The elections were held by Government of Mosaddegh, who championed free elections and tried to minimize fraud by changing several governor-generals and governors. He also ordered members of the electoral supervisory councils to be selected by lot. However, the government was unable to control the shah, Artesh, the notables, and some of its own supporters. The voting process was stopped by Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh after enough MPs were elected to form a parliamentary quorum (79 out of 136). The decision is viewed as manipulation, because Mosaddegh meant to prevent opposition candidates taking seat from rural areas.
According to David McDowall, in Mahabad the candidate known to be a Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan member was overwhelmingly elected but the results were annulled. However, Denise Natali states that the candidate was named Vaziri, who belonged to Tudeh Party. Royalist cleric Hassan Emami eventually took office representing the constituency and was elected as Speaker of the parliament. A CIA document states that the Shah was behind his election.
^Zabih, Sepehr (1966). The Communist Movement in Iran. University of California Press. p. 193. ISBN0-691-10134-5.
^ abAbrahamian, Ervand (1982). Iran Between Two Revolutions. Princeton University Press. p. 269. ISBN0-691-10134-5. The Seventeenth Majles convened in February 1952. Of the seventy-nine deputies, thirty either belonged to or closely identified with the National Front. They included Sanjabi and Zirakzadeh of the Iran party; Baqai of the Toilers' party; Kashani and Qonatabadi from the Society of Muslim Warriors; nonparty supporters of Mossadeq, such as Shayegan, Razavi, Nariman, Makki, and Haerzadeh; and Khosrow and Naser Qashqayi, who joined the caucus after their elections from Fars... The other forty-nine deputies, many of them landowners, divided into a royalist and a pro-British fraksiun. Not daring to confront public opinion directly, the royalists and pro-British conservatives tried to weaken the government with side skirmishes.
^Baktiari, Bahman (1996). Parliamentary Politics in Revolutionary Iran: The Institutionalization of Factional Politics. University Press of Florida. p. 40. ISBN978-0-8130-1461-6.
^McDowall, David (2004). A Modern History of the Kurds: Third Edition. I.B.Tauris. p. 251. ISBN9781850434160.
^Denise Natali (2005). The Kurds And the State: Evolving National Identity in Iraq, Turkey, And Iran. Syracuse University Press. p. 135. ISBN978-0-8156-3084-5. In the 1952 elections, for instance, KDPI candidates received about 80 percent of the votes in the Kurdish regions, vet they were prohibited from attaining seats in the Majlis. Kurdayeti certainly remained salient for Kurdish nationalist cadres. Although Vaziri was director of Tudeh's KAK, he ran as the "Kurdish candidate" from Mahabad in 1952 in his bid for a seat in Majlis.
^Gasiorowski, Mark J.; Byrne, Malcolm (2004). Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran. Syracuse University Press. p. 46–51. ISBN0815630182.