American Revolution

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John Trumbull's Declaration of Independence, showing the five-man committee in charge of drafting the Declaration in 1776 as it presents its work to the Second Continental Congress

The American Revolution was a political movement during the last half of the 18th century that resulted in the creation of a new nation in 1776, the United States of America, and ended British control of the Thirteen Colonies. In this period, the Colonies rebelled and entered into the American Revolutionary War against the British between 1775 and 1783, which culminated in an American declaration of independence in 1776 and an allied victory. The French government, army, and navy played key roles in aiding the newfound Americans financially and in providing direct military and naval support.

The Revolution included a series of broad intellectual and social shifts that occurred in the early American society, such as the new republican ideals that took hold in the American population. In some states sharp political debates broke out over the role of democracy in government. The American shift to republicanism, as well as the gradually expanding democracy, caused an upheaval of the traditional social hierarchy, and created the ethic that formed the core of American political values.[1]

The revolutionary era began in 1763, when the military threat to the colonies from France ended and Britain imposed a series of taxes which the colonists thought were illegal. After protests in Boston the British sent combat troops; the Americans mobilized their militia and fighting broke out in 1775. Although Loyalists were about 15-20% of the population, the Patriots usually controlled 80-90% of the population, for the British could only hold a few coastal cities. The height of the Revolution came in 1776, with the unanimous Declaration of Independence by the 13 states which formed the United States of America. The Americans formed an alliance with France in 1778 that evened the military and naval strengths. Two main British armies were captured at Saratoga in 1777 and Yorktown in 1781, leading to peace with the Treaty of Paris in 1783, with the recognition of the United States as an independent nation.[2]

Before the Revolution: The Thirteen colonies are in pink.

Origins

Taxation without representation

By 1763, Great Britain possessed a vast holding on the North American continent. In addition to the thirteen colonies, sixteen smaller colonies were ruled directly by royal governors. Victory in the Seven Years' War had given Great Britain New France (Canada), Spanish Florida, and the Native American lands east of the Mississippi River. In 1765, the colonists still considered themselves loyal subjects of the British Crown, with the same historic rights and obligations as subjects in Britain.[3]

The British government sought to tax its vast North American possessions, primarily to help pay for its past wars, most of the costs of which occurred in Europe. The new tax policies that were implemented served to stabilize the Empire's finances. The problem for many American colonists was that they were not consulted about the new taxes, as they had no representation in parliament (as was the case with the vast majority of British people). The phrase "no taxation without representation" became popular within many American circles. London argued that the Americans were represented "virtually" just like most British subjects; but most Americans rejected the theory.[4]

In theory, Great Britain already regulated the economies of the colonies through the Navigation Acts according to the doctrines of mercantilism, which said that anything that benefited the Empire (and hurt other empires) was good policy. Widespread evasion of these laws had long been tolerated. Now, through the use of open-ended search warrants (Writs of Assistance), strict enforcement became the practice. In 1761, Massachusetts lawyer James Otis argued that the writs violated the constitutional rights of the colonists. He lost the case, but John Adams later wrote, "American independence was then and there born."

In 1762, Patrick Henry argued the Parson's Cause case. Clerical pay had been tied to the price of tobacco by Virginia legislation. When the price of tobacco skyrocketed after a bad crop in 1758, the Virginia legislature passed the Two-Penny Act to stop clerical salaries from inflating as well but in 1763, King George III vetoed the Two-Penny Act. Patrick Henry defended the law in court and argued "that a King, by disallowing Acts of this salutary nature, from being the father of his people, degenerated into a Tyrant and forfeits all right to his subjects' obedience."[5]

In 1764, Parliament enacted the Sugar Act and the Currency Act, further vexing the colonists. Protests led to a powerful new weapon, the systemic boycott of British goods. The colonists had a new slogan, "no taxation without representation," meaning only their colonial assemblies, and not Parliament, could levy taxes on them. Committees of correspondence were formed in the colonies to coordinate resistance to paying the taxes. In previous years, the colonies had shown little inclination towards collective action. Prime Minister George Grenville's policies were bringing them together.[6]

Liberalism and republicanism

John Locke's liberal ideas were very influential; his theory of the "social contract" implied the natural right of the people to overthrow their leaders, should those leaders betray the historic rights of Englishmen. Historians find little trace of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's influence in America. In terms of writing state and national constitutions, the Americans used Montesquieu's analysis of the ideally "balanced" British Constitution was influential.

The motivating force was the American embrace of a political ideology called "republicanism", which was dominant in the colonies by 1775. It was influenced greatly by the "country party" in Britain, whose critique of British government emphasized that corruption was to be feared. The colonists associated the "court" with luxury and inherited aristocracy, which Americans increasingly condemned. Corruption was the greatest possible evil, and civic virtue required men to put civic duty ahead of their personal desires. Men had a civic duty to fight for their country. For women, "republican motherhood" became the ideal, as exemplified by Abigail Adams and Mercy Otis Warren; the first duty of the republican woman was to instill republican values in her children and to avoid luxury and ostentation. The "Founding Fathers" were strong advocates of republicanism, especially Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, Thomas Paine, Benjamin Franklin, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and John Adams.[7]

During this time of liberalism and republicanism as part of US national identity and the people believing strongly that the theory of the social contract, which said people had the right to overthrow their leaders, therein lay a huge hypocrisy. Who was defined as ‘the people’? Europeans. And While they were fighting what they considered corruption and fighting for their independence and freedom from British rule, they were simultaneously building a society centered and based on corruption, slavery, slave labor, racist ideology, and white superiority. This obviously did not spell out freedom for anyone else not considered European, and therefore not included in their social contract.

Western land dispute

The Proclamation of 1763 restricted American movement across the Appalachian Mountains. Regardless, groups of settlers continued to move west. The proclamation was soon modified and was no longer a hindrance to settlement, but its promulgation without consulting Americans angered the colonists. The Quebec Act of 1774 extended Quebec's boundaries to the Ohio River, and seemed to turn the west over to the Catholics in Quebec. By then, however, the Americans had scant regard for new laws from London—they were organizing at the local and colonial level for war.[8]

Crises, 1772–1775

Burning of the Gaspee
This 1846 lithograph has become a classic image of the Boston Tea Party.

While there were many causes of the American Revolution, it was a series of specific events, or crises, that finally triggered the outbreak of war.[9] In June 1772, in what became known as the Gaspée Affair, a British warship that had been vigorously enforcing unpopular trade regulations was burned by American patriots. Soon afterwards, Governor Thomas Hutchinson of Massachusetts reported that he and the royal judges would be paid directly by London, thus bypassing the colonial legislature. In late 1772, Samuel Adams set about creating new Committees of Correspondence that would link together patriots in all thirteen colonies and eventually provide the framework for a rebel government. In early 1773, Virginia, the largest colony, set up its Committee of Correspondence, including Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson.[10]

The Intolerable Acts included:[11]

  • The Massachusetts Government Act, which altered the Massachusetts charter and restricted town meetings;
  • The Administration of Justice Act, which ordered that all British soldiers to be tried be arraigned in Britain, not the colonies;
  • The Boston Port Act, which closed the port of Boston until the British had been compensated for the tea lost in the Boston Tea Party (the British never received such a payment); and
  • The Quartering Act of 1774, which compelled the residents of Boston to house British regulars sent in to control the vicinity.

The First Continental Congress endorsed the Suffolk Resolves, which declared the Intolerable Acts to be unconstitutional, called for the people to form militias, and called for Massachusetts to form a Patriot government.

In response, primarily to the Massachusetts Government Act, the people of Worcester set up an armed picket line in front of the local courthouse and refused to allow the British magistrates to enter. Similar events occurred, soon after, all across the colony. British troops were sent from England, but by the time they arrived, the entire colony of Massachusetts, with the exception of the heavily garrisoned city of Boston, had thrown off British control of local affairs.

File:RAPEBOSTON.JPG
An American version of London cartoon that denounces the "rape" of Boston in 1774 by the Intolerable Acts.

Fighting begins at Lexington: 1775

The Battle of Lexington and Concord took place April 19, 1775, when the British sent a regiment to confiscate arms and arrest revolutionaries in Concord. It was the first fighting of the American Revolutionary War, and immediately the news aroused the 13 colonies to call out their militias and send troops to besiege Boston. The Battle of Bunker Hill followed on June 17, 1775. By late spring 1776, with George Washington as commander, the Americans forced the British to evacuate Boston. The patriots were in control everywhere in the 13 colonies and were ready to declare independence. While there still were many Loyalists, they were no longer in control anywhere by July 1776, and all of the British Royal officials had fled.[12]

The Second Continental Congress convened in 1775, after the war had started. The Congress created the Continental Army and extended the Olive Branch Petition to the crown as an attempt at reconciliation. King George III refused to receive it, issuing instead the Proclamation of Rebellion, requiring action against the "traitors." There would be no negotiations whatsoever until 1783.

File:Joinordie.png
Join, or Die by Benjamin Franklin was recycled to encourage the former colonies to unite against British rule.

Patriots

The revolutionaries, known as Patriots, Whigs, Congress Men or Americans, included a full range of social and economic classes, but a unanimity regarding the need to defend the rights of Americans. After the War, Patriots such as George Washington, James Madison, John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay for example, were deeply devoted to republicanism while also eager to build a rich and powerful nation, while Patriots such as Patrick Henry, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson represented democratic impulses and the agrarian plantation element that wanted a localized society with greater political equality.

Loyalists and neutrals

While there is no way of knowing the actual numbers, most likely 15% to 25% of the colonists remained loyal to the British Crown; these became known as Loyalists (or 'Tories', or 'King's men'). Loyalists were older, less willing to break with old loyalties, often connected to the Anglican church, and included many established merchants with business connections across the Empire, for example Thomas Hutchinson of Boston. Recent immigrants who had not been fully Americanized were also inclined to support the King, such as recent Scottish settlers in the back country.

Native Americans mostly rejected American pleas that they remain neutral. Most groups aligned themselves with the Empire. There were also incentives provided by both sides that helped to secure the affiliations of regional peoples and leaders, and the tribes that depended most heavily upon colonial trade tended to side with the revolutionaries, though political factors were important as well. The most prominent Native American leader siding with the Loyalists was Joseph Brant of the Mohawk nation, who led frontier raids on isolated settlements in Pennsylvania and New York until an American army under John Sullivan secured New York in 1779, forcing all the Loyalist Indians permanently into Canada. [13]

A minority of uncertain size tried to stay neutral in the war. Most kept a low profile. However, the Quakers, especially in Pennsylvania, were the most important group that was outspoken for neutrality. As patriots declared independence, the Quakers, who continued to do business with the British, were attacked as supporters of British rule, "contrivers and authors of seditious publications" critical of the revolutionary cause. [14]

After the war, the great majority of Loyalists remained in America and resumed normal lives. Some, such as Samuel Seabury, became prominent American leaders. A minority of about 50,000 to 75,000 Loyalists relocated to Canada, Britain or the West Indies. When the Loyalists left the South in 1783, they took about 75,000 of their slaves with them to the British West Indies.[15]

Class differences among the Patriots

Historians, such as J. Franklin Jameson in the early 20th century, examined the class composition of the Patriot cause, looking for evidence that there was a class war inside the revolution. In the last 50 years, historians have largely abandoned that interpretation, emphasizing instead the high level of ideological unity. Just as there were rich and poor Loyalists, the Patriots were a 'mixed lot', with the richer and better educated more likely to become officers in the Army. Ideological demands always came first: the Patriots viewed independence as a means of freeing themselves from British oppression and taxation and, above all, reasserting what they considered to be their rights. Most yeomen farmers, craftsmen and small merchants joined the patriot cause as well, demanding more political equality. They were especially successful in Pennsylvania and less so in New England, where John Adams attacked Thomas Paine's Common Sense for the "absurd democratical notions" it proposed.[16]

Women

Abigail Adams.

The boycott of British goods would have been entirely unworkable without the willing participation of American women: women made the bulk of household purchases, and the boycotted items were largely household items such as tea and cloth. And since cloth was still a basic necessity, women would have to return to spinning and weaving—skills that had fallen into disuse. In 1769, the women of Boston produced 40,000 skeins of yarn, and 180 women in Middletown, Massachusetts, wove 20,522 yards of cloth.[17]

Creating new state constitutions

By summer 1776, the Patriots had control of all the territory and population; the Loyalists were powerless. All thirteen states had overthrown their existing governments, closing courts and driving British agents and governors from their homes. They had elected conventions and "legislatures" that existed outside of any legal framework; new constitutions were needed in each state to replace the superseded royal charters. They were states now, not colonies.[18]

On January 5, 1776, New Hampshire ratified the first state constitution, six months before the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Then, in May 1776, Congress voted to suppress all forms of crown authority, to be replaced by locally created authority. Virginia, South Carolina, and New Jersey created their constitutions before July 4. Rhode Island and Connecticut simply took their existing royal charters and deleted all references to the crown.[19]

The new states had to decide not only what form of government to create, they first had to decide how to select those who would craft the constitutions and how the resulting document would be ratified. In states where the wealthy exerted firm control over the process, such as Maryland, Virginia, Delaware, New York and Massachusetts, the result was constitutions that featured

  • Substantial property qualifications for voting and even more substantial requirements for elected positions (though New York and Maryland lowered property qualifications);[20]
  • Bicameral legislatures, with the upper house as a check on the lower;
  • Strong governors, with veto power over the legislature and substantial appointment authority;
  • Few or no restraints on individuals holding multiple positions in government;
  • The continuation of state-established religion.

In states where the less affluent had organized sufficiently to have significant power—especially Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New Hampshire—the resulting constitutions embodied

  • universal white manhood suffrage, or minimal property requirements for voting or holding office (New Jersey enfranchised some property owning widows, a step that it retracted 25 years later);
    Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1783
  • strong, unicameral legislatures;
  • relatively weak governors, without veto powers, and little appointing authority;
  • prohibition against individuals holding multiple government posts;

Whether conservatives or radicals held sway in a state did not mean that the side with less power accepted the result quietly. In Pennsylvania, the landowners were horrified by their new constitution (Benjamin Rush called it "our state dung cart"), while in Massachusetts, voters twice rejected the constitution that was presented for ratification; it was ultimately ratified only as a result of the legislature tinkering with the third vote. The radical provisions of Pennsylvania's constitution lasted only fourteen years. In 1790, conservatives gained power in the state legislature, called a new constitutional convention, and rewrote the constitution. The new constitution substantially reduced universal white-male suffrage, gave the governor veto power and patronage appointment authority, and added an upper house with substantial wealth qualifications to the unicameral legislature. Thomas Paine called it a constitution unworthy of America.[21]

Military history: expulsion of the British 1776

The military history of the war in 1775 focused on Boston, held by the British but surrounded by militia from nearby colonies. The Congress selected George Washington as commander in chief, and he forced the British to evacuate the city in March 1776. At that point the Patriots controlled virtually all of the 13 colonies and were ready to consider independence.[22]

Independence, 1776

Common Sense by Thomas Paine

Main article: American Revolutionary War

On January 10, 1776, Thomas Paine published a political pamphlet entitled Common Sense arguing that the only solution to the problems with Britain was republicanism and independence from Great Britain. [23]

On July 4, 1776, the United States Declaration of Independence was ratified by the Second Continental Congress. The war began in April 1775, while the declaration was issued in July 1776. Until this point, the colonies sought favorable peace terms; now all the states called for independence.[24]

The Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, commonly known as the Articles of Confederation, formed the first governing document of the United States of America, combining the colonies into a loose confederation of sovereign states. The Second Continental Congress adopted the Articles in November 1777.[25]

War

British return: 1776-1777

The British returned in force in August 1776, engaging the fledgling Continental Army for the first time in the largest action of the Revolution in the Battle of Long Island. They eventually seized New York City and nearly captured General Washington. They made the city their main political and military base, holding it until 1783. They also held New Jersey, but in a surprise attack, Washington crossed the Delaware into New Jersey and defeated British armies at Trenton and Princeton, thereby reviving the Patriot cause and regaining New Jersey. In 1777, the British launched two uncoordinated attacks. The army based in New York City defeated Washington and captured the national capital at Philadelphia. Simultaneously a second army invaded from Canada with the goal of cutting off New England. It was trapped and captured at Saratoga, New York, in October 1777. The victory encouraged the French to officially enter the war, as Benjamin Franklin negotiated a permanent military alliance in early 1778. Later Spain (in 1779) and the Dutch became allies of the French, leaving Britain to fight a major war alone without major allies. The American theatre thus became only one front in Britain's war. [26]

Because of the alliance and the deteriorating military situation, Sir Henry Clinton, the British commander, evacuated Philadelphia to reinforce New York City. General Washington attempted to intercept the retreating column, resulting in the Battle of Monmouth Court House, the last major battle fought in the northern states. After an inconclusive engagement, the British successfully retreated to New York City. The northern war subsequently became a stalemate, as the focus of attention shifted to the southern theatre.[27]

British attack the South, 1779-1781

The siege of Yorktown ended with the surrender of a British army, paving the way for the end of the American Revolutionary War.

In late December 1778, the British captured Savannah and started moving north into South Carolina. Northern Georgia was spared occupation during this time period, due to the Patriots victory at the Battle of Kettle Creek in Wilkes County, Georgia. The British moved on to capture Charleston and set up a network of forts inland, believing the Loyalists would rally to the flag. Not enough Loyalists turned out, however, and the British had to fight their way north into North Carolina and Virginia, where they expected to be rescued by the British fleet. That fleet was defeated by a French fleet, however. Trapped at Yorktown, Virginia, the British surrendered their main combat army to Washington in October 1781. Although King George III wanted to fight on, his supporters lost control of Parliament, and the war effectively ended for America.[28]

Peace treaty

The peace treaty with Britain, known as the Treaty of Paris (1783) gave the U.S. all land east of the Mississippi River and south of the Great Lakes. The Native American nations actually living in this region were not a party to this treaty and did not recognise it until they were defeated militarily by the United States. Issues regarding boundaries and debts were not resolved until the Jay Treaty of 1795.[29]

Aftermath of war

For 2% of the inhabitants of the United States, defeat was followed by exile. Approximately sixty thousand United Empire Loyalists left the newly-founded republic, most settling in the remaining British colonies in North America, such as the Province of Quebec, (concentrating in the Eastern Townships), Prince Edward Island and Nova Scotia. The new colonies of Upper Canada (now Ontario) and New Brunswick were created by Britain for their benefit. [30]

Worldwide influence

The most radical impact was the sense that all men have an equal voice in government and that inherited status carried no political weight in the new republic. [31]. The British principles of parliamentary democracy were extended to remove all remaining unelected (hereditary) positions in the government structure, and the individual rights laid out in numerous earlier legal documents were collected together into charters, the most notable of which was the Virginia Declaration of Rights. Thus came the widespread assertion of liberty, individual rights, and equality which would prove core values to Americans. The greatest challenge to the old order in Europe was the idea that government should be by consent of the governed and the delegation of power to the government through written constitutions. The example of the first successful revolution against a European empire provided a model for many other colonial peoples who realized that they too could break away and become self-governing nations. [32]

The American Revolution was the first wave of the Atlantic Revolutions that took hold in the French Revolution, the Haitian Revolution, and the Latin American wars of liberation. Aftershocks reached Ireland in the 1798 rising, in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and in the Netherlands. [33]

The Revolution had a strong, immediate impact in Great Britain, Ireland, the Netherlands, and France. Many British and Irish Whigs had been openly indulgent to the Patriots in America, and the Revolution was the first lesson in politics for many European radicals who would later take on active roles during the era of the French Revolution. Jefferson's Declaration had an immediate impact on the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen of 1789.[34]

The thinkers of the Age of Enlightenment only wrote that common people had the right to overthrow unjust governments. The American Revolution was a case of practical success, which provided the rest of the world with a 'working model'. American republicanism played a crucial role in the development of European liberalism, as noted by the great German historian Leopold von Ranke in 1848:[35]

By abandoning English constitutionalism and creating a new republic based on the rights of the individual, the North Americans introduced a new force in the world. Ideas spread most rapidly when they have found adequate concrete expression. Thus republicanism entered our Romantic/Germanic world.... Up to this point, the conviction had prevailed in Europe that monarchy best served the interests of the nation. Now the idea spread that the nation should govern itself. But only after a state had actually been formed on the basis of the theory of representation did the full significance of this idea become clear. All later revolutionary movements have this same goal…. This was the complete reversal of a principle. Until then, a king who ruled by the grace of God had been the center around which everything turned. Now the idea emerged that power should come from below.... These two principles are like two opposite poles, and it is the conflict between them that determines the course of the modern world. In Europe the conflict between them had not yet taken on concrete form; with the French Revolution it did.

Nowhere was the influence of the American Revolution more profound than in Latin America, where American writings and the model of colonies, which actually broke free and thrived decisively, shaped their struggle for independence. Historians of Latin America have identified many links to the U.S. model.[36]

Ironically, much of the financial support in the South of North America for the American Revolutionary War came from rich slave owners, who feared that the British ban on slavery (see abolitionism) would soon be applied to colonies — the North American states' new-found independence from the British Empire allowed slavery to continue in the United States until 1865, long after it was banned in all British colonies.

Interpretations

Interpretations about the effect of the revolution vary. At one end of the spectrum is the older view that the American Revolution was not "revolutionary" at all, that it did not radically transform colonial society but simply replaced a distant government with a local one.[citation needed] The more recent view pioneered by historians such as Bernard Bailyn, Gordon Wood and Edmund Morgan is that the American Revolution was a unique and radical event that produced deep changes and had a profound impact on world affairs, based on an increasing belief in the principles of republicanism, such as peoples' natural rights, and a system of laws chosen by the people.[37]

National debt

The national debt after the American Revolution fell into three categories. The first was the $11 million owed to foreigners—mostly debts to France during the American Revolution. The second and third—roughly $24 million each—were debts owed by the national and state governments to Americans who had sold food, guns, and other resources to the revolutionary forces. Congress agreed with some debate that the power and the authority of the new government would pay for the foreign debts. There were also other debts that consisted of promissary notes issued during the Revolutionary War to soldiers, merchants, and farmers who accepted these payments on the premise that the new Constitution would create a government that was likely to pay off the debts of the Revolutionary war.

The war expenses of the individual states were another issue. In the 1790s, it was ascertained that the states had contributed US$114,407,297 to fighting the war while the central government had contributed but US$36,742,599. [38] In 1790, Congress combined the state debts with the foreign and domestic debts into one national debt totalling US$80 million. Everyone received face value for wartime certificates, so that the national honor would be sustained and the national credit established.

See also

Bibliography

Reference works

  • Blanco, Richard. The American Revolution: An Encyclopedia 2 vol (1993), 1850 pages
  • Boatner, Mark Mayo, III. Encyclopedia of the American Revolution. (1966); revised 1974. ISBN 0-8117-0578-1; new expanded edition 2006 ed. by Harold E. Selesky
  • Fremont-Barnes, Gregory, and Richard A. Ryerson, eds. The Encyclopedia of the American Revolutionary War: A Political, Social, and Military History (ABC-CLIO 2006) 5 vol; 1000 entries by 150 experts, covering all topics
  • Greene, Jack P. and J. R. Pole, eds. The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (1994), 845pp; emphasis on political ideas; revised edition (2004) titled A Companion to the American Revolution
  • Purcell, L. Edward. Who Was Who in the American Revolution (1993); 1500 short biographies
  • Resch, John P., ed. Americans at War: Society, Culture and the Homefront vol 1 (2005)

Surveys

  • Cogliano, Francis D. Revolutionary America, 1763-1815; A Political History (2000), British textbook
  • Higginbotham, Don. The War of American Independence: Military Attitudes, Policies, and Practice, 1763-1789 (1983) Online in ACLS History E-book Project. Comprehensive coverage of military and other aspects of the war.
  • Bernhard Knollenberg, Growth of the American Revolution: 1766-1775 (2003) online edition
  • Lecky, William Edward Hartpole. The American Revolution, 1763-1783 (1898), British perspective
  • Mackesy, Piers. The War for America: 1775-1783 (1992), British military study
  • Middlekauff, Robert. The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 (1985)
  • Miller, John C. Triumph of Freedom, 1775-1783 (1948)
  • Miller, John C. Origins of the American Revolution (1943)
  • Wood, Gordon S. The American Revolution: A History (2003), short survey
  • Wrong, George M. Washington and His Comrades in Arms: A Chronicle of the War of Independence (1921) online short survey by Canadian scholar

Specialized studies

  • Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Harvard University Press, 1967. ISBN 0-674-44301-2
  • Becker, Carl. The Declaration of Independence: A Study on the History of Political Ideas (1922), online edition
  • Berkin, Carol.Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the Struggle for America's Independence (2006)
  • Breen, T. H. The Marketplace of Revolution: How Consumer Politics Shaped American Independence (2005)
  • Crow, Jeffrey J. and Larry E. Tise, eds. The Southern Experience in the American Revolution (1978)
  • Fischer, David Hackett. Washington's Crossing (2004), 1775 campaigns; Pulitzer prize
  • Freeman, Douglas Southall. Washington: An abridgement ed by Richard Harwell (1968); see also vol 3-4-5 of original 7 volume biography (1951-58)
  • Kerber, Linda K. Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (1979)
  • McCullough, David. 1776 (2005). ISBN 0-7432-2671-2
  • Nash, Gary B. The Unknown American Revolution: The Unruly Birth of Democracy and the Struggle to Create America. (2005). ISBN 0-670-03420-7
  • Nevins, Allan; The American States during and after the Revolution, 1775-1789 1927.
  • Norton, Mary Beth. Liberty's Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Women, 1750-1800 (1980)
  • Palmer, Robert R. The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800. vol 1 (1959)
  • Resch, John Phillips and Walter Sargent, eds. War And Society in the American Revolution: Mobilization And Home Fronts (2006)
  • Rothbard, Murray, Conceived in Liberty (2000), Volume III: Advance to Revolution, 1760-1775 and Volume IV: The Revolutionary War, 1775-1784. ISBN 0-945466-26-9.
  • Van Tyne, Claude Halstead. American Loyalists: The Loyalists in the American Revolution (1902)
  • Volo, James M. and Dorothy Denneen Volo. Daily Life during the American Revolution (2003)
  • Wahlke, John C. ed. The Causes of the American Revolution (1967) readings
  • Wood, Gordon S. The Radicalism of the American Revolution: How a Revolution Transformed a Monarchical Society into a Democratic One Unlike Any That Had Ever Existed. Alfred A. Knopf, 1992.

Primary sources

  • The American Revolution: Writings from the War of Independence (2001), Library of America, 880pp
  • Commager, Henry Steele and Morris, Richard B., eds. The Spirit of 'Seventy-Six: The Story of the American Revolution As Told by Participants (1975) (ISBN 0-06-010834-7)
  • Humphrey; Carol Sue, ed. The Revolutionary Era: Primary Documents on Events from 1776 to 1800 Greenwood Press, 2003
  • Morison, S. E. ed. Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution, 1764-1788, and the Formation of the Federal Constitution (1923)

Plays and films about the American Revolution

See: List of plays and films about the American Revolution

External links


  1. ^ Wood (1992); Greene & Pole (1994) ch 70
  2. ^ Cogliano (2000)
  3. ^ Greene & Pole (1994) ch 11
  4. ^ William S. Carpenter, "Taxation Without Representation" in Dictionary of American History, Volume 7 (1976); Miller (1943)
  5. ^ Miller (1943)
  6. ^ Greene & Pole (1994) ch 11
  7. ^ Greene & Pole (1994) ch 9
  8. ^ Greene & Pole (1994) ch 15
  9. ^ Miller (1943) pp 335-92
  10. ^ Greene & Pole (1994) ch 22-24
  11. ^ Miller (1943) pp 353-76
  12. ^ Miller (1948) p. 87
  13. ^ Nash (2005)
  14. ^ Gottlieb 2005
  15. ^ Greene & Pole (1994) ch 20-22
  16. ^ Nash (2005); Resch (2006)
  17. ^ Berkin (2006); Greene & Pole (1994) ch 41
  18. ^ Nevins (1927); Greene & Pole (1994) ch 29
  19. ^ Nevins (1927)
  20. ^ Nevins (1927); Greene & Pole (1994) ch 29
  21. ^ Wood (1992)
  22. ^ Mackesy, 1992
  23. ^ Greene and Pole (1994) ch 26.
  24. ^ Greene and Pole (1994) ch 27.
  25. ^ Greene and Pole (1994) ch 30;
  26. ^ Mackesy, 1992; Higginbotham (1983)
  27. ^ Mackesy, 1992; Higginbotham (1983)
  28. ^ Mackesy, 1992; Higginbotham (1983)
  29. ^ Miller (1948), pp 616-48
  30. ^ Van Tine (1902)
  31. ^ Wood 1991
  32. ^ Palmer, (1959)
  33. ^ Palmer, (1959); Greene & Pole (1994) ch 53-55
  34. ^ Palmer, (1959); Greene & Pole (1994) ch 49-52.
  35. ^ quoted in Peter Becker et al, eds. Republicanism and Liberalism in America and the German States, 1750-1850. (2002). p. 128
  36. ^ See The Cambridge History of Latin America - Google Book Search John Lynch, "The Origins of Spanish American Independence," in Cambridge History of Latin America Vol. 3 (1985), pp 45-46
  37. ^ Wood (2003)
  38. ^ Merrill Jensen, The New Nation (1950) p 379