron Dorgan, Chairman of the Committee, stated that "Some tribes are waiting twenty, thirty years [to be recognized], and that’s not right….there seems to me to be an unfairness in the system, and this is a serious problem we need to correct.”
  7. ^ Houghton, p.750. Houghton was Counsel on Native American Affairs of the US House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994.
  8. ^ For a treatment of the argument that the Lumbee should not be recognized through congressional legislation, see the dissenting views in: "U.S. Congress, House Committee on Natural Resources," Report Together with Dissenting Views to Accompany H.R. 334, 103rd Cong., 1st sess., 14 October 1993, H. Rpt. 290."
  9. ^ www.tuscaroranation.com
  10. ^ a b "A steadfast few". Daily Tarheel. 2008-11-25. Retrieved 2008-11-26. {{cite news}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)
  11. ^ Oxendine, p. 4
  12. ^ Rights, pp. 54-55
  13. ^ Holloman, pp. 2 and 28
  14. ^ a b c d Cite error: The named reference chavis was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  15. ^ Handbook of American Indians, 1906)
  16. ^ Rights, p. 59
  17. ^ "Tuscaroras Dispute Lumbee Claim for Tribal Status", WRAL.com
  18. ^ Hill, S. Pony. "Origins of Lumbee No Mystery", Native Americans of South Carolina, 2006 (retrieved 8 Nov 2009)
  19. ^ Currie, Jefferson. "Henry Berry Lowrie & The Lumbee: Robin Hood Figure", Footnote, 2008 (retrieved 8 Nov 2009)
  20. ^ Oxendine, pp. 12-13
  21. ^ such as Charles F. Pierce (1912), O.M. McPherson (1914), Fred Baker (1935), and D'Arcy McNickle (1936); various Smithsonian Institution ethnologists, such as John Reed Swanton (1930s), Dr. William Sturtevant (1960s), and Dr. Samuel Stanley (1960s); in conjunction with Anthropologists such as Gerald Sider and Karen Blu
  22. ^ Blu, 1
  23. ^ Dial and Eliades, pp. 28-29.
  24. ^ Hoffman
  25. ^ Thomas
  26. ^ Campisi, Dr. Jack. "Testimony before the Committee on Indian Affairs United States Senate." Legislative hearing on S. 660. 12 July 2006. Page 3 (retrieved 8 Nov 2009)
  27. ^ North Carolina, General. Roots Web. (retrieved 8 Nov 2009)
  28. ^ U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1790
  29. ^ Dial and Eliades, p. 29
  30. ^ Paul Heinegg, Free African Americans of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Maryland and Delaware, accessed 9 Mar 2008
  31. ^ a b Dial and Eliades, p.45
  32. ^ Evans, p.108
  33. ^ Hauptman, p. 77.
  34. ^ Evans
  35. ^ Dial, p.39
  36. ^ a b Evans, pp.3-18.
  37. ^ Dial and Eliades, pp.46-47.
  38. ^ Hauptman, pp.78-80.
  39. ^ Dial and Eliades, pp.50-53.
  40. ^ Evans, pp. xiii, 251-253
  41. ^ Townsend, pp. 11 and 13
  42. ^ McMillan
  43. ^ Afrigeneas.com Free People of Color Forum
  44. ^ H.R.19036, 61st Congress, 2nd Session
  45. ^ S.3258, 62nd Congress, 1st Session
  46. ^ Ross, pp.115-116; 124-125.
  47. ^ "Bad Medicine for the Klan", Life Magazine, 1958
  48. ^ Dial and Eliades, 93
  49. ^ McPherson
  50. ^ a b c DRAFT
  51. ^ The petition's authors were Julian Pierce, Cynthia Hunt-Locklear, Wes White, Jack Campisi and Arlinda Locklear.
  52. ^ "McIntyre Introduces Lumbee Recognition Bill". Retrieved 2009-03-27.
  53. ^ "H.R. 31 - To provide for the recognition of the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina, and for other purposes". Retrieved 2009-03-27.
  54. ^ "Hagan pledges support for Lumbee recognition". Retrieved 2009-03-27.
  55. ^ "Lumbee recognition clears hurdle." Asheville Citizen-Times. 23 Oct 2009 (retrieved 28 Oct 2009)
  56. ^ "Time runs out for Lumbee tribal recognition bill in Senate". News & Observer. Associated Press. 2010-12-25. Retrieved 2010-12-25.

References

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Lumbee.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Lumbee&oldid=447895446"