History of the Jews in Dęblin and Irena during World War II: Difference between revisions

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== Forced labor ==
== Forced labor ==
[[File:Soviet soldiers mass grave, German war prisoners concentration camp in Deblin, German-occupied Poland.jpg|thumb| Exhumed mass grave at [[Stalag 307]] ({{ill|Dęblin Fortress|pl|Twierdza Dęblin|ru|Ивангородская крепость (Польша)}}), where an estimated 80,000 Soviet prisoners died during the war.{{sfn|Snyder|2012|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=maEfAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA180 180]}}]]
[[File:Soviet soldiers mass grave, German war prisoners concentration camp in Deblin, German-occupied Poland.jpg|thumb| Exhumed mass grave at [[Stalag 307]] ({{ill|Dęblin Fortress|pl|Twierdza Dęblin|ru|Ивангородская крепость (Польша)}}), where an estimated 80,000 Soviet prisoners died during the war.{{sfn|Snyder|2012|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=maEfAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA180 180]}}]]
Until late 1942, Jews earned wages as forced laborers. Many were conscripted to work for German companies, such as Schwartz and Hochtief firms which were hired to do construction on the military bases in the town, and Schultz, which was under contract for construction on the [[Ostbahn (General Government)|Ostbahn]].{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=61}}{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=637}} {{ill|Dęblin Fortress|pl|Twierdza Dęblin|ru|Ивангородская крепость (Польша)}}, which had been taken over by the Wehrmacht and where around 200 Jews from the ghetto worked,{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=63}} was the site of [[Stalag 307]], a [[German mistreatment of Soviet prisoners of war|Soviet prisoner-of-war camp]].{{sfn|Rubin|2006|p=92}}{{sfn|Snyder|2012|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=maEfAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA180 180]}} Other Jews were conscripted by the municipality for such tasks as street cleaning or snow clearing; these workers were not paid.{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=637}} The Jews from Dęblin–Irena tried to take the best jobs, so 200 of the Slovak deportees ended up working for the municipality. Another 200 of the Slovaks worked for the Schultz firm following an expansion.{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=638}} Although German soldiers supervising the forced laborers tended to treat them relatively well, some Polish supervisors beat Jews and the Ukrainian guards at the railway camp were especially harsh.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=70}}
Until late 1942, Jews earned wages as forced laborers. Many were conscripted to work for German companies, such as Schwartz and Hochtief firms which were hired to do construction on the military bases in the town, and Schultz, which was under contract for construction on the [[Ostbahn (General Government)|Ostbahn]].{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=61}}{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=637}} {{ill|Dęblin Fortress|pl|Twierdza Dęblin|ru|Ивангородская крепость (Польша)}}, which had been taken over by the Wehrmacht and where around 200 Jews from the ghetto worked,{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=63}} was the site of [[Stalag 307]], a [[German mistreatment of Soviet prisoners of war|Soviet prisoner-of-war camp]].{{sfn|Rubin|2006|p=92}}{{sfn|Snyder|2012|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=maEfAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA180 180]}} Other Jews were conscripted by the municipality for such tasks as street cleaning or snow clearing; these workers were not paid.{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=637}} The Jews from Dęblin–Irena tried to take the best jobs, so 200 of the Slovak deportees ended up working for the municipality. Another 200 of the Slovaks worked for the Schultz firm following an expansion.{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=638}}


In May 1941, in preparation for the [[Operation Barbarossa|invasion of the Soviet Union]], the Luftwaffe commissioned the firm Autheried to improve the airfield.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} The firm recruited 200 Jewish workers in Opole, and had success with many Viennese Jews. Deported to Opole in February 1941, the Viennese wanted to escape the harsh conditions there.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} These Jews, as well as another four hundred recruited in Dęblin–Irena and the Lipova 7 camp in Lublin,{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=637}}{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} and 500 Polish workers, leveled the runway and built roads, walls, air-raid shelters, and earth fortifications. They also built a barbed-wire-enclosed complex adjacent to the runway for craftsmen to work. Jews had to work twelve hours a day, but were treated relatively well by the Luftwaffe personnel.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} Following the completion of the project in October, the workers were dispersed to various projects around the town, an action which may have been related to the typhus epidemic.{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=637}}{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} Some of the Jews from Vienna stayed at the airfield, having obtained permits to work on gravel transportation and building fuel tanks; they were the nucleus for the later labor camp. After the deportation of 6 May 1942, additional Jews tried to secure permits, often fictitious ones obtained through bribery, in order to avoid deportation. By October 1942, the camp had 543 legal residents.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}}
In May 1941, in preparation for the [[Operation Barbarossa|invasion of the Soviet Union]], the Luftwaffe commissioned the firm Autheried to improve the airfield.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} The firm recruited 200 Jewish workers in Opole, and had success with many Viennese Jews. Deported to Opole in February 1941, the Viennese wanted to escape the harsh conditions there.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} These Jews, as well as another four hundred recruited in Dęblin–Irena and the Lipova 7 camp in Lublin,{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=637}}{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} and 500 Polish workers, leveled the runway and built roads, walls, air-raid shelters, and earth fortifications. They also built a barbed-wire-enclosed complex adjacent to the runway for craftsmen to work. Jews had to work twelve hours a day, but were treated relatively well by the Luftwaffe personnel.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} Following the completion of the project in October, the workers were dispersed to various projects around the town, an action which may have been related to the typhus epidemic.{{sfn|Crago|2012|p=637}}{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}} Some of the Jews from Vienna stayed at the airfield, having obtained permits to work on gravel transportation and building fuel tanks; they were the nucleus for the later labor camp. After the deportation of 6 May 1942, additional Jews tried to secure permits, often fictitious ones obtained through bribery, in order to avoid deportation. By October 1942, the camp had 543 legal residents.{{sfn|Farkash|2014|p=64}}

Revision as of 08:22, 27 December 2019

Dęblin–Irena
​
People drag a cart down an unpaved street in a town
After Jews were deported to Sobibór extermination camp on 6 May 1942, bodies of those who were shot in the roundups were removed from the ghetto.[1]
Known forOne of the last labor camps for Jews in Lublin district
LocationIrena (adjacent to Dęblin)
Operated byNazi Germany
OperationalEarly 1941 – 22 July 1944
InmatesJews
Number of inmates5,800 (August 1942)
KilledAll but around 600
Notable inmatesIgnaz Bubis[2]

Dęblin–Irena was a Nazi ghetto for Jews in Irena (merged into nearby Dęblin in 1953), a Polish town located in Puławy County in the Lublin District of the General Governorate. Initially, it was an open ghetto; many Jews worked on labor projects for various local firms, especially the railway and the Luftwaffe. Beginning in May 1941, the ghetto became a collection center with Jews sent there from Opole and Warsaw; in 1942, two thousand Jews arrived from Slovakia and hundreds more from nearby ghettos that had been liquidated.

The first deportation was on 6 May 1942 and took around 2,500 Jews to Sobibór extermination camp. In October 1942, the ghetto was liquidated; about 2,500 Jews were deported to Treblinka extermination camp while some 1,400 Jews were retained as inmates of forced-labor camps in the town. Unusually, the labor camp operated by the Luftwaffe—employing, at its peak, about a thousand Jews—was allowed to exist until 22 July 1944. One of the last Jewish labor camps in the Lublin District, it enabled hundreds of Jews to survive the Holocaust.

Background

General Government camps of Lublin Reservation. Dęblin in upper left.

Dęblin and Irena (Yiddish: מאדזשיץ, Modzhitz)[3] are located 68.7 kilometres (42.7 mi) northwest of Lublin, in Puławy County of the Lublin District.[4] They are located at the confluence of the Vistula and Wieprz rivers, at an important point on the Lublin–Warsaw rail line.[5] The two municipalities, having long been considered one unit, were officially merged in 1953.[4] Local Jews supported the January Uprising of 1863. By the end of the nineteenth century, the area was a center of Hasidism; most Jews followed the Modzitz dynasty, named after the town, and there were also Gur Hasidism. Modzitz Rebbe Yisrael Taub settled in the town in 1889.[6][5] Other Jews were Bundists or Zionists.[3] Many Jews made their living as peddlers, shopkeepers, or artisans (especially in leatherwork and metalwork) and later on participated in the development of the town as a summer resort.[7][3] In 1927, the civilian population of Dęblin and Irena was 4,860, including 3,060 Jews.[4] Since 1927, Dęblin housed the Polish Air Force Academy;[8] the airfield was one of the largest in Poland.[9] In 1936 and 1937, there were some incidents in which Polish merchants vandalized the shops of their Jewish competitors.[10]

During the invasion of Poland, Dęblin was bombed by the Luftwaffe between 2 and 7 September, targeting the military airfield, ammunition stores of the Polish Army, and a nearby bridge over the Vistula. Most Polish soldiers left the town on 7 September; on 11 September the ammunition was blown up and the rest of the Polish military withdrew.[4][10] The Wehrmacht arrived on 12[4] or 20 September.[3] Many residents, both Poles and Jews, had fled to escape the aerial bombardment. In the following weeks, most returned at German urging. The Jews found that their properties had been ransacked and plundered. They were forcibly conscripted into forced labor units that cleared up the bomb damage and repaired some of the buildings, and the Jewish community was forced to pay a fine of 20,000 złoty.[4][11][3]

The Judenrat, initially chaired by Leizer Teichman, was formed in late 1939[4][3] and had its offices on Bankowa Street.[10] The first Judenrat officials worked to reduce the impact of German demands and warned ghetto residents of searches. Also in late 1939, Jews were forced to wear armbands, and some were conscripted for forced labor in Janiszów, Bełżec, and Pawłowice. Teichman and the secretary were expelled in 1941, after trying to bribe policemen. The Judenrat was temporarily run by Kalman Fris, who resigned after a few months and was replaced by Vevel Shulman in August and a Konin native named Drayfish in September 1941. The Jewish Ghetto Police maintained order in the ghetto, and on the outside it was guarded by a Sonderdienst unit made up of local Volksdeutsche and Ukrainian auxiliaries. The Sonderdienst unit was known for beating, humiliating, and killing ghetto inmates.[12]

Ghetto

Map of Irena. Some of the ghetto's boundaries are shown. Airfield in lower right.

A ghetto was formally established in Irena in November 1940[1] or early 1941, probably at the orders of Kurt Lenk, the new land commissioner for the region. Some Jews were forced from their homes to move to the ghetto. The motive was probably to keep Jews away from the two nearby military installations, a Luftwaffe airfield and a Wehrmacht base, which were filled with troops in preparation for the 1941 invasion of the Soviet Union. (The decree establishing the ghetto was not formally issued until 1942).[12] Until 1942,[3] Irena was an open ghetto (there was no physical fence, although the penalty for unauthorized departure was death) consisting of six streets. Its boundaries were initially Okólna Street, Irenka River, Bankowa, and Staromiejska Streets. Staromiejska Street was removed from the ghetto in September 1942; its residents moved to Bankowa. Poles were initially allowed to enter and live in the ghetto, so many of the Jews were able to survive by trading material goods for food.[12] A Polish-language secular school, run by Aida Milgroijm-Citronbojm, instructed 70 to 100 pupils.[12][13]

In late 1941, Poles were banned from entering the ghetto, resulting in waste piling up and typhus and dysentery epidemics. The sick were treated at a thirty-bed hospital run Dr. Isaar Kawa from Konin; with the help of Polish doctors, medicines were imported from Warsaw.[1][12] Simultaneously, new restrictions were imposed by the Germans: the use of stoves was banned, winter clothing requisitioned, and fuel imports forbidden.[13][12] More Jews began to leave the ghetto in order to obtain essentials, resulting in twenty young women being shot after capture. Another twenty Jews were shot for being unregistered refugees from Warsaw. The Judenrat's command altered again as Drayfish was executed, accused of filing complaints with the Puławy administration; he was replaced by the businessman Yisrael Weinberg.[14]

In March 1941, 3,750 Jews lived in the ghetto, including 565 who were not from the area. These consisted mainly of Jews expelled from Puławy Ghetto and the Warthegau region, as well as some Jews who had come to live with relatives to avoid being trapped in the Warsaw Ghetto. Overcrowding was severe; there were 7–15 people per room. More Jews arrived in May 1941: 1,000 from the ghettos at Warsaw, Częstochowa, and Opole, although they were not housed in the ghetto but at work sites in the area.[12] On 13 and 14 May 1942, two transports of 2,042 Slovak Jews arrived from Prešov;[15][14] although they brought food with them, they were unused to the harsh conditions and many died of typhus due to the poor sanitation.[14][16] Another group, more than 2,000, were Jews from nearby ghettos that had survived the liquidation because they had been selected to work; this included 300 people from Ryki, and 300 from Gniewoszów and Zwoleń, and a group from Stężyca. Other Jews had entered the ghetto after escaping roundups in Baranów, Ryki, Gniewoszów, and Adamów (from early October). In August 1942, 5,800 Jews were reported to be living in the ghetto, of whom only 1,800 were from Dęblin.[14]

Forced labor

Exhumed mass grave at Stalag 307 (Dęblin Fortress), where an estimated 80,000 Soviet prisoners died during the war.[17]

Until late 1942, Jews earned wages as forced laborers. Many were conscripted to work for German companies, such as Schwartz and Hochtief firms which were hired to do construction on the military bases in the town, and Schultz, which was under contract for construction on the Ostbahn.[18][12] Dęblin Fortress, which had been taken over by the Wehrmacht and where around 200 Jews from the ghetto worked,[9] was the site of Stalag 307, a Soviet prisoner-of-war camp.[13][17] Other Jews were conscripted by the municipality for such tasks as street cleaning or snow clearing; these workers were not paid.[12] The Jews from Dęblin–Irena tried to take the best jobs, so 200 of the Slovak deportees ended up working for the municipality. Another 200 of the Slovaks worked for the Schultz firm following an expansion.[14]

In May 1941, in preparation for the invasion of the Soviet Union, the Luftwaffe commissioned the firm Autheried to improve the airfield.[19] The firm recruited 200 Jewish workers in Opole, and had success with many Viennese Jews. Deported to Opole in February 1941, the Viennese wanted to escape the harsh conditions there.[19] These Jews, as well as another four hundred recruited in Dęblin–Irena and the Lipova 7 camp in Lublin,[12][19] and 500 Polish workers, leveled the runway and built roads, walls, air-raid shelters, and earth fortifications. They also built a barbed-wire-enclosed complex adjacent to the runway for craftsmen to work. Jews had to work twelve hours a day, but were treated relatively well by the Luftwaffe personnel.[19] Following the completion of the project in October, the workers were dispersed to various projects around the town, an action which may have been related to the typhus epidemic.[12][19] Some of the Jews from Vienna stayed at the airfield, having obtained permits to work on gravel transportation and building fuel tanks; they were the nucleus for the later labor camp. After the deportation of 6 May 1942, additional Jews tried to secure permits, often fictitious ones obtained through bribery, in order to avoid deportation. By October 1942, the camp had 543 legal residents.[19]

Deportation, murder, and liquidation

The first deportation was 6 May 1942,[20][14] in order to clear space for the Slovak deportees who arrived a week later.[21][14][22] A force composed of German and Ukrainian police, a small number of German SS and Ukrainian SS auxiliaries ordered Jews to assemble in the main square at 9:00 hours; this included Jews still living in nearby communities such as Bobrowniki.[14] According to Yad Vashem, the Blue Police also participated.[23] Probably because the Luftwaffe was seeking permission to recruit more laborers, the Jews had to wait for five hours. At 14:00, 1,000 Jews who already had work assignments were separated, and local employers began recruiting an additional 2–500 Jews. Forty or fifty people were killed trying to cross over to the working group.[14] Around 2,300 to 2,500 Jews—mainly the elderly and families with small children—were marched to the Dęblin train station (some 2.5 kilometres (1.6 mi) away) at 18:00 and sent to Sobibór extermination camp.[14][18] The victims were beaten and those who could not keep up were shot. Only late in the night were the Jews selected for labor allowed to return home. Every family was affected.[24] After the deportation, the bodies of the dead were collected at the synagogue and removed from the ghetto in carts.[1] This was part of a wider extermination action in Puławy County, the first systematic deportation in the Lublin district, and was ordered by the county's administrator, Alfred Brandt [de], shortly after Sobibór became operational.[25]

The next deportation, which coincided with the liquidation of the other two remaining ghettos in Puławy (Opole and Końskowola)[25] took place on 15 October 1942; the previous day, all workers had been ordered to stay at their workplaces. Under the command of SS-Obersturmführer Grossman, gendarmes, Luftwaffe soldiers, and police auxiliaries rounded up the remaining Jewish population.[14] Many Jews tried to enter the Luftwaffe camp, which at that time had 543 official residents, but they were turned away by the Jewish police there. About 500, including 60–90 young children, managed to get in, mostly by paying bribes. The Jewish elder, Hermann Wenkert, later claimed that if he allowed non-registered Jews entry and they were discovered, everyone in the camp would have been killed. Instead, he bribed the Germans to obtain legal permits for an additional 400 Jews, which were mostly given to the wives and children of current residents.[14][2] Many of the Slovak Jews, unfamiliar with "Aktions", had lingered in the ghetto while packing their bags. About 215 to 500 Jews were shot while clearing the houses. Between 2,000 and 2,500 people were deported to Treblinka extermination camp; mostly the Slovaks. Members of the Judenrat, Jewish police, and their families, about 100 total, were retained to clean up the ghetto.[14][9] Perhaps another 100 Jews were hiding illegally in the ghetto.[9] On 28 October, the remaining Jews were sent to the Schultz labor camp and the ghetto was officially liquidated. Either on that day or within the next few weeks, 1,000 people were removed from the labor camps, including the 200 workers at Dęblin Fortress and 200–500 of the Luftwaffe's workers.[14][9] They were deported to Końskowola[9] or Treblinka.[14]

After this, about 1,400 Jews were still alive in the labor camps around Irena:[9] 1,000 (as many as 1,200) at the Luftwaffe camp,[14] 300 at a railway camp near the passenger station, and 120 at another camp near the railway loading station.[9] During May or July 1943, most of the remaining prisoners in the railway camps were deported to Poniatowa via the transit ghetto in Końskowola; the rest were deported in late 1943.[14][9] In all of the other remaining labor camps in Puławy County, where hundreds of Jews were still alive, the Jews were murdered during Operation Harvest Festival (2–3 November 1943). This operation also killed the prisoners of Poniatowa, but did not affect the Jews at the Luftwaffe camp in Dęblin–Irena.[26]

Luftwaffe camp

Polish Air Force Academy in Dęblin, 1947

The camp leader (German: Lagerälteste) at the Luftwaffe camp was Hermann Wenkert, a Jewish lawyer from Vienna who had been deported to Opole in 1941 and came to Irena with the volunteers. Soon after his arrival, Wenkert happened upon Eduard Bromofsky, an Austrian Luftwaffe officer with whom Wenkert had served during World War I. Bromofsky convinced the commander of the camp to promote Wenkert to his position. Even after Bromofsky was reassigned, the relationships that Wenkert had cultivated with the German authorities enabled him to retain his position. Wenkert populated the administration with other Viennese Jews and even managed to have his family transferred from Opole to Irena. Because of his close association with the German authorities and use of his position for personal benefit, some survivors considered him to be a collaborator.[27] When it was possible, Wenkert negotiated with the authorities and paid bribes to avoid punishment; he also consulted respected prisoners in cases where the matter had not come to German attention. However, when he thought there was no othor option and the survival of the camp was in the balance, Wenkert turned Jews accused of wrongdoing over to the Germans even though he knew that this would result in death.[28]

Conditions were relatively good compared to other camps.[29] Residents received adequate nutrition, hygiene, and medical care, were allowed to practice their religion.[30] The presence of 100 young children—whose existence was justified by increasing the productivity of their parents—was particularly unusual, and not equalled elsewhere in the Lublin District after Operation Harvest Festival. The children received education in Polish, but had to hide when the SS conducted inspections.[31] According to Israeli historian Talia Farkash, Wenkert's good relationship with the camp command was partially responsible for the good conditions.[32] Wenkert managed to get religious Jews exempted from working on Shabbat and allowed a chevra kadisha society to operate, burying the dead according to Jewish law. In 1943, with Wenkert's help, about 80 Jews received kosher food for the week of Passover.[33]

The camp had three German commanders, all at the rank of Sergeant Major: Kattengel (through March 1943), Dusy, and Rademacher (during the last two months). Although Kattengel was distrusted, because he roamed the camp with a dog and whip, both Dusy and Rademacher were described positively by survivors, and the latter even arranged for one woman to receive treatment at a German hospital after she was badly injured. Wiszniewski, a local Volkesdeutscher, was the lead foreman of the Jewish laborers, and did not mistreat them. Authoried engineer Kozak brought food to the Jews he worked with.[34] Both theft and having foreign currency were punishable by death. Punishment could be excessive and arbitrary—nine Jews were shot for causing a fire, even though it was proved to be accidental—but less so than other Nazi camps.[35] In 1943, Wenkert allowed a group of Jewish partisans into the camp, seeking refuge from a hostile unit of the Polish Home Army resistance group.[28] The Jews remaining in Prešov hired couriers (non-Jews from the Polish–Slovak border) to travel to the camp regularly until it was dissolved, carrying letters and bringing valuables and money. A committee was formed in the camp to distribute the aid among the Slovak Jews. Cases of theft by Polish Jews led to friction between the two communities.[36][37] Some people tried to escape from the camp, but success was unlikely. The majority were killed by the Home Army or German authorities; others returned to the camp. In order to discorauge escapes, the gendarmerie imposed collective punishment.[19]

The camp was liquidated on 22 July 1944, the same day that the Red Army reached Lublin.[14] At the time of the deportation, some 800 to 900 Jews were still alive, of whom 400 to 600 were from Dęblin–Irena,[14] 40 from Vienna,[37] and 70 to 80 from Slovakia.[36] Two transports departed from Dęblin–Irena on 17 and 22 July. Since no one was willing to volunteer, the first transport carried about 200 people who had few connections in the camp, including single adults and fifteen children between 3 and 6 years of age. On the orders of camp security officer Georg Bartenschlager, the fifteen children were shot upon their arrival in Częstochowa. The rest of the prisoners, including Wenkert and 33 young children, departed on the second transport with Rademacher, the German camp commander, who carried a letter of protection from the airfield commander.[38] About fifty Jews escaped from the camp during the evacuation, but most were killed by the Polish Home Army. The second transport arrived in Częstochowa on 25 July; the young children were kept separated for two and a half days, but were not killed. The reason for this is not clear, but likely involved negotiations with Bartenschlager.[39] In Częstochowa, the Jews worked at the four Hugo Schneider AG plants. Some were deported to Buchenwald and Bergen-Belsen in January 1945 while others were liberated by the Red Army.[40] About half survived.[14]

According to Farkash, the airfield camp at Dęblin–Irena is a "singular case" in the Lublin district and possibly in the entirety of occupied Poland.[41] One unusual aspect of the camp was that it was run from start to finish by the Luftwaffe rather than the SS, although during 1943 and 1944, the SS tried to expand its role.[42] However, other camps (such as three in Zamość county) were run by the Luftwaffe and yet were still liquidated before the end of 1943.[43] Another reason was the critical role that the Jews played in the German war effort, which was continually emphasized by Wenkert in his dealings with the Germans. Overall, luck played a major role in the fortuitous combination of Jewish leadership, relatively friendly Germans, and the evacuation of the camp to Częstochowa rather than Auschwitz-Birkenau. Unlike the vast majority of the Jewish forced laborers in the Lublin area, hundreds from the Dęblin–Irena survived the war.[44]

Aftermath

Dęblin was liberated by the 1st Polish Army by 27 July 1944.[45] Three local Jews who had survived in Częstochowa attempted to return home soon after the liberation in January 1945, but the commandant of the local militia said that Jews lacked permission to live in the town. Twenty had already returned but they were deemed illegal residents.[46] By the twenty-first century, no Jews remained in the town.[5]

Ignaz Bubis, a former prisoner of the ghetto,[14][9] was the chairman of the Central Council of Jews in Germany from 1992 to 1999.[47]

References

Citations

  1. ^ a b c d Yad Vashem 2009, p. 157.
  2. ^ a b Farkash 2014, p. 66.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g Yad Vashem 2009, p. 156.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g Crago 2012, p. 636. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFCrago2012 (help)
  5. ^ a b c "Deblin Modrzyc (Irena)". Museum of the Jewish People at Beit Hatfutsot. Retrieved 23 December 2019.
  6. ^ Rubin 2006, pp. 89–90.
  7. ^ Rubin 2006, p. 90.
  8. ^ Protassewicz 2019, p. 210.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Farkash 2014, p. 63.
  10. ^ a b c Rubin 2006, p. 91.
  11. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 59.
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Crago 2012, p. 637. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFCrago2012 (help)
  13. ^ a b c Rubin 2006, p. 92.
  14. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Crago 2012, p. 638. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFCrago2012 (help)
  15. ^ Büchler 1991, p. 166.
  16. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 62.
  17. ^ a b Snyder 2012, p. 180.
  18. ^ a b Farkash 2014, p. 61.
  19. ^ a b c d e f g Farkash 2014, p. 64.
  20. ^ Weinstein 2006, p. 459.
  21. ^ Crago 2012, p. 608. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFCrago2012 (help)
  22. ^ Musiał 2000, p. 244.
  23. ^ Yad Vashem 2009, p. 158.
  24. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 61–62.
  25. ^ a b Farkash 2014, p. 60.
  26. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 60–61, 63.
  27. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 65.
  28. ^ a b Farkash 2014, p. 67.
  29. ^ Rubin 2006, p. 93.
  30. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 78.
  31. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 72–73.
  32. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 69.
  33. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 73–74.
  34. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 69–70.
  35. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 74–75.
  36. ^ a b Büchler 1991, p. 159.
  37. ^ a b Farkash 2014, p. 70.
  38. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 75.
  39. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 76–77.
  40. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 77.
  41. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 58.
  42. ^ Farkash 2014, p. 68.
  43. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 68, 78.
  44. ^ Farkash 2014, pp. 78–79.
  45. ^ Weinstein 2006, p. 536.
  46. ^ Rubin 2004, p. 88.
  47. ^ Friedlander, Albert (16 August 1999). "Obituary: Ignatz Bubis". The Independent. Retrieved 25 December 2019.

Sources

  • Büchler, Yehoshua (1991). "The deportation of Slovakian Jews to the Lublin District of Poland in 1942". Holocaust and Genocide Studies. 6 (2): 151–166. doi:10.1093/hgs/6.2.151. ISSN 8756-6583. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Crago, Laura (2012). "Lublin Region (Distrikt Lublin)". In Geoffrey P., Megargee; Dean, Martin (eds.). Ghettos in German-Occupied Eastern Europe. Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945. Vol. 2. Bloomington: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. pp. 604–609. ISBN 978-0-253-00202-0. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Crago, Laura (2012). "Irena (Dęblin–Irena)". In Geoffrey P., Megargee; Dean, Martin (eds.). Ghettos in German-Occupied Eastern Europe. Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945. Vol. 2. Bloomington: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. pp. 636–639. ISBN 978-0-253-00202-0. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Farkash, Talia (2014). "Labor and Extermination: The Labor Camp at the Dęblin-Irena Airfield Puławy County, Lublin Province, Poland – 1942–1944". Dapim: Studies on the Holocaust. 29 (1): 58–79. doi:10.1080/23256249.2014.987989. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Musiał, Bogdan (2000). Deutsche Zivilverwaltung und Judenverfolgung im Generalgouvernement: eine Fallstudie zum Distrikt Lublin 1939–1944 [German Civil Administration and the Persecution of Jews in the General Government: a Case Study on the Lublin District 1939–1944] (in German). Leipzig: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3-447-05063-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Protassewicz, Irena (2019). A Polish Woman's Experience in World War II: Conflict, Deportation and Exile. New York: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-350-07993-9. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Rubin, Arnon (2004). The Kielce Pogrom—Spontaneity, Provocation or Part of a Country-Wide Scheme?. Facts and Fictions about the Rescue of the Polish Jewry During the Holocaust. Vol. 6. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press. ISBN 978-965-555-144-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Rubin, Arnon (2006) [1999]. "Dęblin–Irena". District Lublin. The Rise and Fall of the Jewish Communities in Poland and their Relics Today. Vol. 2. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press. pp. 89–93. ISBN 978-965-90744-2-6. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Snyder, Timothy D. (2012). Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-465-03297-6. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Weinstein, Frederick (2006). Schieb, Barbara; Voigt, Martina (eds.). Aufzeichnungen aus dem Versteck: Erlebnisse eines polnischen Juden 1939–1946 [Notes from Hiding: Experiences of a Polish Jew 1939–1946] (in German). Berlin: Lukas Verlag. ISBN 978-3-936872-70-5. Secondhand account of first deportation on pages 206–208. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)CS1 maint: postscript (link)
  • Miron, Gai; Shulhani, Shlomit, eds. (2009). "Dęblin–Irena". The Yad Vashem Encyclopedia of the Ghettos During the Holocaust. Vol. 1. Jerusalem: Yad Vashem. pp. 156–158. ISBN 978-965-308-345-5.

Further reading

External links

51°33′45″N 21°51′55″E / 51.56250°N 21.86528°E / 51.56250; 21.86528

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