User:Arawoke/sandbox
See rebellion of Teodomrio Gutiérrez Cuevas in Puno, Peru. Conflicts between the government of Peru and the indigenous people of Peru were more prevalent between 1914-1918 than this editor had previously thought. Also refer to rebellion of Atenas 1916, rebellion against Casa Fitzcarrald around 1915 and other caucheros around that time. Pacaya River also saw an indigenous uprising. [a]
- find information on Teniente Aurelio E. O’Donovan, responsible for a case of human trafficking in 1912.
"Carlos Fermín Fitzcarrald López (6 July 1862 – 9 July 1897)[a][2] was a Peruvian rubber baron. He was born in San Luis, Ancash, in a province that was later named after him.
.
In the early 1890s, Fitzcarrald discovered the Isthmus of Fitzcarrald, which was a portage route from the Ucayali River into the Madre de Dios River basin.
Fitzcarrald became known as the "King of Caucho" (natural rubber) due to his success during the rubber boom.[b]
His enterprise exploited and enslaved Asháninka, Mashco-Piro, Harákmbut, Shipibo-Conibo and other native groups, who were then dedicated to the extraction of rubber.
In 1897, Fitzcarrald, along with his Bolivian business partner Antonio Vaca Díez, drowned in an accident on the Urubamba River.
"The company operated in the area of the Putumayo River,[5] a river that flows from the Andes to join the Amazon River deep in the tropical jungle." - PAC also operated along a portion of the Caqueta River's right bank. Including the Cahuinari River, Nocaimani River, and Apaporis River.
"Thus, the possession of the lower part of the Caqueta up to the Salto de Araracuara will go hand in hand, going up, with the control of the upper part [of the river]..."[1] ^Lower part of the Caqueta refers to Arana's acquisition of Cecilio Plata's estate.
"The indictment of Peruvian officials in the Hardenburg narrative is extremely severe, and they are contrasted unfavourably with the Colombians.{39} In reality there is little to choose between the methods of the representatives of any of the South American republics as regards the administration of justice in remote regions. Power is always abused in such places by the Latin American people, be they Peruvians, Colombians, Bolivians, Brazilians, Argentinos, or others. Tyranny is but a question of opportunity, in the present stage of their development. Justice is bought and sold, as far as its secondary administrators are concerned... Furthermore, there are other rubber-bearing regions in the Amazon Valley where hidden abuses are committed, in the territory of other South American republics; and Peru does not stand alone, and atrocities are not confined to the Putumayo."[2] - C. Reginald Enoch
ó
Siona[b], Cofán and Secoya natives also suffered during the Putumayo genocide. See Maijuna natives also.[c] Ticuna and Yuri natives were exploited as well. Research the Miriti and Matapi peoples of the Caqueta River, victims of Colombian caucheros [d] and later Casa Arana.
By December 1911, only 9 out of 240 men indicted were arrested.[3]
On expanding the date[edit]
A: The date 1912 for the end of the Putumayo genocide insinuates that the collapse of the rubber price, subsequent reforms by Arana’s administration, and liquidation of the Peruvian Amazon Company led to the end of the genocide. However, there are two major events after 1912 which constitute acts of genocide. (A1) 1916 rebellion of Atenas and (A2) the forced migration of 6,719 Putumayo natives by the Loayza brothers. Information on A1 comes from missionaries who moved to the Putumayo in 1912. They stated that abuse against the natives did not stop under Arana’s reforms. Information on A2 comes from Carlos Loayza, and the Arana enterprise was also responsible for these migrations
Michael Taussig also mentioned another revolt on the Igaraparana River in 1917 which was suppressed by Peruvian soldiers.[5]
B: Julio César Arana did not lose his monopoly on the Putumayo estate and the Putumayo natives did not gain freedom post 1912. Arana continued to trade rubber under a different persons name until the 1930s, and the work force extracting rubber was still indigenous peoples.
C: In November of 1911, the English consul in Iquitos reported that five hundred natives were forced to migrate to the Upper Amazon. They were displaced and presumably many of them died during that journey. This information comes from Roger Casement's Heart of Darkness, the 1911 documents, page 655. The conditions they faced in the following years are not known however they are further victims of the Putumayo genocide through displacement and their further exploitation. I do not know how this factor would play into expanding the date past 1912 though.
Source for the genocide occurring at the hands of Arana, between 1900 and 1930.[6]
One could argue that the "Putumayo genocide" ends after the relocation of more than 6,719 natives from the estates in Colombia, towards the Ampiyacu basin. Half of that group died. There may have been more than 6,719 migrants.[7] Here is another source for the 6,719 natives, which includes a breakdown of the demographics.[8]
While the genocide may have ended in the mid 1930s, the exploitation of these natives continued at the hands of Miguel S. Loayza, Remigio Vega, Arana, and later the oil companies.
[9] citation for years of exploitation ranging from 1900-1930.
On the numbers and nations[edit]
"Referencing Casement, Rumrrill and Zutter wrote that “the “rubber boom” époque cost thousands of lives. In the Putumayo … in less than five years the native population went from 50,000 to just 8,000, the majority being Huitotos” (1976: 177)" - https://www.berghahnjournals.com/view/journals/journeys/20/2/jy200204.xml
From Victor Macedo's page, see article for reference numbers "Paredes mentioned that a population which was estimated by Carlos Rey de Castro to be at 50,000 natives had fallen down to 8,000 in the Putumayo River basin between 1906-1911.[182][ai] The Peruvian Amazon Company prospectus issued in 1907 claimed that there were 40,000 "Indian ‘labourers'" in the region at the time.[77][185][59]"
.[edit]
"The presence of a Consul set them thinking, the approach of a judge put them besides themselves with fear."[10]
"This journal is one of the most important indictments ever made against perpetrators of atrocities and imperial system building, and exposes the genocide of which international commerce is capable."[11] Angus Mitchell, editor of AJRC 1910
| Formerly |
|
|---|---|
| Company type | Firm |
| Industry | Exportation of natural rubber |
| Founded | 1 October 1907 |
| Founder | Julio César Arana |
| Fate | Liquidated |
| Headquarters |
|
Key people |
|
| Products | Rubber and slave trade |
| Total equity | £1,000,000 (1907) |
| Divisions |
|
| Company type | Firm |
|---|---|
| Founded | March 1910 |
| Founder | Victor Israel Iller |
| Total equity | £155,000[12] |
| Company type | Firm |
|---|---|
| Founder | Antonio de Vaca Díez |
^ Founded with English investors
| Company type | Firm |
|---|
^ Founded with English investors
| Company type | Firm |
|---|---|
| Founded | 5 August 1909 |
| Founder | Nícolas Suárez Callaú |
| Total equity | £750,000[13] |
"20,758 rubber estradas were specifically listed as Suarez property in 1909, as well as widespread ranch land, real estate, and river boats on the Amazon, Madeira, Mamore and Beni. The rubber lands alone amounted to 6,466,970 hectares (approximately 25,000 square miles)."[13]
| Company type | Firm |
|---|---|
| Founder | Carlos Scharff |
ANOTHER LIST OF NAMES[edit]
List relates to important figures associated with Julio Cesar Arana.
-See his page for any information.
- Lizardo Arana
-Brother in law to Julio Cesar Arana
- Pablo Zumaeta Noriega
-Mayor of Iquitos between 1912 then in 1914, and later between 1922-1923 [14] Brother-in-law to Julio Cesar Arana. [f]
- Bartolomé Zumaeta
-Brother of Pablo Zumaeta, and brother-in-law to Julio Cesar Arana. Involved in the 1907 excursion against the remaining Colombian properties in the Putumayo. Later murdered by the rebellious (and in Casement's words, heroic) chief Katenere. According to Casement, Bartolome's death resulted in a continuous state of punishment for the Natives up until his (Casement's) arrival in the Putumayo.
- Juan B. Vega
-Listed in Capelo's 1900 document. [16] Check Goodman, Casement, and Barclay for information about partnership with Vega. No mention by Hardenburg.[g]
- Luis F. Morey
-Senator for Loreto in 1901. [17] Owned the Amazonas ship, that had a tonnage of 128.[18] Luis owned a number of rubber producing estates along the Maranon and Ucayali Rivers, which he registered after the end of the rubber boom. In 1928 Luis owned a total of 167,225 hectares divided between fourteen different large esates. [17]
- Victor Israel Iller
-Mayor of Iquitos between 1917-1918 and later in 1930.[14] Founder of the Pacaya rubber Company[19], and an ally to Julio C. Arana. sfn|Casement|1997|p=Find it -Victor pointed out to Casement about Arana's financial conquest over the Putumayo. Arana's first step was to get the regional rubber exporters into debt and through that debt obtain more properties. Some of the properties in the region Arana bought out, and with other enterprises he used force to take over their assets.[20]
- Cecilio Hernandez
-Not listed as a mayor in the almanaque, however he was a politician around 1904. Find source. Cecilio was a relatively important rubber baron.
- Abel Alarco
-Original founder of J.C. Arana y Hermanos firm in 1903.[21] -Brother-in-law of J.C.A.,[21] through Ercilia del Carmen Zumaeta Noriega, sister of Pablo Zumaeta Noriega.[h]
- Armando Normand accompanied Alarco to Barbados as a translator.[i] They contracted thirty-six Barbadian men, and this group arrived in Manaus by November of 1904. According to Normand this group stayed in Manaus for a week, and Alarco hired an Argentinean named Glieman [also spelled Gleeman]. The group then travelled on the Steamship Javari to the mouth of the Putumayo, and boarded one of Arana's steamers. Juan B. Vega and Sanchez were aboard. See Normand article.
Abel was a director of PAC while his brother was a member of Arana and Abel and Company.
- German Alarco
-Brother of Abel Alarco. Mayor of Iquitos in 1909 and later between 1911-1912.[14] Discrepancy in the year or term? Why does Lucas Rodriguez term start in 1911, and why does Emilio Strassberger's term start in 1912 if German's the mayor at the time. Did he resign??? Also, other sources say the it was the brother Abel Alarco that was the mayor, were those sources of information just confused on which brother was in office?? Abel returned to Iquitos from London around 1910-11, and appears more often in references than German.
- Amadeo Burga
-Government official who was bribed by the Aranas. Check if Burga was the commissario.
- Benito Lorres (Confirm this name)
- Miguel S. Loayza
-See his page for information. Director of El Encanto agency. The Justice of Peace in the Putumayo was a cousin of Loayza, named R. Coloma. The "Coloma Hermanos" appear in the Santos album 1912, page 200. R. Coloma was a PAC agent managing Sur Este.[j]
- Victor Macedo
-Director of La Chorrera's agency. I have no sources regarding Macedo's fate after the Peruvian Amazon Company's liquidation.
- Senator & Lawyer Julio Ego-Aguierre [es]
-Lawyer for Arana *AFTER* the Putumayo genocide was exposed. Aguierre's campaign to become a senator was financed by Julio Arana according to the Spanish wikipedia, check Goodman to see if he says anything. Listed as a lawyer in Iquitos as early as 1900 in Capelo's 1900 document.[22] "Dr. Egoaguierre is the Julio Arana's lawyer."[23]
- Benjamin Duble[24]
J.C. Duble [25]
- Carlos Rey de Castro
-Peruvian Consul to Manaus(1907-1912). Ally of Arana. It is said (I believe by Goodman, check this) that Castro received a large loan (5,000 pound sterling comes to mind but check the source.) Carlos initiated a defensive campaign in the name of Arana. See the pamphlets he published, and the viaje de la commission album of 1912. Consul Stuart J. Mitchell and probably George Mitchell as well mention Carlos overbearing nature during the consular commission, and likely collusion with Arana. Find the words they use if you want to reference "collusion" from this instance.
- Benjamin Larrañaga
-Early Colombian settler in the Putumayo basin. Benjamin was the owner of La Chorrera, and the business partner of Julio Cesar Arana in their business firm Larrañaga, Arana y compañia.
- Referred to as one of the earliest conquistadores of the Putumayo, check Hardenburg, Casement and slavery in Peru. [k][26]
- Robuchon’s book, published after his death, states Benjamin was from Pasto.
- h
- Rafael Larrañaga
-Arrested by Arana after the death of Benjamin. On what grounds?? It is said that Rafael's family was robbed "scandalously" by Arana after the death of his father.[21] Benjamin (the father) died in 1903.
- Maybe Rafael Reyes? Theoretically no direct relationship after Rafael’s rubber firm dissolved.
-Reference to Reyes headquarters at La Sofia.[27]
- What is Belisaro Zárate’s involvement with the rubber firm. Mayor of Iquitos 1899-1900[14] Mentioned in Capelo. [22]
- ^ Same question for Enrique A. Llosa, mayor on 1901[14] and once an owner of the Veloz[18], which later became an asset of Arana.[28] The last source claims the Veloz began operating on the Igaraparaná River after May of 1907.
- Does Genaro Herrera have any mentions or relations with JCA?? G.H. was deputy mayor of Iquitos in 1913[14], was Arana living in London by this point? This next bit of information comes from his spanish wikipedia article. In 1907 Herrera published "Los caucheros (apuntes sociológicos y económicos) un clima calumniado" which maybe a defense of the Peruvian Cauchero. Apparently he worked as a journalist and a publisher in Iquitos as well as Lima for a time. He founded "El Loreto Comercial" in Iquitos during the rubber boom.Genaro Herrera [es] There is a lawyer in Capelo's 1900 document under the name J.E. Herrera[22], and the name Genaro is sometimes spelled Jenaro.
- Who is the prefect “Zapata” ???? Mentioned in Hardenburg + AJRC, ally to JCA?
- [29] Hardenburg referring to the complacent attitude of the "celebrated" Prefect Zapata.
[30] David Cazes stated to R.C. that he had personal knowledge and private evidence that Zapata was bribed by Arana. Cazes is referring to the Pensamiento affair (as titled in R.C.'s journal. See P455-457 for description of affair, worth a write up later. Amadeo Burga, a commissario at the time was also involved in this incident with Zapata against Cazes.
- ¿Is Ramon Sanchez worth a mention on JCA page? Co-partner in founding Matanzas in 1904, bought out a year later after complaints. should be worth mentioning if you bring up David Cazes.
- Sanchez is mentioned twice in the AJRC, see these pages for reference.[31]
- David Cazes
-English consul in Iquitos. How many years? | Listed as a commercial house in Capelo's 1900 document.[22] Consul in Iquitos since 1903.[32][l]
- Cesar Lurquin
"César Lúrquin, the Peruvian Comisario of the Putumayo. This miserable wretch was openly taking with him to Iquitos a little Huitoto girl of some seven years, presumably to sell her as a “servant,” for it is a well-known fact that this repugnant traffic in human beings is carried on, almost openly, there. His position was a sinecure, for, instead of stopping on the Putumayo, travelling about there and really making efforts to suppress crime by punishing the criminals, he contented himself with visiting the region four or five times a year—always on the company’s launches—stopping a week or so, collecting some children to sell, and then returning and making his “report.”[34]
Establish link between BOOTH and ARANA. Booth steamships transported rubber for JCA, but who was the direct relationship with.
- WHO IS PEDRO PORTILLO, SENATOR OF LORETO IN 1914, WHATS THE RELATION WITH J.C.A.[35] According to Barclay, he was a former prefect of Loreto, then mayor in the year previously stated, as well as a minister of development. [36]
- WHO IS ELÍAS ANDRADE, "EL REY DEL NAPO" ??? Ecuadorian, see [37] also https://www.google.com/books/edition/Head_Hunters_of_the_Amazon/5rRIAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=andrade
| Name | Nickname | Location of Operations | Area of Operations | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Julio Cesar Arana | Rubber King | Between Putumayo-Tigre Rivers, property on Yavari River | 7,680,000 acres | Peruvian Amazon Company. Sixth largest tax payer in Manaus by 1907.[38] |
| Carlos Fitzcarrald | The King of Rubber | Example | Example | Example |
| Nicolas Suarez Callau | the Rockefeller of the Rubber Trade | Example | 16,000,000 acres[39] | "so wealthy he controlled 10,000 employees." [38] |
| Antonio de Vaca Diez | Example | Example | Example | Example |
| Elias Andrade | King of the Napo | Napo River | Unknown | Find sources |
| Germino Garrido y Otero | King of the Içana River[40] | Içana River | Unknown | "held sway since 1880 with a 400-strong army, many of them sired by his own loins."[39] |
| Joaquin Gonçalves Araujo[41] | "J.G." | Negro River | Controlled 1,500 miles along the Negro River[40] | "virtually evolved the debt system that has ensnared both trail owners and tappers, coaxing local traders to accept more goods than that year's crop would warrant, keeping this debt alive and fresh in his ledgers."[41] |
| Carlos Scharff | Purus River | Unknown | 500 workers at one point I believe, 2,000 families? Find sources | |
| Tomas Funes | Example | Rio Negro, Orinoco River | Venezuela rubber baron | |
| Karl Waldemar Scholz | Example | Example | Example | Austrian Consul in Manaus.[42] "Made tracks for the Putumayo and took his life."[43] See Collier pages 55-56 for reference of his wealth. |
| Luiz da Silva Gomes | Purus River | 10,000,000 acres[42] | Purus estate said to yield five hundred tons of rubber annually.[42] | |
| Maximo Rodriguex + | Inambari | ? | ||
| Ferdinand Kahn | ||||
| Gregorio Delgado e Hijo | Founded rubber co in late 1800s, G. Delgado é Hijo. Owned the steamship Libertad in 1915. | |||
| David Cazes? |
Barcia hermanos Marius Levy & Schuler Wesche y Cia Pinto Hermanos (Abraham Pinot and Moyses? Pinto) Hernandez, Magne & Cia [Yahia] Benasayag [Auday], Toledano y Cia | Benasayag died in 1939 Kahn y Polack Louis Vatin
ORDER OF OPERATION
- Benjamin Larranaga [m] or Crisostomo Hernandez (?-1905?)
- Pablo Zumaeta
- 1903 massacre of Ocaina natives
- 1908 raids on Caraparana.
- Rafael Larranaga (?)
- Luis Felipe Morey
- Eugene Robuchon (?-1906)
- Walter Ernest Hardenburg
- Reyes Hermanos
- Urbano Gutierrez
Important investors / directors[edit]
| Name | Related Company | Role | Financial connection |
|---|---|---|---|
| Frank Newnes | Inambari Para-Rubber Estates, Limited | Example | Example |
| George Newnes | Inambari Para-Rubber Estates, Limited | Example | Example |
| Martin Conway [n] | Inambari Para-Rubber Estates, Limited | Example | Example |
| Louis Bernacchi | Inambari Para-Rubber | Example | Example |
| Sir John Lister-Kaye, 3rd Baronet | Peruvian Amazon Company | Example | Example |
| Henry M. Read | Peruvian Amazon Company | Example | Example |
| John Russel Gubbins | Peruvian Amazon Company | Example | Example |
| Baron de Sousa Deiro | Peruvian Amazon Company | Example | Example |
| M. Henri Bonduel | Peruvian Amazon Company | Example | Example |
| Keith Fraser Arbuthnot | Inambari Para-Rubber | Example | Example |
| Thomas Barclay (economic writer) | Central Java Rubber Plantations + La Libertad Rubber & Cocoa Estate | Example | Example |
| Thomas Devereux Pile | Pacaya Rubber Company | Example | Example |
| Henry E. Dering | Pacaya Rubber Company | Example | Example |
| Charles E. Parker | Pacaya Rubber Company | Example | Example |
| "Baron Jacques de Gunzburg" | The Orton Rubber Company | Example | Example |
| "Alexandre Devès" | The Orton Rubber Company | Example | Example |
| Wallace Hardison | Inca Mining Company | ||
| Chester W. Brown | Inca Mining Company |
Charles Stuart Henry Abbott, LORD TENTERDEN??? Pacaya Rubber Co. Director
Inambari Para-Rubber Company mentions in Casement 1911:[51]
"By the way the Inambari Para Company say they are being mistaken for the Peruvian Amazon Company!"[50]
Ships belonging to the Rubber firms[edit]
According to the Peruvian Amazon Company prospectus, drawn up by Eugene Robuchon or Carlos Rey de Castro. CONFIRM THAT LAST SENTENCE, I believe I pulled the last three names from Viaje de la Commission 1912.
‘PUTUMAYO’ [o]
‘LIBERAL’
‘MAIZAN’
‘INTREPIDO’
‘VELOZ’[r]
‘DELTA’
‘CAMPARANA’
- CARAPARANA[t]
‘CAHUINARI’
‘MOSSAMEDES’
‘PRECIADA’ Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page).
‘RIOJA’
‘AYACUCHO’
‘VENCEDORA’
‘THEA’
‘JUNIN’
‘RAPIDA’
‘NAPO’
‘PURITANO’
‘SANTOS DUMOND’
‘PERSERVANCA’
‘URIMAGUAS’ [52]
‘COSMOPOLITA’ [u]
‘ANASTASIA’ [52]
BEATRIZ - Government owned, chartered by Arana.
List of ships belonging to Fitzcarrald
I believe I pulled these names from Ernesto Reyna 1942 Fitzcarrald Rey del Caucho. Confirm before posting anywhere. BOLIVAR(14T) information can be found in CAPELO I believe, or whatever source lists the Iquitos ships. There is another BOLIVAR ship listed in Capelo, which is a 615T ship belonging to the Booth Steamship Co.[54]
‘LA ESPERANZA’
‘SHIRINGA’
‘CONTAMANA’
‘BERMUDEZ’
‘UNION’ 65T[18]
‘LAURA’
‘DOROTEA’
‘CINTRA’
‘BOLIVAR’
‘ADOLFITO’
‘FRANCIA’
Travelers to the Putumayo and dates[edit]
These dates may be corrected as I source the information.
THIS IS A LIST OF NAMES THAT PROVIDED SOURCES FOR THE PUTUMAYO GENOCIDE AND PERUVIAN AMAZON COMPANY. SOME NAMES AND INFORMATION MAY BE MISSING.
- Henry Lister Maw : 1827 http://onlinebooks.library.upenn.edu/webbin/book/lookupname?key=Maw%2C%20Henry%20Lister
-See page 269. Casement refers to Maw's report multiple times.
- Joaquin Rocha : 1903 [55]
-Collected information regarding Crisostomo Hernandez and other earlier settlers. In the Putumayo a year before Robuchon I believe.
- Eugene Robuchon : 1904-1906 [56]
-Hired by Arana to map out the extent of his property. Wrote the Peruvian Amazon Company prospectus that was released posthumously.
- Manuel Rodrígüez Lira : 1902-1906
-Photographer who established himself in Iquitos in 1899.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page). His partner was named Victoriano Gil Ruiz.
- Thomas Whiffen : 1906 or 7? Unsure
-Searched for Robuchon, in the region for maybe a year +
- Consul Charles C. Eberhardt
-"General Conditions in the Putumayo River district of Peru" December 3, 1907
- Walter Ernest Hardenburg : 1907-1908 [57]
-Provided depositions from ex-employees. Continued Saldaña Rocca’s work against Arana. 20 or so depositions.
- Henry Gielgud : 1909
-Travelled into the region for a [commercial report]? Is that correct? Employed by the Peruvian Amazon Company for some reason. Atrocities and evidence of abuse hidden from Gielgud. [Roger Casement found out prisoners were sent away upon Henry’s arrival. AJRC]
- Roger Casement and commission : 1910 [58]
-Arrived around September 1910, left in October [?]. Travelled to La Chorrera, Ultimo Retiro, Entre Rios, Puerto Peruano, Matanzas, [maybe Atenas, need to read next pages of AJRC.] and met Carlos Miranda at some point, as well as Augusto Jimenez Seminario, Armando Normand, Andres O’Donnell, Victor Macedo, and Fidel Velarde. All of those names are implicated by Hardenburg and Saldaña with crimes against the Natives.
- Roger Casement 2nd trip : 1911
-Attempted to arrest two important [PAC] criminals near Brazilian border. Find these names in Goodman and I believe AJRC
- George Mitchell + Stuart J. Fuller : 1912 August-October
-Consular commission, provided reports to their respective governments. Limited to what Arana and the PAC allowed them to see. Carlos Rey de Castro constantly with them apparently, trying to take charge of the commission and distract attention from the Natives. CARLOS REY DE CASTRO IN DEBT 4,600 TO ARANA'S FIRM, MENTIONED IN AJRC + COLLIER 1968 P51
- Silvino Santos : 1912 + later dates
-Photographer for Arana and the 1912 commission. Later developed a film that is now on the bottom of the Pacific Ocean, sunk by a German torpedo. Goodman refers to this near end of book, 1914 or 1915 I believe. He released later films in the region via Arana’s sponsorship.
- Leo Sambrook : 1912-1916
-Priest in the Putumayo. Short lived mission since the new clergy had little effect on lessening violence against the Natives in the Putumayo. Goodman refers to this. Atenas rebellion a WEEK before Roger casement was executed. Around 900 Boras natives, whose insurrection was dealt with by a detachment of Peruvian soldiers.
- Alberto Gridilla : 1912?
Priest who gave an account on the first year of his mission https://books.google.com/books/about/Un_año_en_el_Putumayo.html?id=FZ4sAAAAMAAJ
- Carlos A. Valcarcel :
Judge [59]
- Romulo Paredes :
Judge
Photographers during the rubber boom[edit]
| Name | Area of activity | Years of activity |
|---|---|---|
| Eugene Robuchon | Putumayo-Caqueta | 1903-1906 |
| Silvino Santos | Putumayo | 1911-1913 |
| Rodriguez Lira | Loreto-Iquitos | 1903-? |
| Charles Krohle | Rio Pichis | Example |
| Ermanno Stradelli | 1884(?)-1926 | Western Brazil(?) |
| Dana Merril | Madeira-Mamore Railway | ?-1912 |
| Erland Nordenskiöld | Tambopata River, Bolivia | 1904-1905,1908-1909 |
| Alberto Ballón Landa[x] | 1917 | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
Charles Krohle[edit]
https://luminous-lint.com/app/image/0695130540677503415011820243/
Charles Kroehle Indios Piras Rio Pichis Peru 1888
Not Kroehle[edit]
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Amazon_rubber_boat,_Brazil_LCCN2001705619.jpg
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Revelations of Casement's investigation[edit]
To be added to Normand's page
In 1910 Roger Casement was sent to the Putumayo on a consular commission to investigate the involvement of English subjects in the Putumayo atrocities, which were brought to light in 1906-1908 by the works of Hardenburg and Saldaña. These English subjects referred to the Barbadians employed by the Peruvian Amazon Company. The Barbadian workers were originally hired in 1904 on two year contracts with the Company, but quickly became indentured and in debt to the company. Armando Normand was hired around the same time as the Barbadians, and was sent with a contingent of them to found the settlement of Matanzas. Westerman Levine, Joshua Dyall, Frederick Bishop, Donal Francis, James Lane, Augustus Walcott, and Stanley Sealey were some of the Barbadians who worked at Matanzas under Armando Normand.
Before embarking on the journey from Iquitos to the Putumayo Casement was warned about the Matanzas station, which had the worst reputation out of the plantations in the Putumayo. The editor of The Amazon Journal Diary of Roger Casement, stated that "in a number of respects it might be compared to the "inner station" of (Joesph) Conrad's "Heart of Darkness" and if there is a single figure that resembles Kurtz in this journal it is Armando Normand."[60]
It seems like in a futile attempt avoid Casement's commission, Normand was at a subordinate station of Matanzas named La China. Roger Casement called upon him for an interview.
While staying at Matanzas on October 18th, Casement was awakened by Normand's harem, that had arrived hours after Normand did.
Regarding Armando Normand, Casement stated "If any one on the Putumayo deserves punishment this man should be made an example of."
Page 255 Amazon journal diary relates to Donal Francis. Francis worked under Normand for two years and had personal knowledge about Normand's crimes beginning in 1904. However when Francis was questioned by Casement in front of Juan Tizon Donal stated he only "planted yucca and sugar cane" at Matanzas. Frederick Bishop confronted Francis over this, calling him a coward and stating that for lying to Casement for a bribe, Donal was just as bad as the company's murderers.
1911
November 1911 "Mr. Cazes who tells me that he hears that quite recently several agents who had been incriminated by Dr. Parededs but who had not been arrested, now learning of contemplated action by the authortieis had made off, presumably into Colombian or Brazilian territory taking with them "five hundred indians" [61] ^This includes Carlos Miranda, Donald Francis[y], Daniel Alban, <- [61] , Augusto Jimenez, Abelardo Aguero, and I believe Alfredo Montt among other criminals.
X[edit]
A biographical paper published in 2009 by a Colombian history professor named Carlos Guillermo Paramo Bonilla examined the character of Armando Normand. Disregarding Julio Arana, the paper was the first attempt at constructing a biographical profile for a perpetrator of the Putumayo genocide. Guillermo suggests that this may be due to an overwhelming amount of information that is repetitive and contradictory to the point that the criminals appear to meet the same character profile. That profile being the "sadistic and irrational, cynical and unscrupulous rubber tapper" described in Jose Eustasio Rivera's book, "The Vortex." Guillermo used the lens painted by the writers Eustasio, Joseph Taussing, and Joseph Conrad as references to examine Normand.
Angus Mitchell, the 1997 editor of Roger Casement's diary compared Armando Normand to Kurtz in the novel Heart of Darkness. Mitchell gives additional context, noting the relevance of Casement and Joesph Conrad living together for a short time. Casement had influenced Conrad's perception of Africa, and through the Kurtz, Roger Casement had a frame to develop the model of the Putumayo rubber agents against. [60]
Rubber exploitation in South America[edit]
"Rubber had existed as a product for decades but did not reach its industrial potential until the American Chemist Charles Goodyear (1800-1860) discovered the vulcanization process, which he patented in 1844.1 Vulcanization allowed for a brittle material to become elastic and resistant to weather changes. In 1888, the Scottish inventor John Dunlop patented a design for a pneumatic rubber tire for the bicycle that enabled that new machine to revolutionize personal transportation. Dunlop’s company, along with a host of others like Goodyear (1898) were part of a larger industrial revolution for which rubber became a fully-integrated and essential component of tire manufacturing that consumed between 60-75% of all rubber produced globally. By 1908 when the mass-produced Model T car was designed by Henry Ford (1903) rubber was already being imported to the United States, and rivaled only by the British rubber consumption. By 1910, over 90% of the world’s rubber supply was coming from the Congo and the Amazon Vulcanization modifies the molecular structure of rubber with high heat and the application of sulfur. through primitive extraction methods that, as will be developed below involved debt-peonage and elements of slavery"[62]
"The dates of the Amazon Rubber Boom have been defined by Barbara Weinstein in The Amazon Rubber Boom (1850-1920) (Stanford 1983). Rubber prices begann to soar following the production of the bicycle in the 1890s and most steeply with the setting up of the motor-car industry at the dawn of the twentieth century. The mass production of the Model T Ford in 1906 turned rubber into a raw material more valuable than gold and the Putumayo atrocities were a direct consequence of the spiralling market demand. Plantation rubber began to make a signifncant influence on the international rubber market from about 1907 and by 1912 had captured about 18.51 per cent of the market and almost 40% by 1914 when it had surpassed Brazilian production levels."[63] - The words of Angus Mitchell
"The taking of the caucho is sure death to the tree as it is cut down. The gatherer bleeds the roots and girdles the fallen trunk, cutting through the thick bark every two feet. One tree will often yield seventy-five pounds of caucho, and one man will harvest one hundred trees in a season from May to November, the Winter or dry time, during which he will gather on average twenty-five hundred pounds. The true rubber tree on the Amazon yields about six pounds a year and has an indefinite life if tapped carefully. The caucho man or cauchero fells the tree with a light, long, and narrow bladed axe known as a Brazil axe... Caucho trees grow well at an elevation of one thousand feet and rubber trees at three thousand feet. Maldonada is thirteen hundred feet. Rubber is gathered in tin cups and is smoked with pono nut to keep it from evaporating. The caucho falls on the ground on leaves placed to catch it as it exudes. It loses much by evaporation and other waste and is not clean.[64]
| Exploited indigenous populations | River Basin | Exploited by | Header text | Header text | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Huitoto | Putumayo River basin | *Casa Arana and the Peruvian Amazon Company *Colombian rubber firms.[57][58][65] | Example | Example | |
| Ocaina | Putumayo River basin | *Casa Arana and the Peruvian Amazon Company *Colombian rubber firms.[57][58][65] | Example | ||
| Andoque | Putumayo River basin | *Casa Arana and the Peruvian Amazon Company *Colombian rubber firms.[57][58][65] | Example | Example | |
| Bora | Putumayo River basin | *Casa Arana and the Peruvian Amazon Company *Colombian rubber firms.[57][58][65] | Example | Example | |
| Yaguas | Pebas, Yaguas River | Example | Example | Example | |
| Macaguaje | *Colombian caucheros[66] | Extinct. Referred to in [66] | |||
| Secoya | Aguarico , Cuyabeno, Ecuadorian Napo | *Ecuadorian and Colombian caucheros | |||
| Siona | Aguarico , Cuyabeno, Putumayo River basin in Colombia and Ecuador | *Ecuadorian and Colombian caucheros *Elías Andrade[z]000 | *An unknown number of Siona natives were taken down river and never heard from again by their relatives.[68] | ||
| Cofán | Between Guamués River (tributary of Putumayo) and Aguarico River (tributary of Napo) | *Ecuadorian and Colombian caucheros | *Pedro Palomares[69] *Ecuadorian raiders[aa] [ab] | *Randall B. Borman claims prior to contact with foreigners, the Cofan demographic consisted of between 15,000-20,000 people, and this population dropped down to 350 after the rubber boom.[ac] *An unknown number of Cofan natives were taken down river and never heard from again by their relatives.[68] | |
| Tetete | See Wasserstorm page 537 [ad] | ||||
| Oyo | *Colombian Caucheros[66] | "Jean Langdon (1974: 37–40) cites the example of one
cauchero “who took some sixty adults of the Oyo tribe [close relatives of Siona] to Peru because of the debts they owed them . . . and with their forced departure, the Oyo tribe became nearly extinct." [68] | |||
| Coreguaje | *Colombian caucheros[70] | ||||
| Kichwa | *Colombian caucheros[71] | ||||
| Ticuna | *Peruvian, Brazilian, and Colombian caucheros | ||||
| Yuri | Near the Caqueta River | *Peruvian Amazon Company *Independent caucheros | |||
| Sápara | Between the Napo and Pastaza Rivers | *Ecuadorian caucheros | Wasserstorm mentions that the region inhabited by the Sapara's was depopulated by Ecuadorian caucheros.[72] [ae][af] | ||
| Urarina | Chambira River | *Peruvian caucheros | [ag]Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page). |
||
| Mashco + Piro | *Carlos Fitzcarrald *Casa Rodriguez *Casa Scharff | Example | Example | ||
| Harakmbut | Manú -Madre de Dios | Casa Fitzcarrald[76] | Example | ||
| Asháninka | Ucayali, Gran Pajonal, Unini River | *Carlos Fitzcarrald *Casa Rodriguez *Casa Scharff | Example | Example | |
| Shipibo | Ucayali River | *Carlos Fitzcarrald | Example | Example | |
| Conibo | Ucayali River | *Carlos Fitzcarrald, Baldimero Rodriguez[77] | Example | Example | |
| Huambisa | Marañón-Santiago River | *Casa Arana[78] - 1910 | |||
| Moxos | Nicolas Suarez Callau | ||||
| Araona | Nicolas Suarez Callau | ||||
| Toromona | Nicolas Suarez Callau | ||||
| Ese Ejja | Tambopata River | *Inca Rubber Company, *Nicolás Suárez Callaú, possibly Carabaya Rubber Trading Co. and the company that bought it, Inambari Para-Rubber Estates, Limited | |||
| Tacana | Nicolás Suárez Callaú | ||||
| Cashinahua | Acre River basin | Felizardo Avelino de Cerqueira | |||
| Yine | Carlos Fitzcarrald, Carlos Scharff, Venancio Amaringo Campa | ||||
| Machiguenga | Carlos Scharff | ||||
| Amahuaca | Purus River basin | Delfín Fitzcarrald, Casa Scharff [79] | |||
| Yaminahua | Mishagua River, Purus River basin | |Delfín Fitzcarrald, Casa Scharff | ||||
| Kokama / Cocama | Pacaya-Samiria River basin | Pacaya Rubber and Produce Company / Victor Israel ? [ah] | |||
| Yanomami | |||||
| Rikbaktsa | Mato Grosso |
"For the previous seventy-five years, however, Cofán and Siona history comes more sharply into focus. Both groups survived a half-century of semivoluntary or forced labor because they lived in caucho forests, where mobile labor gangs were needed.29 Competition between caucheros and missionaries also may have kept them alive: from 1896 onward, missionaries intervened to limit, if not completely prevent, rubber tappers from removing native people to Peru. Indigenous groups often shifted from missions to rubber camps and back again, depending on the relative harshness of conditions in the missions and the trade goods available to them." [72]
"At the same time, native people experienced a constant redefinition of social, cultural, and linguistic space, as Cofán, Siona, Ingano, Macaguaje, and Huitoto households were absorbed into each other’s families. When Oyo and other Western Tucanoan lineages disappeared, for example, the survivors often became Siona or even Cofán. By contrast, along the Napo River and its tributaries, where missionary influence was limited, señores ribereños depopulated entire Quichua, Záparo, and other regions (Hudelson 1981; Muratorio 1991; Cabodevilla 1996; Barclay 1998; Trujillo 2001)"[72]
"If the Great Depression had not intervened, it is likely that Cofán and Siona groups would have followed their Tetete, Ono, Correguaje, and Macaguaje neighbors into historical memory"[80]
Venezuela[edit]
Tomas Funes, earlier exploiters. Rio Negro.
Colombia[edit]
Refer to Crisostomo Hernandez, Larranaga's, Calderons, David Serrano, Ordonez, Presidente Reyes, etc.
[81] Calderon's originally managed Atenas before J.C.A's acquisition of the estate.
Peru[edit]
SEE CASEMENT 123-124 FOR PROMINENT RUBBER BARONS OF IQUITOS. Document refers to an issue of The Inca Chronicle, Volume 3, issue 2, citation reads "See PRO FO 177/358 for an original copy of The Inca Chronicle." Includes the Moreys, Atonel Vellez and the Rodrigo brothers of the Madre de dios. -Luis Morey controls the Javari, Adolfo Morey operated on the Maranon.[82] -Rodrigo brothers were the biggest firm of caucheros on the madre de dios according to this info.[83] Probably biggest Peruvian firm.
- Kahn Polack Company, Welsch & Company and other foreign corporations mentioned. "Although they do not to all appearences use slaves in their businesses, yet they are in a sense accomplices in the trade, for their launches are employed in carrying slaves, often in chains, either bringing their living cargoes to the dealers in Iquitos or else delivering them to some camp in the rubber districts.[83]
- See [83] on Atonel Vellez, important paragraph. He operated a "the big saw mill of the Upper Amazon, Puritania, and runs it with slave labour." He had indigenous blood. Puritania is south of Iquitos. No wiki page but it has a google maps location.
- I CAN NOT FIND ANY CORROBRATING INFORMATION ON ATONEL VELLEZ OR THE SO CALLED RODRIGO BROTHERS, SUPPOSEDLY THE LARGEST FIRM ON THE MADRE DE DIOS... - Otoniel Vela
- "At Port Maldonado is the confluence of the Tambopata River with the Madre de Dios, and farther upstream is the Inambari River. The whole of this region is rich in rubber forests, and several companies are engaged in rubber-gathering, including British, American, Bolivian, and Peruvian."[84]
- ^"The Tambopata Rubber Syndicate, The Inca Mining Company and the Inca Rubber Company controlled %74 of the land ceded out by the Peruvian government around the Inambari and Tambopata Rivers during the rubber boom" <- My summarization, Gray's information. [85]
"[Hildebrando] Fuentes (1908:27) divides rubber-collectors into three inter-related categories: Caucheros; aviados and regatones. The aviados were responsible for traveling to remote forest encampments in order to obtain the rubber in exchange for industrial goods. The local labor boss or 'patron* (also called cauchero) was directly in charge of controlling the labor-power of indebted peons."[74]
"The surfacing in 1904 of wild allegations of brutality, slaving and genocidal murder of Boora [Bora] and Uitoto peoples by the rubber baron's henchmen set into motion an international scandal that focused world attention on Amazonia. Nearly a century later, large-scale exploitation of natural resources and raw materials in indigenous territories remains commonplace..."[86] State Power and Indigenous Peoples in Peruvian Amazonia
-To Kill a People: Genocide in the Twentieth Century, 2013, John M. Cox "These tragedies highlight the connection between genocidal conditions and one of the iconic developments of the modern era: the invention of the automobile and the demand for rubber that it generated. Slavery, starvation, and murder in the Congo and Amazonia also suggest that modern Western labor systems created and profited from genocidal conditions, which were not incidental to the expansion of capitalism into colonial or post-colonial lands. Further, the exclusion or marginalization from Western scholarship and knowledge of the Putumayo disaster—which involved the decimation of several indigenous groups—as well as the Congo exemplifies the way that such brutalities, when far from the heartland of Europe, can be easily overlooked, thereby inadvertently perpetuating the hierarchies that produced such catastrophes in the first place."[87]
These subduers formed themselves into bands and parties, dubbed commercial associations, and having overcome the resistance of the Indians, they have appropiated them to their own exclusive use along with the rubber trees that might be in the region they inhabited. Henceforth to the chief of the band they became 'my Indians,' and any attempt by one of his civilized neighbors to steal, wheedle, or entice away his Indians became a capital offense. Thus where the primitive savage raided his savage neighbor for reasons that seemed good to him, the white man who came on an alleged mission of civilization to end this primal savagery himself raided his fellow white man for reasons that seemed to the Indian altogether wrong, viz, his surer enslavement. Constant thefts of Indians by one 'cauchero' from anothe rled to reprisals more bloody and murderous than anything the Indians had ever wrought upon his fellow Indian. The primary aim of rubber getting, which could only be obtained from the labor of the Indian, was often lost sight of in these desperate conflicts.
— Roger Casement[88]
Under the Peruvian republic and the regimen of absentee capitalism to-day, tribes of useful people of this same land have been defrauded, driven into slavery, ravished, tortured, and destroyed. This has been done, not in single instances at the command of some savage potentate, but in tens of thousands under a republican Government, in a Christianised country, at the behest of the agents of a great joint-stock company with headquarters in London: the “crime” of these unfortunates being that they did not always bring in rubber sufficiently fast—work for which they practically received no payment—to satisfy their taskmasters.
Refer to Carlos Fermin Fitzcarrald, J.C.A, C. Hernandez, the Moreys and rubber exploitation along Maranon, Ucayali, and Tigre. Maybe mention Pacaya rubber, probably mention Inca Rubber Co.
COMPANIA GOMERA ALTO MARANON MENTIONED P412 + PAUCARTAMBO RUBBER COMPANY
https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00X2CB.pdf Forga, Rey de Castro y Rodríguez (española) 75,287
- Exploited populations between the Napo and Caqueta Rivers: Huitoto, Boras, Andoque, Ocaina, Yagua [90] , Amazonian Kichwas, Huambisa
- Exploited populations along the Ucayali River: Campas, Piro aka Yine, and Amahuaca [91], Mashco-Piro
- "The caucheiros, in turn, are portrayed by the Brazilian commissioner as 'eternal hunters of territories', with 'no land grab', a 'devastating wave', living under the 'penal regime of the rifle', in constant battles for 'conquest', to exterminate or enslave indigenous people, actions in which they ended up 'making savagery itself more savage'" (Cunha, 1976: 136-146).[92]
“In the basin of the Madre de Dios and its affluents, where it is easy to navigate with the help of the ‘terrible’ Chunchos,[9] who in reality are good and hospitable, exist immense quantities of rubber, rich and abundant rubber forests of easy exploitation. It would appear that the new Commissioner is resolved to put a stop to the barbarous custom of the correrrias[10] organised by the authorities themselves or by the rubber-merchants, who carry on the repugnant business of selling the poor Chunchos. As labour and women are both scarce, and as there is a strong demand for the one and the other, bands of armed men are constantly organised for sudden descents upon groups or communities of the savages, no matter whether they are friendly or hostile, making them prisoners in the midst of extermination and blood. Urged on by the profit resulting from the sale of boys, robust youths, and young women (frescas mujeres), they tear children from mothers and wives from husbands without pity, and pass them from hand to hand as slaves. It were well to take the savages from their forests to use their labour and to cultivate their intelligence, but not for business purposes to make them victims of the knife and the lash.”
The side effects of the rubber network’s predation
patterns and systems on the local people’s social psyche are even more difficult to evaluate because they relate to less tangible aspects. These changes include the previously noted loss of relationship with the environment, the change from self-subsistence in a food-abundant environment to total dependence on imports, loss of indigenous skills for generations through spatial habitation patterns around a debt-peonage (slavery) means of survival, the constant breaking of connections to a physical place and origin stories through displacement and mass migration, a heightened extractive valuing of the environment, the systemic racism enforced by a powerful caste-based society, and of course the traumatic social effect of the genocide of whole
villages and ethnic groups.
Shortly after their arrival, the rubber barons began their incursions, a bloody method of obtaining indigenous labour by which,
with the support of already-conquered indigenous groups, they would make armed forays into nearby hamlets. They would capture women and youths in particular, who formed precious trading objects, whilst adult men were eliminated as they would never form as malleable a workforce as the children, who were more easily and fully assimilated (Hassel, 1907).[ai] In these circumstances, the high death rate and family disintegration caused panic among
the mainly native populations, some of whom chose to flee.
^ HUERTAS CASTILLO P 52
To shorten the distances, the
rubber companies opened paths or tracks through the forest from one river to another, intensifying the invasion of indigenous territories between the Mishagua and Manu rivers, the Manu and Los Amigos rivers, from the Manuripe River to what was then the Puerto Rimac rubber outpost on the Madre de Dios River, the Tahuamanu and Acre rivers, the Las Piedras and Manuripe rivers, the Purús and Las Piedras rivers, etc. These paths were used primarily for the movement of balls of rubber and goods towards navigable points
along the rivers.
^ HUERTAS CASTILLO P52
“Correrías” are rapid slave
raids which became institutionalised during the rubber boom around the turn of the century, to obtain labourers for the rubber extraction. A patron would give a small group of slave hunters Winchester rifles, which were in great demand, in return for which Ashéninka settlements were attacked and all individuals potentially capable of working taken captive, that is, preferably children and young women, who were taken to the patron as his personal property. Adult men were more difficult to control and thus they were preferably killed, to avoid witnesses and possible reprisals. These parties frequently consisted of Indians, who had long been subjugated by the patron through debt bondage. The Ashéninka, Yíne and Conibo were all active in these correrías. But colonists also participated as leaders of raiding parties. Although everyone assured us that these occurrences were fortunately a thing of the past, the correrías had apparently been taking place up to the 1960s. The favourite focus of the Atalaya patrons’ correrías had been the isolated Ashéninka settlements in the relatively inaccessible transitional zone
between Gran Pajonal and Ucayali
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND RIGHTS P86
Meanwhile, a new
extractivist economy had been developed in the forest region: rubber extraction and slave trade by the Ucayali patrons. In Gran Pajonal, slave raids and the transportation of slaves between the great river systems to the east and through the Andean forest regions heralded a period of particularly great disintegration which separated families, forced people from their homes, destroyed the social organisation and traditional system of alliances. At the same time violent measles epidemics
haunted, which aggravated the situation
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND P95-96
This commodification of the indigenous population rapidly evolved
into a real slave trade run by the contractors involved in extractive enterprises. With further colonisation and with changes in production and labour requirements, the traffic in slaves became rampant in the Upper Amazon and developed into an independent economic activity, an ‘extractive’ industry in its own right. Armed slave raiding, so called ‘correrías’, became widespread and markets for Indian Slaves developed in the few commercial centres of the Upper Amazon. During the short peak period of the rubber bonanza, 1890-1915, hundreds of thousands of Indians were enslaved as rubber tappers in rubber extraction. The atrocities committed by the rubber barons were numerous. Some cases are well documented, such as the notorious Putumayo scandal, where the London-based Peruvian Amazon Company Inc. was responsible for the cruel deaths of some 30,000 Indians in the extraction of 4,000 tonnes of raw rubber. And the Putumayo was just one rubber
concession in one river area
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND P132
Historical literature is full of descriptions of Slave
raids, the traffic in Slaves and exceptionally tragic tales of the inhumane suffering which was inflicted upon the indigenous population.In this growing economy, particularly charismatic patrons also stand out, for example, the very famous “King of Rubber” (Reyna 1942), Carlos Fermín Fitzcarrald. An extremely ruthless patron who ran his rubber regime throughout the entire region of Atalaya where he also controlled all trade. He massacred many hundreds of Toyeri and Araseri in Madre de Dios because they did not want to work for him or 138 permit his rubber tappers to gain access to their territories. Amongst other things, several hamlets were destroyed with machine guns (Gray
1996:225).
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND p=137-138
"Crippen is caught too! but what a farce it seems - a whole world shaken by the pursuit of a man who killed his wife - and here are lots and lots of gentlemen I meet daily at dinner who not only kill their wives, but burn other people's wives alive - or cut their arms and legs off and pull the babies from their breasts to throw in the river or leave to starve in the forest - or dash their brains out against trees. Why should civilisation stand aghast at the crime of a Crippen and turn wearily away when the poor Indians of the Putumayo, or the Bantu of the Congo, turn bloodstained, appalling hands and terrified eyes to those who alone can aid?" [93]
Note that this was written in 1874 before the rubber boom. The French
explorer, Olivier Ordinaire, wrote of his journey in the area: 137 At the time of my journey, a “lorenzo” (a specific indigenous group) between eight and ten years of age was worth between 280 and 350 francs; a well formed girl between 300 and 400 francs. Nobody tried to capture the adult men alive as they knew they would escape however far away they were taken, or they would leave themselves to die. The industrialists who organise the correrías and take part in them cannot do without the help of trained Indians for this type of hunting, because alone they would never manage to surprise the savages. When they take possession of the women and children from a dwelling, as a rule they have to kill the father, brothers and husband, in order to avoid any future dispute over the ownership of them, and then set fire to the empty hut...so that they have less
sorrow leaving it (1988:98).
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND P136-137
i. Peru thus expressed its
new national presence through the first State massacre on Indians in Ucayali. On 10th December 1866, the Peruvian navy, with gunboats El Morona, El Napo and El Putumayo, carried out a decisive punitive expedition against the Cashibo indigenous at Chonta Isla, at the mouth of the river Pachitea, in the Ucayali. The cause was an armed clash at the beginning of the year when El Putumayo had to seek refuge in the place due to running aground. According to historical sources, the officers Sr. Tavara and Sr. West disembarked and took a few bananas from an Indian field without asking. They were attacked on the return and killed by the owners of the field, local Cashibo (Uni). During the punitive expedition, the navy attacked the Cashibo hamlet and took the women and children prisoner, to later be sold as slaves in Iquitos. This was a consciously chosen form of revenge. In a desperate attempt to free the women and children, some 500 Cashibo men attacked the commando group on its return to the gunboats from the beach, where hundreds of Cashibo men were mercilessly massacred by the artillery of the war ships (for a detailed description see d’Ans
1982:161-162).
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND P136
The work force in the form of slaves had at this time been converted
into a commodity as part of the economy of the region. The correrías after indigenous slaves were common in all parts and involved all of the indigenous groups of the Ucayali. With the booming economy of rubber extraction, in 1880 human exploitation and perversion reached
new heights
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND P136
Moreover, hundreds of crimes not recorded there have taken place. Normand, Aguero, Fonseca, Montt, Jimenez, the two Rodriguez brothers and Martinengui, have between them, murdered several thousand of these unhappy beings. There is no doubt of it. Tizon admitted to me in Chorrera last week that the two Rodriguez 'had killed hundreds of natives', and that Arana gave them 50% of the produce of these two sections, S. Catalina and Sabana. Normand is again and again charged by the Barbados men with killing many hundreds. Leavine today said 'over 500', that he had seen 20 Indians killed in five days in Matanzas alone, and the dead bodies eaten by the dogs and stinking round the house, so that he could not eat his food. These seven monsters have probably killed by shooting, flogging, beheading, burning, and got rid of by starvation some 5,000 Indians in the last seven years... Fonseca had killed hundreds, too, - and Martinengui. The least criminal are probably O'Donnell, Miranda and Alcosta - of the rest it were hard to choose, save that Montt lacked probably the courage of the other monsters. And this is done in the name of civilization and industrial development!"[94]
— Roger Casement
After concluding our work in Gran Pajonal in the spring of
1987, we moved on to the native community of Unini and the native community of Chicosa respectively, to continue the work in Ucayali. During this work we became well and truly aware of how dreadful the situation was. In the area of Unini, practically all the families had experienced abuse at the hands of the patrons. On the one hand the Unini area, as already mentioned, had been one of the preferred zones for correrías by the patrons and recruitment of cheap labour through debt bondage, and on the other hand there were still valuable lumber resources in the area which the patrons were illegally extracting. Naturally, this
was also being done with indigenous labour gained through confidence tricks and debts.
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND P=122
There were three
main trails used by the Indians which connected Gran Pajonal with the Upper Ucayali. One route went over the mountains from Oventeni and down to the mouth of the Unini river in the Ucayali. From there it was easy to obtain river transport upstream to Atalaya, but it was also possible to walk. The other trails went north of Gran Pajonal to the south of the Sira mountain and ended in Cocani and Chicosa (Catsingari) respectively, which are both minor secondary rivers flowing down into the Ucayali from the almost vertical mountainous wall which marks the border between Gran Pajonal and the Ucayali valley. These are old trading routes for the exchange of salt and metal tools between Ucayali and the Andes. To the extent that the slave trade partly emerged from these exchange systems, these routes were used in part by slave hunters on their correrías and in part for the transport of slaves on foot (see the next section on the history of Atalaya). Many of the largest farms were situated precisely at the mouths of the rivers where these trails finished, a conscious location which granted these patrons a certain control of
the traffic and guaranteed them a stable supply of indigenous labour.
LIBERATION THROUGH LAND P112
This systematic killing decimated entire “encampments“ of indigenous along many rivers and tributaries of the Alto Yurúa valley,
and many deaths were caused by armed massacres due to increasing inter-ethnic conflicts and by the introduction of hitherto unknown illnesses. One of the main consequences of the “raids” was to disperse the indigenous peoples around the headwaters of the most remote tributaries of the Yurúa and Purús valleys, on both sides of the Peru/Brazil border. Many of the survivors, such as the Cashinahua, Culina, Manchineri and Asháninka, to name but a few, were incorporated into
the shiringa system, where they remained until the end of the 1970s
HUERTAS CASTILLO P=143
The search was never for rubber, or trees, or commodities, but for men - men and women, boys and girls. They [caucheros] surrounded a house, set fire to it, shot down the old, and captured the young. When not strong enough to do this, they might 'trade' in people... The Indian, who is stout enough to resist enslavement, is always in the wrong, and therefore a 'cannibal."
AJRC R.C. P243
"In addition to the deaths from the many tribal wars and attacks of the whites, certain diseases are proving an alarmingly great factor in decimating the ranks of the Indians of Peru. Probably chief among these is the viruela, or smallpox, unknown among them till after the coming of the white man, and whole tribes have been known to perish from epidemics of this dease, to which they seem peculiarly susceptive. In the mountainous parts of the country some die of pneumonia, and of course there are always a good number of deaths from malaria and other tropical fevers. Beri-beri or elephantiasis, a swelling of the legs, is also quite common in certain districts and among the Aguarunas epilepsy has been known to exist at times."
— Charles C. Eberhardt, Diseases common, Slavery in Peru[95]
"Through [often forced] intermarriage with the whites, disease, and battle, the Indians of Peru are rapidly disappearing, and I am told that statistics compiled for a given period during recent years show that their numbers are diminishing at the rate of 5 per cent per year : that in 20 years the wild Indian of the Upper Amazon will have disappeared almost entirely, and it seems only a question of time when the dying races of South American Indians must meet the fate of their brothers of North America, and the two in common, once the rulers of two continents, become only scattered remnants of their former greatness, if not entirely engulfed by the wave which seems sweeping over them."
— Charles C. Eberhardt, Slavery, Slavery in Peru[96]
- See Collier 1968 page 256 for reference of a £9,000,000 cash loss for the 1912 crop, which was a larger yield than that of 1910's crop.[97]
- The 1913 crop was estimated at more than 10,000 tons and valued to be less than £1,700,000.[97]
- See Collier page 219, "meanwhile word came from Iquitos that in April alone over 75 tons of rubber had been shipped downriver. 'one of the largest single consignments derived from the Putumayo.' From January through April, rubber leaving that port had totaled three-quarters of its shipments for 1911." [98]
- "To Walt Hardenburg's graphic depositions, the Consul had added telling statistics: every ton of Putumayo latex had cost seven human lives, in an era when top-grade rubber had passed 700 a ton. In twelve years, 4,000 tons of Arana's shipments had fetched almost 1,500,000 on the London Market - but 30,000 forest Indians had died to make that possible."[99]
The Putumayo River, tributaries, and nations exploited during the Putumayo genocide:
| Left tributary | Right tributary | Length (km) | Basin size (km2) | Average discharge (m3/s) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower Putumayo | ||||
| Içá (Putumayo) | 2,004.6 | 120,545 | 8,519.9 | |
| Igarapé União | 634.2 | 35.8 | ||
| Quebrara Federico | 529.5 | 35.1 | ||
| Parana de Jacurapa | 352 | 1,714.6 | 105.3 | |
| Puretê | 322 | 4,246.7 | 249.9 | |
| Igarapé Cauíra | 1,459.7 | 94.3 | ||
| Igarapé São Cristovão | 406.4 | 22.1 | ||
| Cotuhé | 335 | 6,508.8 | 391.4 | |
| Yaguas[aj]}} | 474.9 | 10,863 | 683.2 | |
| Alegría | 731.5 | 49.4 | ||
| Rio del Porveir | 291.5 | 19.7 | ||
| Pupuña | 2,402.1 | 168.1 | ||
| Quebrada Mutún | 100 | 1,046.5 | 58.7 | |
| Igara Paraná | 440 | 12,945 | 810 | |
| Algodón | 749.8 | 8,268 | 454 | |
| Buri Buri | 983.4 | 46.3 | ||
| Esperanza | 557 | 24.6 | ||
| Sabaloyaco | 1,324 | 54.9 | ||
| Ere | 167 | 1,623.4 | 77 | |
| Middle Putumayo | ||||
| Cara-Paraná | 260 | 7,265.9 | 486.6 | |
| Campuya | 370 | 4,422.2 | 292.2 | |
| Curilla | 496.3 | 38.8 | ||
| Penella (Peneya) | 894.3 | 51.1 | ||
| Chicorero (Caucayá) | 1,720.9 | 97.5 | ||
| Quebrada La Paya | 572.3 | 33.2 | ||
| Güeppi | 145 | 1,325.5 | 91.4 | |
| San Miguel | 295 | 5,628.5 | 488.8 | |
| Juanambu | 811.1 | 71.3 | ||
| Cohembi | 543.7 | 45.1 | ||
| Upper Putumayo | ||||
| Guamués[ak] | 140 | 2,164.6 | 254.8 | |
| Acae (Cocaya) | 283.5 | 21.8 | ||
| Orito | 980.7 | 64.4 | ||
| San Juan | 918.6 | 62.6 | ||
| Guineo | 312.5 | 24.6 | ||
Awajun Natives[edit]
"The encounters between the Awajun and the state have been marked by a profound legal and ontological violence. During the first years of the Republic, the Peruvian state fostered the colonisation of the Amazon in order to ‘civilise’ primitive indigenous peoples. For the political elites, the huge extension of land in the Amazon was wasted by native peoples. In 1835, the Minister of Government and External Relations, Luciano Cano, stated in a letter: “Such miserable people possess a vast, rich and productive territory in which the nation might obtain huge advantages” (Larrabure i Correa, 1905; cited by Espinosa: p. 141). In October of 1893 the first Law on Immigration and Colonisation which declared that the state protects and fosters immigration was enacted. This is the beginning of Amazon occupation by settlers who expanded their land on native territory (Romero, 1978). Thus, the ‘rubber boom’ (late 1800s–1915) emerged in a context of lack of legal protection for natives. Jivaro resistance was remarkable during this period in which the indigenous Amazonian population was subject to extreme modes of slavery (ODECOFROC, 2009). According to Varese, 80% of the indigenous population of Putumayo River was killed, and in Madre de Dios many tribes were totally exterminated and others were very close to extinction (Romero, 1978). Many indigenous peoples who today live in voluntary isolation, based their decision on deaths caused by disease and persecution during the rubber boom, events which are still very much alive in their collective memories (Napolitano and Ryan, 2007). In 1904, the Awajun and Wampis sated of caucheros abuses, organised well-planned campaigns to kill them and eliminate all their projects (ITTO, 2007). " -The politics of indigenous self-determination page 130
Brazil[edit]
Refer to Felizardo Cerqueira, the catchizer in 1920s. Also refer to expedition against J.C.A + Carlos Scharff. Mention Acre revolution and Bittencourt conflict + bombing of Manaus.
Cinta Larga affected by rubber prospectors and Massacre at 11th Parallel where 3,500 natives were killed.
Excerpt from Omagua people page
"Infectious disease, slavery and forced labor took their toll on Cambeba population and culture throughout the 18th century. The Cabanagem Revolt (1835–40), in which slave-hunters were killed and plantations burned, led to a resurgence of ethnic identity among indigenous peoples in Brazil,[26][al] however by the 1850s new controls under the Indian Directorate system, plus new forced labor programs set up to further the extraction of rubber, discouraged Cambeba traditions and culture"[am]
Bolivia[edit]
"World demand for rubber, though, proved to be the main driving force for exploring, colonizing and ―conquering‖ the region. The Amazonian rubber boom immersed all Latin American countries with Amazonian territories in an unprecedented boom and bust cycle. Yet, Bolivia‘s rubber boom cannot be understood without analyzing the cinchona boom. Many of the main players of the Bolivian rubber boom and many of its characteristics started with the cinchona boom and, for a few decades, cinchona and rubber co-existed as the main economic activities of the Bolivian Amazon"[100]
" the Bolivian rubber areas never experienced an open rebellion or uprising, with the exception of the Acre rebellion." [101]
Refer to N. Suarez Callau and A. V. Diez, refer to acquisition of rubber estates by Suarez. Tambopata Rubber Syndicate mentioned here or in Peru???? Enganche used in Bolivia as well as Peru.
The colonization process of Amazonian Bolivia began with the cascarilla boom, and was later reinvigorated with the rubber booms onset.[102] Vallve Frederic points out the differences between Bolivia's history during the rubber boom and that of other rubber producing states.
- Populations exploited in Bolivia: Mascho-Piro, Harakmbut, Cashinahua <--- Need source, Araona, Tacana, Toromona, Moxo
- One small rebellion in 1887 mentioned by Vallve, page 351. La Estrella del Oriente ran an article stating "the Indians of San Lorenzo del Sécure had rebelled" They had ambushed a group of thirty men, and only nine of those men survived. This attack was carried out by Moxos natives who swore to "eliminate Trinidad‘s white race." "The uprising lasted for a few months." La Estrella del Oriente claimed that this rebellion had incapacitated trade in the Beni, Madeira and Santa Cruz area. [103] See page 348 for account of Canichana natives joining a "punitive expedition" and hunting down the Moxo rebels.[104] Apparently the government believed military intervention was necessary to end the rebellion, and blamed rubber entrepreneurs like Miguel Suarez for the uprising. "The local authorities gave
Guayocho [rebel leader] and his followers six hundred lashes and then proceeded to shoot them."[105] "In an address to the National Congress, the Conservative President Gregorio Pacheco blamed the rebellion on the rubber barons and their mistreatment of the Moxo." [106]
"The particular environment of the barraca may explain why, despite oppressive working conditions, there were very few organized uprisings during the Bolivian rubber boom. Barracas had a tight hierarchical order that categorized individuals by ethnicity. Most of the workers at the bottom of this order were indigenous peoples. Since barracas accommodated members from many disperse ethnic groups and workers labored isolated from each other, solidarity was difficult. The fact that most of the patrones and mayordomos were white cruceños also facilitated acculturation. Besides, workers did not have access to river transportation and were closely watched by armed guards."
— Frederic Vallve, The impact of the rubber boom on the indigenous peoples of the Bolivian lowlands
" Since the Moxo were among the main victims of the early rubber boom in the Madeira River, and the forced removal of Moxo Indians from their traditional ex-missions was the motivation behind these movements, their analysis is essential to understanding the dynamics of the Bolivian rubber boom. Open Moxo rebellions were quickly repressed and their leaders summarily executed, but the Moxo responded by adopting other strategies. Even though the rubber boom had greatly reduced their population and autonomy, they managed to recreate part of their mission culture in remote settlements away from the rubber areas or their supply routes. Through millenarian movements, the Moxo left, for the first time since Jesuit encounters, their savanna mission towns and became more Amazonian in the remote jungles of the Beni. These strategies were relatively successful, since rubber enterprises were forced to recruit indigenous labor elsewhere in the lowlands. Research on the Moxo also suggests that they carried out multiethnic alliances to better survive their environment"
— Frederic Vallve, The impact of the rubber boom on the indigenous peoples of the Bolivian lowlands
Following a centuries-old tradition, rifleros from Santa Cruz were
used to repress rebellious Indians and they were often paid with Indian laborers and/or property, which increased the violence of mestizo/Indian relations in the Beni. The result of these rebellions was that Indian communities in Moxos gradually lost their autonomy and its members were forced to work as semi-slaved laborers in local haciendas or in the rubber boom. The failure of armed rebellion also led to periodic messianic movements in search of a mythical land, which would have no whites and would recreate mission times. Many indigenous groups abandoned agriculture and interned themselves in the jungle to escape slave raiders and missions. The rubber boom was the final blow of a longestablished process. It "discovered" some groups, acculturated or destroyed others and
displaced most of them.
— Frederic Vallve, The impact of the rubber boom on the indigenous peoples of the Bolivian lowlands
Fitzcarrald[edit]
Source mentions the partnership with Fitzcarrald between Antonio de Vaca Diez, Nicolas Suarez. Formed after he crossed the Isthmus of Fitzcarrald in 1894.[91]
Capelo's source mentions the Fiscarrald, Suarez y C. operating in Iquitos in 1900.[22] Three years after the death of Fitzcarrald.
After the death of Fitzcarrald, Leopoldo Collazos settled between the Sepahua River and tributaries of the Purus River. He was apparently accompanied by 400-500 Kampa, Piro, and Amahuaca people from the Ucayali River.[91] <- Piedraita mentions new routes of communication opened up. Next source, [107] mentions the dispute over who discovered a portage route between Sepahua and Cujar, which was orginally a portage point used by the Piro. According to Gow, "What Carlos Fermín Fitzcarrald 'discovered' was simply the Piro portage point between the Mishahua and Manú rivers...These were standard routes used by Piro people moving between river systems, and are regularly mentioned in the earlier literature."[108]
- The Sepahua portage was apparently in the Urubamba valley while Cujar crossing is in the Purús valley. (see Da Cunha 1995:753–810 and Faura-Geig 1964) [108]
Check Carlos Scharff article mention of Delfin Fitzcarrald's death at the hands of Amahuaca natives during the portage back to Sepahua. [109]
The notable explorer, after presenting to the “infidel” the resources he brought and his small army, where the disparate physiognomies of the tribes he had subjugated were mixed, tried to demonstrate to him the advantages of the alliance that offered him counterpoint to the inconveniences of a disastrous fight. . For the only answer, the mashco asked him about the arrows he was carrying. And Fitzscarrald handed him, smiling, a Winchester capsule. The savage examined it for a long time, absorbed by the smallness of the projectile. He tried in vain to injure himself, rubbing the bullet hard against his chest. Failing to do so, he took one of his arrows; he stabbed it into the other arm, shattering it. He smiled, in turn, indifferent to the pain, contemplating with pride his own gushing blood... and without saying a word he turned his back on the surprised sertanista, returning to his tent with the illusion of a superiority that would soon be entirely undone. . In fact, half an hour later, around a hundred Mashcos, including the recalcitrant and naive chief, lay slaughtered on the bank, whose name, Playa Mashcos, still reminds us of this bloody episode...
— Euclides da Cunha, Os caucheros
https://euclidesite.com.br/obras-de-euclides/a-margem-da-historia/os-caucheros/
Carlos Scharff[edit]
Notability notes for Scharff's header paragraph
- Assumed operational control over Carlos Fitzcarrald's rubber enterprise
- Scharff facilitated rubber exploitation and commercial movement along the upper Purus River and the Madre de Dios river at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Source:Granero & Barclay, 2003 [110]
- Geographic society of Lima claims that he discovered a portage route along the Las Piedras River, connecting the Upper Purus River to the Madre de Dios River, around 1905.
- Used an enslaved indigenous workforce to produce rubber and clear routes through the forest.
- List of exploited tribes should be included in this section or later prose
- Forced the migration of numerous indigenous populations along the area his enterprise was operating at the time. Find source for which populations
- Heavily involved with the 1903-1904 border conflict between Peru and Brazil.
- Possibly include a reference from Da Cunha. Da Cunha stated he was the great land lord of the area he mentions, find source on his article for exact words.
- His own enterprise was worth 1.2 million sterling at one point.
- When he died he was three million dollars in debt.
- Possibly include reference by Bernucci.
- Consulate agent for Belgian for multiple years.
- Further notes
- "worked in the region. The result, according to Tizon Y Bueno, was that the
production increased from 12.5 t in 1902 to 293 t in 1909." [111]
The cauchero is in fact not just a completely new character in History; he is, above all else, antinomic and paradoxical. Even the most detailed ethnographic table has no space for him. At first glance he would seem to represent the common case of a civilized man gone native, in a terrifying backslide in which civilized characteristics are erased by primitive forms of activity. But that would be a mistake. He does not combine the counter-posed states to create a stable, defined activity that might be termed 'hybrid' He merely puts them side-by-side; he does not mixed them together. He is a case of psychic mimetism: a man who pretend to be a savage in order to defeat the savage. He is a gentleman and wild man according to circumstance ... . Or he may go directly from the most refined gallantry to the greatest brutality, leaving in between a captivating smile and impeccable manners, his gleaming knife in hand, he charges, with a bellow, the disobedient cholo who dares to cross him. Savagery is a mask that he puts on and takes off at will.(p. 52)
— Euclides da Cunha, Os caucheros, https://euclidesite.com.br/obras-de-euclides/a-margem-da-historia/os-caucheros/+ translation by[112]
https://euclidesite.com.br/obras-de-euclides/a-margem-da-historia/os-caucheros/
- And the caucheros appear as the most advanced scouts of the sinister catechesis with iron and fire, which is exterminating the most interesting South American aborigines in those very remote hinterlands. - Da Cunha
- Da Cunha provides explanation regarding another factor of the migrations Scharff initiated: "The cauchero is forced to be a nomad devoted to combat, destruction and a wandering or riotous life, because the Castilloa elastica that provides him with the desired rubber, does not allow, like the Brazilian heveas, a stable exploitation, by periodically renewing the vital juice that they take it away."
His first working instruments are the Winchester carbine — the short rifle arranged in the braided branches —, the cutting machete that unlocks the vines, and the portable compass, orienting himself in the jumble of paths. They take them and launch a cautious search of the surroundings. They go in search of the savage that they must fight and exterminate or enslave, so that in the same way they will have complete security in their new job and arms that will support them.
— Euclides da Cunha, Os caucheros
The caucheros park there until the last bit of caucho falls. They arrive, they destroy, they leave. In general, they ask nothing of the land, apart from the meager plantations of yucas and bananas, to which the domesticated Indians dedicate themselves. The only regular, albeit small, agriculture that can be observed in Alto-Purus, beyond the last tents of our rubber tappers, and that of cotton, in the campas villages, which even in this betray the native independence: harvesting, carding, spinning, weaving and painting the cushmas with which they are covered, and descending from their shoulders to their feet, in the shape of long coarse togas. Thus, among the civilized strangers who rush there to injure and kill the man and the tree, parking only for the time necessary for both to become extinct, heading in other directions where they renew the same mishaps, passing like a devastating wave
— Euclides da Cunha, Os caucheros
But this antilogy is understandable. The adventurer goes there with the sole concern of getting rich and returning; return as soon as possible, escaping that melancholic and swampy land that seems to have no strength to support the material weight of a society. Accompanying him, at every juncture of his nervous and hasty activity, is the spectacle of vast cities, where one day he will shine, transforming the black gold of the rubber into sterling. Completely dominated by the incurable nostalgia for the native place, which he left precisely to revisit it, realizing resources that provide him with greater amounts of happiness — he throws himself into the forests: he buries and subdues the savages; resists malaria and fatigue; it agitates, madly, for four, five, six years; accumulates a few hundred thousand soles and suddenly disappears… He appears in Paris. He goes through six months of delirious life in the full splendor of noisy theaters and salons, without being discovered, clashing with the impeccable correctness of his clothes and manners, the slightest trace of professional nomadism. He ruins himself gallantly; and back... Relive the old work: another four or six years of forced labor; new fortune about to be acquired; again eager to return in search of lost fortune, in a stupendous oscillation from shining avenues to solitary forests.
— Euclides da Cunha, Os caucheros
At this point, above all, his irreparable inconstancy emerges. One of them, as we asked him, in Curanja, where he had married the very gentle amahuaca who had been watching him for ten years with the care of an exemplary wife, replied to us, slightly ironically:
— Me la han hecho regalo en Pachitea.
A treat, a gift, a piece of junk that he would abandon at the first opportunity, without care. Reportedly a businessman from that decaying village, which in Lima or Iquitos would be a beautiful model of a peaceful and abstemious bourgeois, there filled with women, he presents his scandalous harem to his friends and to the adventurous stranger, where the interesting Mercedes, with deer eyes, appears. , which cost him a battle against the coronauas and the charming Facunda, with her big, wild and wondering eyes, which cost him a hundred soles. And he narrates criminal trafficking, laughing, absolutely with impunity, and without fear.
There are no laws. Each one carries the penal code in the rifle he has left, and exercises justice as he wishes, without being called to account. On a day in July 1905, when a mixed reconnaissance commission arrived at the last caucheiro village of Purus, all those who made it up, Brazilians and Peruvians, saw a naked and atrociously mutilated body thrown onto the left bank of the river, in a clear space between the frecheiras. It was the corpse of an amahuaca. She had been killed for revenge, it was vaguely explained later. And the incident was no longer discussed — something new and very trivial in the stop, which was disturbed by the people who crossed it and did not populate it, and who passed by, leaving it even sadder with the rubble of the abandoned resorts...
— Euclides da Cunha, Os caucheros
http://ibamendes.org/A%20Margem%20da%20Historia%20-%20Euclides%20da%20Cunha%20-%20IBA%20MENDES.pdf ^ Page 60
Curanja, which was once a prosperous and lively station, is now in complete decline and lifeless, to which the removal of the "caucheiros" currently involved in the extraction of rubber contributes greatly. Those who exist here, like the others up to the headwaters, are entrusted, attached, or dependent on Mr. Carlos Scharf, who is, undeniably, the great land lord of all these places. I don't know if we'll find him in his Alerta shed, standing at the confluence of the Cujar and Curiuja. D. Carlos Scharf has around 400 men under his orders, fewer Peruvians than Hamauaca and Campas Indians, warlike and strong tribes that dominate these forests. Regarding the latter, there are alarming successes. Fearless and strong, the campas are the terror of the "caucheiros" themselves, and as there are many among them, semi-civilized and armed with rifles, this circumstance makes them even more fearsome due to their knowledge of our habits and resources.
— Euclides da Cunha
^June 29, 1905
Estes meios pacíficos, porém, são em geral falíveis. A regra é a caçada impiedosa, à bala. É o lado heroico da empresa: um grupo inapreciável arrojando-se à montaria de uma multidão.
Não se lhe pormenorizam os episódios.
Subordina-se a uma tática invariável: a máxima rapidez do tiro e a máxima temeridade. São garantias certas do triunfo. É incalculável o número de minúsculas batalhas travadas naqueles sertões onde reduzidos grupos bem armados suplantam tribos inteiras, sacrificadas a um tempo pelas suas armas grosseiras e pela afoiteza no arremeterem com as descargas rolantes das carabinas.
— Euclides da Cunha, Os caucheros
Bernadino Perdiz[edit]
"Bernardino Perdiz established his along the lower courses of the same river. In the eastern part, bordering on Brazil, it is known that the Acre River, fairly heavily populated on the Peruvian side, became a commercially significant site, receiving Brazilian and Bolivian motorboats navigating as far as the border settlement at Iñapari, and connecting these places with towns such as Manaos." page 50
"in Manu, another Spaniard Bernardino Perdiz, had extensive lands."[85]
Upper Manu^?
Slavery and Utopia: The Wars and Dreams of an Amazonian World Transformer mentions the detention of six natives in 1915. Two were Conibo men who were accused of killing a station manager that worked for Perdiz, named Miguel Langredo, on the Sepahua River. Another two of these natives were Amahuaca, and they were accused of killing Alejandro Velasco, who owned an estate named Sampaya. The remaining two natives were a Conibo couple that was accused of participating in a series of killings at an estate named Chicosta.[113]
Souza and Vargas[edit]
Pancho Vargas? + Rafael de Souza?
Casa Suarez[edit]
Vaca Diez was operating in the rubber industry as early as 1880. Nicolas Suarez was officially operating in the rubber industry as early as 1881.[114] Braillard & Claussen & Co by 1882 Salvatierra & Krauss 1892[114]
Nicolas Suarez was the main creditor and financial enabler for Antonio de Vaca Diez, and after the river accident in 1897, Suarez was granted the power of attorney on the behalf of Vaca Diez's widow. Nicolas became the Orton (Bolivia) Rubber Company's representative in London, and after the firm declared bankruptcy he was granted their assets. The company's other creditors received nothing from the affair.[115]
Suarez financed Antonio's voyages to Europe through credit[116], and Antonio continued to borrow further while in London. Vallve cites one witness account that stated Vaca Diez "borrowed £340,500 in London"[117] After Vaca Diez's death, the Riberalta Press reported that his company owed the huge sum of £585,000 to Nicolas Suarez.[116]
These assets include: "By this, Suárez Hermanos gained siringales in the Beni, Orton and Tahuamanu Rivers, 200 square leagues (1,000 square km) of vacant land, three steam launches, 250 workers, a yearly production of 7,000 arrobas (80,500 kg), of fine Pará rubber, which yielded £35,000 per year, 150,000 bolivianos of various merchandise, unknown numbers of cattle estancias, shipyards in Barraca La Florida, a house, and so forth. Bolivian courts dismissed the obvious accusations of conflict of interest, since Nicolás Suárez was, at once, creditor, representative and had power of attorney."[118]
"In 1898, for example, the Orton Company advertised that, besides its siringales, it had carpentry, blacksmith and tin workshops, a general machine shop, dock-yards and an armory, steam machinery and steamboats, print shops in Ortón and Trinidad, its own estancias and it bought and sold cattle, horses and mules. Besides, it sold imported goods in stores in Ortón, Villa Bella, Trinidad, Riberalta, Reyes, Puerto Rico (in present-day Pando), and Iquitos. It also bought and sold local goods and bought fine rubber and sernambí. Its financial services included bank drafts drawn from banks in London, New York, Paris, Hamburg, Pará, La Paz, Cochabamba and Santa Cruz. It also sold weapons, munitions and offered credit, and merchandise for the exploitation of rubber."[119]
Suarez was also able to recruit "large numbers of Fitzcarrald‘s Peruvian labor force" after the 1897 river accident. The exact number is unknown however Fitzcarrald "had placed an unspecified number of Peruvian mozos under the orders of the Bolivian mayordomo Zoilo Mercado."[120] Presumably this Bolivian, Zoilo Mercado "partnered" with Suarez and therefore aligned his workers with Nicolas's enterprise.
By the turn of the century, the Suarez enterprise was emerging as the dominant rubber firm in its area of operation.[121]
In 1902 the London office of the Suarez Hermanos announced that they owned £214,696 worth of assets and their liabilities were stated to be £128,552. According to Vallve Frederic, [who cites "'Estado de la Casa Suárez' in La Gaceta del Norte (Riberalta), 10 Jan. 1902, n°108" , I have no access to the source he cites.] most of those liabilities were advances of credit operating through the 'habilito' system, which is extremely similar to 'enganche por deudas'.[122] [If not the exact same system.]
There was a Peruvian excursion against the Suarez estates on the upper Madre De Dios area in 1902 which was repelled by "Bolivian irregulars" that travelled along one of the Suarez steamships.[123] See Lizzie Hessel P142
- Peruvian excursions since the beginning of the first Acre revolution mentioned by Vallve Frederic.[123]
"Conflicts with Peru continued until a settlement was reached in 1912. After the settlement, many of Suárez‘s barracas were located within Peruvian territory, so Peruvian rubber companies compensated the Casa Suárez with £4000."[123]
-Nicolas Suarez led the Porvenir column during the Acre revolution. LIZZIE HESSEL PAGE 142-143 MENTIONS SUAREZ + PORVENIR DURING CONFLICT.
From Bolivia, Nicolás Suárez was able to take advantage of his partnership with Fitzcarrald to claim rights to much of the Peruvian territory of the Madre de Dios and began raids towards the Inambari River, where his employees They killed many men and paid between 200 and 400 soles for each surviving individual of the Ese Eja, Iñapari and Harakbut Arasaeri who was captured, to take them to Bolivia to work in its rubber fields (Villalta, 1904a:6). https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00X2CB.pdf PAGE 138
"I was the owner of weapons and munitions and supplies that the campaign needed, I was the patrón of most of the men that had enlisted in the Columna Porvernir […] everything would have turned out differently had I just stayed in my hammock waiting for the development of events." - Nicolas Suarez [124]
"The total costs were 20,777.83 bolivianos for the maintenance of the Columna Porvenir, this included 8,402.68 bolivianos for privates and 2,157.03 for fregueses. Other costs included destroyed chacos, stolen merchandise, and burned houses, anticipos to Brazilian fregueses who are now with the enemy and 5,000 arrobas of stolen rubber, totaling £70,000"[125]
"In 1907, the National Delegate presented a report about the Acre campaign. " Suarez is reported to have given a donation of "4 Winchester rifles, 4000 bullets and supplies worth 2,023.00" presumably Bolivianos. Nicolas also offered the government a discount of %50 for purchasing boats from the Suarez and Orton Bolivian company's fleet. [126]
Maximo and Baldimero Rodriguez[edit]
^Fought with Suarez over the Tahuamanu River.
[127] My opinion, I could not find any information on the "Rodrigo" brothers, does this refer to the Rodriguez brothers??? Rodriguez was on the Tahuamanu River of the Madre de Dios.
"practically agents of arana" referring to Baldimero and Carlos Scharff on the Purus and Madre de Dios.[128]
"The rubber tappers Spaniards Máximo Rodríguez and Mario Valdez in the rivers of north filled the void of the Iñapari escape with hand of Shipibo and Kichwa Runa work brought from the basins of the Ucayali, Napo and Putumayo, far from Madre de Dios (Rumenhöller, 2003a, 2003b and in the present book)."
https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00X2CB.pdf ^ P140 Same source and page provides a table detailing the distribution of land among rubber firms in the Madre de Dios.
"The crisis in the rubber economy intensified in 1914, but Bernardino Perdiz was able to maintain his farm in the Manu until 1921 when he closed it" page 149 ibid. ^^
Inca Rubber Company[edit]
[130] p513-529
- 377–397
"The Peruvian government gifted the company 640,000 acres for building an 80 mile trail, completed in 1906, between Cusco and Juliaca linking the Tambopata River to the region and attracting commercial attention (Fawcett 1911; Gray 1996; Greer 1986; Wright 1908)."
Santo Domingo gold mine was located near the upper inambari river
“ During rubber extraction times, beginning in 1906, overland transportation be- tween the Madre de Dios Basin and the rest of Peru was by mule trail, built by the US-based Inca Mining Company /Inca Rubber Company under Government concession. That company had begun gold mining operations on the upper Inam- bari River in 1880 and went into rubber tapping farther north later on. That trail went from a railroad stop at Tirapata in highland Puno to the head of navigation on the Tambopata River at a point called Astillero, which is now on the boundary between Madre de Dios and Puno departments.”
DEFORESTATION IN MADE DE DIOS, ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR FIRST PEOPLES page 204
Further information on Peruvian Amazon Company characters[edit]
"The practices are completely proved. Not only the slaughter of the Indians during expeditions to enslave the natives of the Putumayo under pretext of civilising them and obtaining their services as labourers for the employers of that region on behalf of the companies Larranga, Arana, & Co., and the Peruvian Amazon Company, these employers being known as 'Jefes de Seccion' (Chiefs of Sections), and representing these companies on the Putumayo, is proved, but numerous other murders, not mere slaying, but under pretended cover of the law, by the lash, firearms, machetes, the stocks, starvation, and even by burning alive. These murders have not been commmitted through necessity or in personal defence, but simply to satisfy the criminal instincts and the most sordid avarice. All this has been completely verified, and, further that the employers delighted to violate native girls of eight years of age, many of whom died in consequence of their treatment. Pregnant women have been cut to pieces with machetes and shot, and thousands of Indians have been beaten, and the argument put forward in defence of all these crimes is that they have been committed legally. Corpses of Indians who have been assassinated and thousands of Indians who bear marks of the lash have been found in proof of these statements, and the statements of civilized men support the evidence of the natives."[132] Paredes
"Majority of crimes, such as reputed acts of cruelty and also barbarous massacres, committed prior to 1907, more especially in 1901 and 1905, by Colombians and Peruvians."[133]
Augusto Jiménez | |
|---|---|
 Photograph of Augusto Jiménez c. 1915 | |
| Born | Augusto Jiménez Seminario X X |
| Died | After 1928 X |
| Nationality | Peruvian |
| Occupation | Peruvian Amazon Company manager |
c. 1912
Pablo Zumaeta | |
|---|---|
 Photograph of Pablo Zumaeta c. 1915 | |
| Mayor of Iquitos | |
| In office 1912–1912 | |
| In office 1914–1914 | |
| In office 1922–1923 | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Pablo Zumaeta Noriegea 1868 |
| Died | 19 June 1928 (aged 59–60) Iquitos, Peru |
Victor Macedo | |
|---|---|
 Photograph of Victor Macedo c. 1915 | |
| Born | Victor Macedo X X |
| Died | After 1913 X |
| Nationality | Peruvian |
| Occupation | General manager for the Peruvian Amazon Company |
Abel Alarco | |
|---|---|
 Photograph of Abel Alarco c. 1915 | |
| Born | Abel Alarco X X |
| Died | After 1913 X |
| Nationality | Peruvian |
| Occupation(s) | Rubber baron, director of the Peruvian Amazon Company |
Adolfo Gibbs | |
|---|---|
 Photograph of Adolfo Gibbs c. 1907 | |
| Born | Adolphus Gibbs 1886~ X |
| Died | After 1913 X |
| Nationality | Barbadian |
| Occupation | Agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company between 1904-1910 |
Carlos Scharff | |
|---|---|
 Photograph of Carlos Scharff c. 1905 | |
| Born | Carlos Scharff X X |
| Died | Disputed, either 1908,1909, or 1918 Las Piedras, Peru |
| Nationality | Peruvian?, German descent |
| Occupation | Rubber baron |
Putumayo genocide prior to PAC[edit]
"Before the white man came, if these people can be called white men, the Indians between the Putumayo and Japura must have been among the most numerous and most desirable of the Indians of the whole Amazon valley. The reasons for this one can only guess at, so little is still known of the region. I have a theory which will be developed later on when I come to deal more closely with the Indians and their customs. Of the fact of their recent numbers there is no question. It was up the Japura the Portuguese slave raiding gangs chief came. Lt Maw, in 1827, noted this when at Egga. This raiding for men, or rather boys and girls of the Indians, has been going on for over 100 years, and up to recent years by the Brazilians or Portuguese.[134] "It was up this stream [Cahuinari] that the Portuguese and Brazilian slaving bands chiefly came, Tizon says."[134]
- Reyes Hermanos - Claims to have abolished slavery and to have fought slave traders in the Putumayo region.[135] They controlled navigation of the river between 1874-1884. Reyes owned the steamships Tundama, Apihi, Larroque, and Colombia.[135] A Peruvian named Benavides submitted a proposal to the government of Brazil in 1892, with the intention of acquiring the Reyes concession on the Putumayo and resuming commercial operations. After Benavides's death, the concession passed onto a Colombian nmaed Manuel Velez Uribe. He made six journeys to the Putumayo, two in 1899, three in 1900 and the sixth was in 1901. See footnote on History of the Peruvian Amazon Company, Uribe was attacked by a Peruvian force, and Thomson emphasized this established the precedence for Arana's business practice.[136]
- Cabrera & Cuellar Company - Owned Nueva Granada[137]
- Ordonez & Martinez Company - Had a business relationship with Crisostomo Hernandez?[138] Rocha stated he arrived at an agency called Garaparana, which was owned by Ordonez & Martinez, and Antonio Ordonez resided there. There was also a house built on a hill which was the residence of Crisostomo Hernandez.[138]
-^
- Urbano Gutierrez - 1906 expedition to the Caqueta was sent from Florencia, in the Colombian department of Tolima.[139] One of the most notable victims of the 1903 massacre of Colombians was an Emilio Gutierrez[140], likely related to the Urbano Gutierrez firm. [141] <- Source also mentions Urbano Gutierrez and Tolima department. | The way the massacre is described to Casement insinuates that there was only one attack against the Colombians. I believe Rocha clarifies there was at least three separate attacks around the same time against the Colombians around this time. See [142] for Casement's documentation of the event, relayed to him by Andres O'Donnell. "they 'had a repugnance to eating white men, whom they hated too much.'"[143] <- 152 details some of the reprisal made against the natives due to this incident, including raids by the Colombian Sanchez and Bolivian Normand.
- !!![144] Rafael Uribe Uribe [I believe he's a Colombian] claimed that Emilio Gutierrez and sixty-six of his companions were murdered over the course of a month by the agency of La Chorrera, which belonged to Larranaga, Arana & C.. The merchandize and rubber at the attacked stations were looted, afterwards the settlements were burned down.[144] Uribe's claim was based on a complaint filed to the Colombian courts by a cauchero named Aurelio Gasca.[144] Joaquin Rocha mentions that Gasca was a businessman at Tres Equinas.[145] Uribe also claimed that Benjamin Larranaga died from symptoms of arsenic poisoning shortly after the attacks on Gutierrez. Larranaga had raised complaints in opposition of Arana's business methods against his competitors, and his conquest of territory in the area.[144]
- Uribe's information declares that Rafael Larranaga was separated from his father for a time, and then called back to La Chorrera when Benjamin was near death. Rafael was informed that his father was dying from "alcoholic cerebal congestion" which was a claim reinforced by Eugene Robuchon, a French explorer who had pharmaceutical experience. A justice in Iquitos recognized Rafael as the successor to his fathers estate however he separated from the Arana firm, along with Jacob Barchillon. Juan B. Vega offered them an "insignificant sum" for their rights to property in the Putumayo.[144]
"The motto of the Arana House is that whoever does not serve him blindly hinders him and consequently he fires him or eliminates him. Say so, if not, the aforementioned French pharmacist, complicit in the poisoning of Benjamin Larranaga. It is said that he disappeared among the Putumayo Indians. The truth is that he is no longer part of the living. He probably committed suicide."[146]
- Larranaga family - Entered the Putumayo region during the early 1880s. Possibly earlier. Benjamin Larranaga [1851-1903[44]] died from arsenic poisoning in December of 1903 and his son Rafael was imprisoned afterwards before being forced to sell his share of La Chorrera.[45] Benjamin Larranaga is credited as the founder of La Chorrera.[44] Casement's information stated that Benjamin was part of Rafael Reye's original expedition to the Putumayo in the 1870s. Benjamin accumulated debts[44], and he eventually had to make Jacob Barchilon a business partner. See imagenes e suceso page 86. That page also gives a history of Larranagas settlement + expansion of La Chorrera. They initially sold rubber to Brazilians on the lower Putumayo.| "one of the pioneers of the Putumayo rubber business"[147] Gregorio Calderon sold his property around the same time as the Larranagas.[147]
- La Florida was owned by Calderon, Arana y Compania prior to 1904.[148]
- Paredes's information claims that in 1895 Benjamin Larranaga, his son Rafael, along with Angel Enriquez, Ildefonso Gonzales, Gregorio Calderon, and two other people landed at Puerto de los Monos, on the Caqueta River. They travelled down the Igara Paraná River and had contact with natives of the Uramas nation at the location of Ultimo Retiro. Another expedition was sent down the Igara Paraná River, with Benjamin Larranaga, Rafael, Angel Enriquez and Ildefonso Gonzalez. "They passed through places where there were houses of
Indians and reserved to conquer them later." This group proceeded down the river until they were obstructed by a waterfall, which would later become known as La Chorrera. Larranaga sent a message for some of his workers at Ultimo Retiro to travel down to the point of the waterfall in order to establish a settlement.
Imagenes e sucesos p86-87
Part 1 of the Paredes Report contains Paredes's account of the Larranaga campaign from the Caqueta into the Igara Parana area. Casement notes that Paredes emphasized that these Colombians were "invaders of the national soil", and that Arana entered the region to trade with them.[150] | Casement dates the arrival of Benjamin's expedition to 1886 where as Paredes information it is stated to have occurred in 1895.[150]
First contact between Arana and the caucheros in the Putumayo region was in 1896 when the steamship Galvez, captained by Lizardo Arana, travelled down the Caraparana River and bought 6 tons of rubbers.[150] - P 87 imagenes e sucesos0
"From this first visit The Aranas set to work first to trade with the Colombians, then to purchase their interest in the region and to 'buy the tribes of Indians they had conquered,' and finally to conduct, as the avowed agents of Peruvian aggrandisement, a regular campaign against 'these bad people,' and thus successfully to 'nationalise a territory that had been almost lost through foreign aggression.'[151]
Natives of the Aymenes nation began to extract rubber for the Larranaga's at La Chorrera.
-Note that the Aymenes nation only appears in the literature of El Proceso, and it seems that these mentions date to >1903. This nation may be extinct.
imagenes e sucesos p85
"The first Colombian invasion of the Putumayo regions took place, I am informed, in the early 'eighties, some of my informants stated about 1886. The earliest of these 'conquistadores' were Crisostomo Hernandez and Benjamin Larranaga, who entered the region in search of the inferior kind of rubber there produced known as 'sernambi' or 'jebe debil' (weak fine rubber). The banks of these two rivers and the whole of the region inhabited by the Huitotos, the Andokes, and the Boras Indians area fairly well stocked with trees that furnish the milk out of which the inferior rubber is elaborated. The Putumayo Indians merely gashed the tree with a knife or machete, and catching the milk as it exudes in little baskets made of leafs they wash it in their steams of running water and pound it with wooden pestles into long sausage-shaped rolls, termed in Peruvian rubber parlance 'chorizos,' which ultimately are placed upon the market just as the Indian carries them in to whoever may be locally exploiting him and his neighborhood. That these wild Indians welcomed the coming into their country of Hernandez, LArranaga, and the other Colombians who succeeded these earliest of the modern 'conquistadores,' it would be absurd to assert. They were doubtless glad to get machetes,, powder, and caps for the few trade guns they possessed, with the prospect even of acquiring more of these priceless weapons themselves, along with such trifles as beads, mirrors, tin bowls, basins, fish-hooks, and tempting tins of sardines or potted meats - all of them articles of little intrinsic value, but of very attractive character to the Indian dwelling in so inaccessible a region. Had any form of administrative authority accompanied the early settlers or searchers for Indians, as the should rightly be termed, their relations with these wild inhabitants of the forest might have been controlled and direct to some mutually useful end. But the 'caucheros' came as fillibusters, not as civilisers, and were unaccompanied by an executive officers representing a civilised control. The region was practically a no-mans land, lying remote from any restraining authority or civilising influence, and figuring on maps of South America as claimed by three separate republics.[152][153]
- Rafael Tobar, a Colombian who settled in the Caqueta, "where he dedicated himself boldly to the reduction of the Indians that populate that territory."[154] Tobar was arrested by agents of Arana's firm and taken to the prison of Iquitos. Tobar, along with his business partners, were given an option to either sign a document drafted by Casa Arana and sell his property, or he could die in prison. This contract also stipulated that Tobar could not return to the Putumayo, and after this ordeal he went to the Vaupes River to begin his reduction other indigenous peoples in that area.[154][ao]
- Cecilio Plata - Plata originally arrived in the Caqueta area with Tobar, and at some point they became business partners. On an unspecified date, Plata and Tobar arrived at La Chorrera, then managed by Jacob Barchillon, Larranaga y Arana C.. Plata and Tobar were incarcerated, and sent to the prison of Iquitos. Plata was released from prison after signing the same document as Tobar, and - July of 1901 the steamship Putumayo arrived at Iquitos with Cecilio Plata Rojas, Rafael Tovar Cabrera, Juan de Jesus Cabrera and Aquileo Torres.[53][ap]
"his partner had explained it to him, that in order to get out of prison it was necessary to give up returning to Putumayo, that is, to his land, to continue Colombianizing the numerous Indians he dominated and whom he had already taught to produce, the elastic band. This was needed by the House of Arana for itself and to leave a good return for the Customs of Iquitos, which would not happen if Plata and his partners continued to govern the tribes..."[155] Plata was released from prison after signing the same document as Tobar, and afterwards he went to Manaus, then to the confluence of the Apoporis and Caqueta Rivers, where he settled.[aq] Newspapers in Manaus later claimed that Plata had been murdered by natives in the Caqueta. After this, two steamships from Arana's rubber firm travelled from Manaus and up the Caqueta River to Apoporis to occupy Plata's estate. Rafael Uribe Uribe, author of Las crueldades en el Putumayo y el Caqueta believed that Arana's firm had organized the killing of Plata in order to continue their conquest of the Caqueta.[155]
"Cecilio Plata and his employees were murdered on the banks of the Caquetá for having dared to enter into relations with the Indians of that region, who were afterwards enslaved by the criminal syndicate."[21]
- [156] - Recounts the murders of Camilo Gutierrez, Roberto Gutierrez and sixteen of his companions, reported by Jesus Antonio Gutierrez. This deposition claims that Camilo Gutierrez had a claim on a large sum of money owed by Arana's firm to Francisco Gutierrez, because Camilo was appointed as the latter's heir. The deponent stated that this became an incentivizing factor to dispose of Camilo. While Camilo was travelling on a boat with several Peruvians, he was betrayed and "chained with heavy irons and thrown into the bottom of the river." Prior to the killing of Camilo, Roberto Gutierrez along with sixteen of his companions were incarcerated by a group of Peruvians, and executed after being tied to trees.[156]
- Hardenburg deponent stated that on February 1908, Amadeo Burga arrived with eight Peruvian soldiers at an outpost belonging to Ildefonso Gonzales. Burga threatened the deponent[av] and stated that if Burga caught him elsewhere on the Napo River, then Burga would kill him.[157]
Deponent afterwards learned that on the Tamboryacu River, Burga, along with his soldiers, ordered Matias Perez to congregate all of his workers to inform them that they were now under the employment of Arana's firm. Burga then told Perez that if he did not sell his estate for twenty pounds, then Burga would kill him.[157] Burga also "forcibly took possession" of one of Gonzalez's daughters at the Torres estate (El Pensamiento) Muriedas claims that Ildefonzo Gonzales was murdered during the journey to transfer his peons to the Tamboryacu River.[158]
- 20 pounds for an estate worth 300 pounds [159]
^ Julio F. Muriedas is the deponent. Statement signed by Fortunato M. Pizarro.
- Source corroborates that Perez's estate was seized prior to El Pensaimento affair.[159] Burga had Perez's house surrounded by the soldiers, before entering the house with a carbine in hand. Burga ordered Perez to organize his natives, before Burga marched them away to Pensamiento.[159] Pensamiento also known as Triunfo was managed by the Torres brothers, and it came into their possession through the will of Aparico Munoz. Burga arrived on the warship Requena with government soldiers. Burga stated that he arrived at Pensamiento to witness the transfer of this estate from Torres to a man named O'Donnell, who was employed by Arana's firm. According to R. Torres, Burga seized the estate, as well as the personal belongings on the estate, by "violent possession." The Torres deponent was disarmed and Burga threatened him to leave or he would be sent to Iquitos in chains.[160]
- Matias Perez - "This Matias Perez had been a settler there [Tamboryacu] for fourteen years and possessed an establishment and several peons, obtained from one of the conquistadores of that river." -Julio Muriedas.[157]
Casa Larranaga[edit]
The topic of cannibalism[edit]
"Lieutenant Maw, declares that when he passed Egga, a Brazilian settlement on the middle Amazon in 1827 he found a pen of Indian captives awaiting their doom. Those people were kindly treated, were even well fed, strange it may seem, and according to Lieutenant Maw had little fear of the approaching death. The one singled out for execution was killed by a poisoned arrow from a blow-pipe, the effect of which is well-nigh instantaneous and so stupefying that death comes unaccompanied by great pain, Lieutenant Maw believed that the practice of eating their fellow man had been forced upon the Indians by Portugese and Brazilian free-booters, who in hunting them for slaves had driven them away from their natural resorts where food was more easily obtained to hide in the depths of the forest where preying upon each other became to some extent a law of life."[161]
See pages 136-137 of Casement 2003 for account of cannibalism by Rocuhon. Was this account published with El Putumayo y sus Affluentes? Angus Mithcell wrote "It was also rumored that what purproted to be his [Robuchon's] diary was in fact mainly concocted and forged."[161] Robuchon's book, which was posthumously published, was edited by Carlos Rey de Castro.[161][162][163]
On Arana himself[edit]
Moved his family to Biarritz in 1907, find source in Goodman Article should mention his general managers, Loayza and Macedo, earlier in the prose En el Putumayo y sus affluentes mentions assets in the Purus and Sepahua, possibly Madre de dios, check to confirm Casement 2003 stated Arana was going to the Madre de Dios to collect on debts [that may have amounted to l/b 200,000] find page moved to europe around 1913 el proceso has information on arana's arrest warrant and those of his subordinates red book has some history on rise of arana
===Elias Andrade
https://revistas.udea.edu.co/index.php/boletin/article/view/331940/20803532
^ "The rubber tapper who has been most referenced for this subregion is the “Ecuadorian” or “Peruvian” merchant Elías Andrade, 15 who by the end of the 19th century is called the “King of Napo” ( Domínguez and Gómez 1990 , 1994). Andrade had managed to establish black rubber collection posts between Aguarico, Lagartococha and Putumayo, and trade routes between Napo and Iquitos, exporting the rubber under the Peruvian flag to the port of Iquitos in Peru (cit. in Vicuña, 1993 ). However, in these investigations it is not possible to establish the development of the activities carried out by Andrade."
.[edit]
=History of the Peruvian Amazon Company[edit]
Important incidents
- 1900 Peruvian war launch entered the Putumayo River and a customs house as well as a River Commissionership was established at Cotuhé.[164][aw] The war ship was named the Cahuapanas[166]
- February 11, 1901, a Peruvian force established at Cothue fired upon a tug-boat named Victoria, which was owned by a Colombian named Manuel Velez Uribe.[167] See footnote.{{efn|This was Uribe's sixth journey to the Putumayo, and his ship was travelling under a Brazilian flag. Thomson notes that "not only was it the first deliberate attempt on the part of the Peruvian authorities at usurpation of the Putumayo region which formerly had been under the exclusive jurisdiction of Colombia, but it enabled the foundations of the firm if Arana Brothers to be laid, and its agents to commit under Peruvian administration the terrible atrocities with which we are now familiar."[167]
- 1903 massacres of Ocainas and Huitotos at La Chorrera
- 1905 uprising at Ultimo Retiro
- 1906 raid against Urbano Gutierrez on the Caqueta
- 1908 attacks on the Caraparana
- [168] PAC reports small-pox epidemic occurred at the beginning of 1909.
- Katenere's rebellion
- Atenas rebellion
Roughly 1,000 employees by 1907.[169]
"The waters of the Putumayo silently dragging along in their current the corpses of David Serrano, the owner of "La Reserva." or Ordonez and Prieto owners of La Union, of L. Melo Pulido, Juan Escobar, Rafael Cano, Fernando Rumaya, Felix Lemos, Vicente and Francisco Ramirez, Ramon Castro, Luis Jaramillo, Juan Anocana, Benjamin Munoz, Abelardo Rivera, Manuel Herazo, and a thousand more civilized Colombians, owners of undertakings...[170]
^I've heard of the Munoz name but none of the others except for owners of Reserva + Union.
"David Brown says there are heaps of Huitoto slaves here in Iquitos - any number, and they are sold."[78]
- SEE P706 OF CASEMENT 1911 FOR PAREDES ESTIMATION OF VICTIMS, NEXT PAGE MENTIONS FLOGGING + 1903 MASSACRE AT CHORRERA
See P699-700 of Casement 1911 for five massacres singled out by Paredes
"I think Julio Arana may claim the individual merit of having established and run for several years the biggest slave and murder pen in the world. The quantity of rubber for the six years up to the 31 December 1i1o it is seen from the foregoing figures amounted to 2,947,802 tons (₤966,00) and during those six years fully 9000 Indians have been done to death by torture, flogging, burning and murder."[171]
- "Those men were murderers and torturers by profession - as their crimes swelled so should their fortunes. Whole tribes were handed over to them by a lawless syndicate which had no title-deed to one yard of land or one sapling rubber tree, and they were supplied with the armaments necessary to reduce these people to a terrified obedience and given a wholesale interest in the terror."[172]
- Colombians blamed for the atrocities occurring in the Putumayo. Specifically Arana did this to shareholders, "by inference largely." According to Casement the Prefect of Loreto in Iquitos had openly blamed the Colombians. On multiple occasions in Casement's Amazon Journal Juan A. Tizon also blames the Colombians for the crimes. [149]
- "detailed descriptions of floggings of this kind were again and again made to me by men who had been employed in the work. Indians were flogged not only for shortage in rubber, but still more grievously if they darted to run away from their houses, and by flight to a distant region, to escape altogether from the tasks aid upon them. Such flight as this was counted a capital offence, and the fugitives, if captured, were often tortured and put to death as brutally flogged."[173]
India Rubber Journal gives the following numbers for the Peruvian Amazon Company shareholders as of December 30th, 1910[174]
- Julio Arana - 98,501 shares
- Abel Alarco - 50,000 shares
- Lizardo Arana - 50,000 shares
- Arana & Co. - 409,973 shares
- Thomas F. Medina - 40,000 shares
- Pablo Zumaeta - 50,000 shares
"YIELD OF INDIA-RUBBER FROM THE PUTUMAYO INDIANS, SHIPPED TO ENGLAND THROUGH THE IQUITOS CUSTOM-HOUSE.
1900 15,863 kilogs
1901 54.180
1902 123,210
1903 201,656
1904 343,499
1905 470,592
1906 644,897
1907 627,661
1908 489.016
1909 398,723
1910 316,913
1911 95,448 (up to the 30th June)"
[175]
"Total in eleven years 3.686.210 + 236.500 - 3.922.500"[176]
"The following table is compiled from official sources (the Iquitos customs house) up to the 30th June last, while the other figures are derived from private sources that I [Casement] know to be reliable.
Reciepts of Rubber from the Putumayo During the year 1911 :
From January 1 to June 30 1911 - Shipped through the Iquitos custom house 95,448 Kilos Otherwise disposed of Sold by P. Zumaeta to Barcia Hermanos 40 tons Lost in sinking of steam-ship Asturiana 35 tons Now brought to Iqutios in Government chartered launch Beatriz 41 tons Now brought to Iquitos by the Arana steam-ship Liberal 25 tons Quantity since June 30 last 141 tons Total amount of India rubber delivered in 1911 from the labour of the Putumayo Indians 236.5 tons
Asturiana belonged to the Barcia Hermanos.[177] The Asturiana was supposed to transport another 80 tons of rubber.[177] That firm is included in the list above^
"The Beatriz was for the time being a Government vessel, chartered at a considerable cost from a trading firm here. It brought back from the Putumayo in addition to the government military passengers forty-one tons of rubber the property of the Arana firm and several agents of the company. No freight has been charged by the government for the conveyance of this large and valuable consignment. Mr Cazes, the owner of the vessel says that this is in accordance with an agreement that has been in existence for years between the Peruvian government and the Arana company.[ax] All the Peruvian soldiers and officers and such stores etc. as were sent for their use conveyed by the vessels of the Peruvian Amazon Company were carried to and from Iquitos and the Putumayo free of charge. Not only was this the case, but the detachments there were lodged and fed very largely at the Company's expense..."[178][ay]
CARLOS ZUBIAUR WAS THE CAPTAIN OF THE BEATRIZ IN 1910[179]!! In 1908 he was captain of the Liberal steamship.[180] The Cosmopolita steamship was owned by Arana's company as early as 1907, documented in PAC prospectus. A. Cabrejos was the captain at the time. [181] Cosmopolita mentioned by Hardenburg. The ship stopped at Chorrera while Liberal was on the expedition against Colombian settlers.[182] Cosmopolita later arrived at the location of the Liberal, which Hardenburg was a prisoner on at the time, and both ships travelled to Iquitos, arriving on Feburary 1st, 1908.[183] The Liberal had rubber collected from El Encanto, collected from PAC slave labor, and rubber collected from the Colombian settlements which were raided.[184] According to Tizon the station had been operating as a "dead loss for some time." The commissions for Normand and Macedo, as well as the expenditure for the station's necessities, including the salary for employees, ate up all of the station's potential profits. Apparently, at Matanzas, Normand had the largest staff in comparison to the company's other stations.[185]
When Arana was interviewed before Parliament in 19(11?), regarding his dismissal of Sanchez he stated "I understood he was a man of bad moral character. He drank very much - he got drunk and induced others to gamble." Regarding Normand, Arana stated "To-day I am convinced that he did not act in the right. Normand was previously considered a straight man, but now I am convinced that many times he acted in his own interest. On other occasions he has also acted badly and abused his post."[186]
Arana stated that he did not know Normand was received such a large commission (%20 of all rubber brought into Matanzas)[187]
Q: "There were two other reasons why your company came to the ground, one of which you complained about in one of your letter. Seven employees were dismissed, including Normand?" Arana - A: "Yes" Q: "I understand that Normand had about £1,600 of his money in your company which he drew out? A: "Yes" Q: "The others drew out money?" A: "Yes" Q: "How much" A: "I was never able to trace the total amount, but it was a good sum." Q: "Some thousands?" A: "Some thousands." Q: "£10,000 or £20,000?" A: "I do not think it was £20,000 but I should think it would be £10,000"
1908 Incident with Colombia[edit]
^Occurred on the Caraparana River at the beginning of 1908.[189]
- Peruvian-Colombian border conflict of 1908
- Peruvian-Colombian raids of 1908
- Caraparana raids of 1908
- 1908 raids on the Caraparana River
"It is well understood that, Loayza, the agent at El Encanto, upon giving the alarm, merely carried out a cut-and-dried plan, for desirous of seconding the ambitions of their patrones to be the sole and exclusive owners and masters of all these vast selvas..."[190]
- MAY HAVE BEEN INCENTIVIZED BY COLOMBIAN PORTAGE ROUTES TO NAPO RIVER : SERRANO ALONG WITH ORDONEZ Y MARTINEZ MANAGED A ROUTE THAT CONNECTED JOSA AND REMOLINO ON THE PUTUMAYO TO THE NAPO RIVER AND THEREFORE IQUITOS.[191] THE PENSAMIENTO AFFAIR FOLLOWED THIS IN MAY OF 1908, THAT WAS THE SEIZURE OF ANOTHER PORTAGE ROUTE TO NAPO RIVER - ORIGINALLY OWNED BY COLOMBIANS
Varadero / portage route connected La Union with La Reserva.[192]
-"I asked López if it were not possible to avoid passing through that region and cross over by some varadero[89] to the River Napo, as his partner had done. He replied that there were several varaderos we could take, the best one being near an establishment known as Remolino—some five-days journey down the river—which belonged to the Colombian company of Ordoñez and Martínez."[193]
- Gabriel Martinez was established on the banks of the Yubineto river, along with around forty Colombian caucheros. Martinez had recently began engaging in contact with natives of the Sabuas nation and Martinez managed to get fifty of them to extract rubber for him. La Felpa's information claimed that Loayza sent a message to his companies office in Iquitos with a warning that a "large force of Colombians, well armed and uniformed and under the command of two generals, was coming down the Upper Caqueta, declaring that they were going to take possession of El Encanto and La Chorrera. He also added that this force, composed of some 300 or 400 men, was bringing a cannon." This information reached government officials in Iquitos, and 85 soldiers from the garrison of Iquitos was dispatched to the Putumayo under the command of Juan Pollack, Arce Benavides, Lieutenant Risco and other soldiers. Bartolome Zumaeta, on December 13 of 1907 embarked the Callao steamship with fourteen soldiers and travelled to the Yubineto river to capture Martinez. Zumaeta's group claimed that the natives that Martinez had contact with "belonged" to Arana's firm. Martinez and his men were then taken to El Encanto.[194]
^ In response, Colombian comisario Orjuela went to La Union[194] to meet with Loayza.
https://www.google.com/books/edition/Cuesti%C3%B3n_peruana/MT13AAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=benavides
- Last Colombian patrons on the Caraparana River by 1907 were Serrano, Gonzalez, as well as Ordoñez and Martinez.[195]0
- Gabriel Martinez was Colombian inspector of the Putumayo police.[196] <- Taken prisoner onboard the Callao, which had 11 Peruvian soldiers lted by Bartolome Zumaeta. Martinez and his men were imprisoned at El Encanto and were robbed
[197] Liberal + Iquitos raid La Union, on the western bank of the Caraparana and murder Prieto. The dwellings were set on fire. Cattle, machinery, and whatever else that could be looted was sent to Iquitos.
- According to a pilot named Samuel Pisgara, men onboard the Liberal steamship began firing first, and Loayza was onboard the ship at the time.[198]
- Jesus Orjuela, Colombian police inspector, was imprisoned at Argelia[199] while awaiting Miguel S. Loayza's presence for a meeting.
- 27 killed at La Union[200]
- According to Hardenburg, who was travelling along the Caraparana River near La Union, the firefight persisted for around thirty minutes. Hardenburg believed that some of the shots he heard were produced from the gatling gun on the Iquitos warship.[201] After the firefight, there were five corpses and two wounded men on the ground, including colonel G. Prieto. Prieto and the other wounded man were executed, afterwards all of the corpses were looted.[202]
- La Felpa information stated that the firefight between Arana's firm and Ordonez's group at La Union lasted around ten minutes.[203]
- David Serrano and twenty eight other men killed at La Reserva on a separate attack.[204]
- Hardenburg claimed that there were forty five indigenous families dedicated to the extraction of rubber at La Reserva, and in January of 1908 there was 170 arrobas of rubber awaiting exportation from the rubber station. There was also an abundant supply of Hevea trees in the area.[205] - Serrano had been settled at La Reserva for several years by this point.
^Natives of the Yabuyana / Yabuyano nation were extracting rubber for Serrano, and they were enslaved by PAC after 1908.[206]
- [207] 7,000lb bribe against Zapata
- [195] The Iquitos steamship had six machine guns, two canons, and eighty-five men onboard from the Iquitos garrison. Colombians appeared to have been offered 20,000 lb prior to their forceful eviction. An ultimatum was issued.
[208] Source states machine guns were used, and a Peruvian garrison was stationed at La Union.
- "The true criminal is the government of Peru, far off, uncaring. Arana has been free to erect the individual acts of lawless squatters, Colombians and Peruvians, into a system of robbery under arms. The Government of Peru has stood by passive, ad when called on for help (as with David Serrano and Gonzalez) ready to kill too, and extend the frontier of Peru, and get more revenue-bearing territory. The two have gone hand-in-hand, Arana, the arch criminal and the administration of the Department of Loreto."[209]
- Pensamiento affair occurred prior to attack on Serrano?[30]
"[Victor] Israel states that many of the soldiers at Iqutios were brought from Cuzco and the Andes plateaux, overland and by Hullagaa to Urumaguas."[210]
[211] for mention of modus vivendi
[212] for mention of modus vivendi - it was the Colombian government that withdrew from the modus vivendi because of Peruvian advances into the disputed territory while the agreement was in place.
The modus vivendi between Peru and Colombia ended in 1907.
One was of the Peruviana officers was a lieutenant named Ghiorzo. Another was Albarracin.[213] See references to Captain Arce Benavides.[214][189][az]
"The old Benavides of the Putumayo the prefect admits was 'a very bad man' - but the present conqueror of the Colombians is a decent fine chap & quite a different family. [Emphasis is my own] This is Colonel Oscar Benavides, the Putumayo ruffian who violated the poor woman as I described was Arce Benavides - his right name being Arce (the Paternal name) while he had after the manner of these strange people - taken his mother's name which was Benavides."[215]
Benito Lores later became the captain of the Cosmopolita.[216] This may be Ubaldo Lores,
Ghiorzo refused to take part in the attack against La Union and he was arrested because of that.[213]
A detachment of Peruvian soldiers were sent to the Putumayo region with the intention of defending Peru's claim to the region. In response to the supposed threat of a Colombian invasion, the steamship Liberal and the Peruvian military gunboat named Iquitos were sent down river to the last three Colombian settlements.
!!!!!!FOR ADDITION ELSE WHERE, while visiting the cemetary at La Chorrera, VICTOR MACEDO mentions to R.C. that 80 out of around 120 soldiers died. They were deployed into the Putumayo due to the perceived threat of a Colombian invasion in 1907. A "wholly fictitious threat" according to Roger Casement. Quote from Roger Casement, make a block quote: "Here most of these poor chaps were buried with no cross or mark at all. A few have just a rough stick with the name, or date, rudely painted by some other soldier - but even these are broken or lying on the ground." [44]
- At La Union, Prieto was said to have unfurled the Colombian flag in response to the Peruvian's demands, and this began the conflict. - According to Hardenburg's information.[217] Colombians resisted for half a hour before they ran out of ammo and they dispersed into the jungle afterwards. There was around one thousand arrobas of rubber loaded onto the Liberal, and several Colombian woman were taken onboard as captives.
- Hardenburg wrote that while imprisoned on the Iquitos, he "witnessed the cowardly and brutal violation" of one of those women, who happened to be pregnant. She was dragged away to a place of privacy and raped by Captain Arce Benavides.[218]
- [219] The Colombian ministry of foreign affairs was informed that Serrano and his men were ambushed at Argelia by Peruvian soldiers.
"The next morning—Wednesday, the 15th—the Liberal left for Argelia, taking three officers and about seventy men, probably to defend that establishment against the attacks of those terrible fellows, the Colombians. One officer and the rest of the men, about thirty, remained at El Encanto to garrison it, while two more remained here to go to Iquitos upon the return of the Liberal, in order to spread the reports of the “victory” gained over the Colombians at La Unión."[220]
On February 8 of 1908, La Felpa ran an articled titled "More about the Putumayo - sackings, arson, murder of wounded - violations of women by the Arana Coy - Loayza conceives, prepares and executes the assault - No penal Punishment."[221]
"The dead were robbed of everything they had on them. These 'patriotic youths, whose only thought was to advance the flag of Peru one step more along the paths of conquest' (words of El Oriente) these jackals, we say, once masters of the field applied themselves to sacking."[221]
Both Casement and Hardenburg believed that the excursion against the Colombians was carried out in order to increase the assets of the newly formed Peruvian Amazon Company.[189][222][ba]
See El Viaje de la Commission for comparison picture of an Andean Peruvian soldier and a Putumayo native side by side. Typically, the soldiers were Natives who were "impressed" from other regions. I believe Goodman mentions this, only use this context is you can source it.
COLLIER MENTIONS 11 TONS OF RUBBER LOOTED AT LA UNION.[223]
See [200] and On Zapata for reference to 27 Colombians killed at La Union
- [227] Page describes PAC "commission" sent to Serrano's settlement. Serrano was tied to a tree, and then his wife was dragged out from out of their house, and raped in front of Serrano. Afterwards, the commission took Serrano's stock of merchandize[bb], and loaded it onto the Liberal steamship along with Serrano's wife and child.[227]
^Afterwards, Gabriel Martinez and his men were arrested on the banks of the Yubineto tributary.[227]
- Ildefonso Gonzalez owned the "small post" of El Dorado, and according to Hardenburg's information Gonzalez had thirty indigenous families that were extracting rubber for him.[228]
- A complaint filed by Antonio Ordonez to Colombian officials in the Department of Nariño stated that the assault on La Union happened on January 29[bc]
- Hardenburg: "Here I found the company had about two hundred Indian families employed, great herds of cattle, several large buildings and numerous chacaras of corn, yuca, plantains, etc. besides over one thousand arrobas of rubber already collected and stored under the principal house."[229]
^ At La Union. See [230]
- [205] Hardenburg states he travelled along the varadero [portage route] between La Union to La Reserva.
- Miguel Flores shot and killed a Peruvian officer because he protested the massacre of La Reserva.[231] - Find a corroborating source, Hardenburg's manuscript stated that Bartolome Zumaeta gave an order to execute Ricardo Cáceres, an ex-sergeant of the Peruvian army, because he protested the massacre of Serrano and his companions. Julio Montero provided the names of fifteen of the Colombians murdered at La Reserva, and stated that there were fourteen others who had been killed with this group.[232]
"This commission was composed of some forty assassins of the 'civilizing company', among whom, besides Zumaeta and Flores, we find the following: Magno Trigoso, Belisario Castillo, Pedro Malaver, Vicente Diaz, Manuel Ponce, Francisco Celada, Juan Celada, Juan Diaz, Mariano Olaneta, Ricardo Caceras, one Maringosa, one Troncoso, and Pedro, a 'civilized' Huitoto. I could not ascertain the names of the other miserable murderers - author" - Hardenburg, or Montero?[232] ^February of 1908
According to Montero, after Serrano and his companions were incarcerated by the group of Peruvians, the settlement of La Reserva was searched for loot, and "several sums of money" were found and "a quantity of jewels which were divided up between the two criminal chiefs of the commission."[233] "A little later, the unhappy prisoners, who had already been robbed and were then in chains, were taken out of the house and not far off were shot to death and cut to pieces with machetes: this was a most horrible scene."[233]
"All these men were put in chains and then murdered most barbarously, their corpses, horribly mutilated, being thrown into the river. Previous yo this operation, they had been obliged to reveal where they had put their money. Serrano's house and all it contained was burnt to the ground." - Carlos Muragaitio. Carlos stated that some of the massacred men were intending to travel to the Lower Caqueta to work for "Gomez & Arana Co., recently established there."[206] Carlos stated that the group of prisoners from La Reserva, property of Serrano [and Antonio Ordonez] was taken to a station named Unisayes, the residence of Bartolome Zumaeta at the time, and the Colombians were tortured in the cepo prior to execution.[192] Serrano was captured during the raid on La Reserva.[206]
"Ildefonso Gonzalez, an intrepid Colombian labourer, had resided 18 years on the Caraparana and during this time had cleared up a small estate: as this man was one of the chiefs obstacles to the usurpation of the disputed territory, he was intimated to withdraw. Gonzalez obeyed and started to embark downstream in a canoe, but on the way recieved a discharge that felled him to the ground, mortally wounded, and still not content, the Peruvians finished him with a club and threw his body into the river. A wretch named Olaneta, a chief of section of the J.C. Arana and Hermanos Co., superintended this murder." Carlos Murgaitio's information published in Jornal de Comercio of Manaos.[234]
"The unfortunate Serrano... had a civilized Indian woman, who was his wife, for he had been married to her ecclesiastically: by this woman he had two children, who are to-day in the possession of the monster, Miguel S. Loayza, the manager of El Encanto, accompanied by their mother, who is forcibly compelled to serve as the concubine of the fiendish Loayza."[235]
- Arana's firm had previously attempted to buy out the owners of La Reserva and La Union, however these deals were refused.[190]
- Source claims the attack on La Union occurred on the 12th of January 1908.
Potential names
On the forced migrations[edit]
Refer to Victor Macedo, Augusto Jimenez, Carlos Miranda, Abelardo Aguero and Miguel Flores taking natives to Acre. I believe Alfredo Montt also took natives with him
On Carlos Zapata, the Prefect[edit]
See Casement 1911 page 293 for Zapata's attitude before the bribe, and after.
Travelled to the Ucayali on BAP America in February of 1911.[236]
"The then prefect, Carlos Zapata, was a friend of Senor Julio C. Arana and instead of investigating the charges he used his authority to conceal the [Pensamiento] scandal and even caused, so it is asserted some of the malefactors arrested by the Peruvian military officers on the Putumayo, to be released.[237]
Peruvian soldiers were involved in the Pensamiento affair.[238][239]
"Zapata the then Prefect I knew had been bribed to release the criminals the Peruvian military auths. had arrested - but I did not know the sum given him until now. It was £7,000."[240][bd]
"The proof that these charges were true was again and again established to my satisfaction on the spot, and finally admitted by Senor Tizon, whose excuse for the apathy of the Prefect Zapata was that the land was a 'no mans land' belonging neither to Colombia nor Peru - and that he could not intervene. Senor Zapata, nevertheless, accompanied Senor Arana in 1908 to this region, and released some of the men his own officers had arrested."[241]
^Spring of 1908[200]
"similar to the former incident where Julio C. Arana himself bribed the former Prefect, Carlos Zapata, to abstain from arresting the murderers of Serrano, Gonzalez, and the other Colombians on the Caraparaná."[242]
"He [Remigio Vascones] was actually on the Cosmopolita when that vessel coneyed the then Prefect, Carlos Zapata, in the spring of 1908 to the Putumayo. This was after the atrocious murder of the twenty-seven Colombian settlers at La Union and other points on the Caraparana by the agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company headed by Bartolome Zumaeta, the brother of Pablo, early in 1908... The military officer in command of the Putumayo at the time was a Commandant Pollack. This officer learning of the murders of the Colombians sent a force to arrest the criminals, who, with the exception of Bartolome Zumaeta, who escaped to the Abisinia distrit, were brought in irons to La Chorrera and kept guarded there to await the prefect's arrival."[200]
Miguel Flores was one of those arrested.[207] See [243]
^Arana brought Rey de Castro with him on the journey. "The prefect came as the guest of Senor Julio Arana... This journey of Senor Arana in company with these two Peruvian officers of high rank is really the key to the whole subsequent situation. Both these officials were bought by Senor Arana. The proof of Senor de Castro's purchase is in the books of the Peruvian Amazon Company at Manaos...[200]
^The "two Peruvian officers" seems to refer to Rey de Castro and Zapata. Commander Pollack was also on the vessel.[207] Pollack was the commander in chief of Peruvian forces in the Putumayo at the time, and he pursued the incarceration of several participants incriminated in the 1908 attacks against Colombians. He also "organized an information summary and succeeded in recovering some of the money and jewelry stolen from the victims as well as certain documents ordering these murders. Unfortunately these wise measures of this worthy Peruvian military were doomed to failure, for when the Chief* of the department of Loreto[be] went to the River Putumayo, accompanied by the feudal Julio C. Arana, this said first authority ordered the liberation of the criminals, whom Commandant Polack had so wisely arrested." - Julio Montero.[235]
"The proof of Senor Zapata's venality is not so easily furnished, but there is no doubt in any of my informants minds that he was bribed, and bribed by Senor Arana, on this journey. The sum is said to have been £7000."
Pensamiento affair[edit]
Amadeo Burga was the commissario for the Napo River and an employee of Julio Cesar Arana at the same time.[239]
Burga travelled to the Pensamiento estate, also known as triunfo onboard a warship named Reqeuna, which had Peruvian soldiers on board.[239]
Further notes on O'Donnell[edit]
Macedo travelled on the Liberal with O'Donnell and the Commercial Commission in Feburary of 1911, away from the Putumayo.[244] O'Donnell was owed around £2,000
"I am told it is not the case that O'Donnell has no money. He had enough to want to buy a house here for £1,000 - and he pledged some hundreds down. Apparently he must have got some of his money from the company but not, perhaps, all.[244]
" As regards O'donnell he tells me that he will leave for Manaos this month to try and recover from Lizardo Arana the money the Company has not paid him. It appears that O'Donnell, when he left in Feburary, gave 680 to Lizardo Arana and git a bill in exchange for it, This has been protested, the Company refusing or being unable to meet it in London. O'Donnell wishes to settle down in Barbados along with a man named Hessé. They bought (for £1,000) a house there intending to turn it into a hotel & paid £400 down, but have not completed the purchase money owing to this breach of faith by Lizardo Arana.[245]
On Victor Macedo[edit]
"These Indians, twenty-five in number, after being cut to pieces, were burnt at La Chorrera by the whites, headed by Victor Macedo, Rafael Larrañage and Jacobo Barchillón... Macedo did not like being a prisoenr, he escaped and slipped up the river Napo to La Chorrera... those who remained continued the question until... they hushed things up with half a million soles, silencing in this way..." Casement's note declares half a million soles equaled £50,000.[246] Source states that these Ocaina natives belonged to the Gacudo and Pinaje tribes.
Mention of census conducted under Macedo's orders with the aid of Maneul Torrico.[247]
- Juan Castanos (Saldana deponent and Porvenir chief) wanted passage to Iquitos however Macedo opposed this because Castanos did not have enough money to pay for the passage on the Liberal. Castanos later obtained the funding to do so, however Zubiaur, captain of the Liberal, refused to have him on the ship. Afterwards, his wife was dragged away and Macedo allowed her to be taken as a concubine by Bartolomé Zumaeta.[248]{{efn|"[Daniel] Dancourt, who asked and obtained permission from the manager, Macedo, to give this woman to the said Zumaeta as his concubine."[249]
did not allow him to because Castanos couldn't afford it
Macedo travelled on the Liberal with O'Donnell and the Commercial Commission in Feburary of 1911, away from the Putumayo.[244]
At the end of a list titled "Names of the worst criminals on the Putumayo when I was there," Casement annoated: "All the above were chiefs of section ie. principal agents in full authority over a certain district acting under the general supervision of Victor Macedo -- the principal agent at La Chorrera."[250][bf]
Macedo's arrest warrant was issued along with 236 other employees of the Peruvian Amazon Company in 1911.[251] Judge Valcarcel issued these warrants.[252] <-- The page also mentions the first warrants were issued for the flaying and massacre of thirty Ocaina natives. [bg]
"According to the evidence taken in the enquiry it would seem that the fire massacre ('hecatombe') in La Chorrera gave rise to these chiefs. The execution of thirty Ocainas Indians, tortured and burned alive, was thus a sort of patent, a diploma for governing sanctions."[253]
^Dr. Paredes's own words.
-^"Casement footnote" "This crime was committed by Victor Macedo's direction, and on the strength of this act of fortitude he became eventually the chief of all sections as general manager at La Chorrera, deriving from his presidency of crime an income of well over 3,000/ a year."[253]
Source stated Macedo was in Lima in October-September of 1911.[254]
"It is reported that Macedo who was under arrest at Lima, is on his way to Iquitos to submit to the investigation of the local court on the charges brought against him by Dr. Paredes." | "A footnote appears here as follows : 'Later information in 51234. He is said o be at Manaos in Brazil. It is stated in 48513 that he did not go to Lima."[255]
"He held that post for years, and it was while he was in full control of the La Chorrera agency that is was the scene for the awful crimes denounced by Mr. Hardenburg. Dr. Paredes became convinced not only that those crimes were committed with Senor Macedo's knowledge, but that he himself had personally committed crimes against the Indians. Macedo had left the Putumayo before the date of Dr. Parede's arrival there, and had gone to Lima in receipt of a considerable sum.... Macedo went to Lima, believing himself safe... I now learn (on the Javary) that Dr. Paredes received two telegrams from Lima urging him to do his utmost to get the warrant against Macedo withdrawn. One of these telegrams was from the prefect at Callao, the other from the alcalde of Lima. Dr. Paredes refused to be bound by such request, and the warrant against Macedo has not yet shared the fate of that against Zumaeta."[256]
^See [257] for "influential friends"
Casement was told that Macedo was previously Lima, under arrest and on the way to Iquitos. However, he was later informed Macedo was "actually in Barbados, entirely free, and will doubtless stay there until he learns the result of the Zumaeta 'trial.'"[258]
Macedo was said to be at Manaus in December of 1911, "along with Arana" [259]
HERE IS THE CLARIFICATION
"Victor Macedo was at Lima, and instead of being arrested was permitted to leave the country, to travel via Barbados to Manaos where he was in company with J.C. Arana until a few days of my arrival there from Iquitos on 11th instant. He is said to have now gone up to the Acre territory along with the atrocious murderer Armando Normand who was said to have gone to Argentina. My informant in Manaos declares that he saw Macedo and Normand togehter and that he is assured they left the town together ostensibly for the Acre district. He adds that several others of the accused men, some of them very evil reputation were with Macedo and Normand and he thinks all may be bound in reality, for the Putumayo."[260]
"Dr. Paredes states that he made very effort to cacpture some of the worst criminals, but points out that these had been furnished with every means to get away by the chief agent, Victor Macedo, before his arrival."[261]
EDITORS OPINION[edit]
-not Angus Mitchell, the editor
There appears to have been a meeting in Manaos, December 1911 between Arana and the "worst criminals." This may have been to arrange financial matters, and possibly further employment with Arana.
Earlier in the 1911 book, it was said that Arana had around 300,000 pounds of debt outstanding to him.
There are sources which state Arana had business in the Acre River, including the 1911 book. Macedo, Augusto Jimenez, Abelardo Aguero, and possibly Normand may have been offered work in the Upper Amazon by Arana, away from the Putumayo. Aguero had a large out standing debt, and I can not find sources on how much money Jimenez left the Putumayo with.
!!!! "He declares that he is aware of an offer that was actually made to Aguero, amounting to over 2000 by a firm in Manaos who wished to send the Indians as rubber collectors into the Acre territory."
"This offer, he unstands, Aguero declined, and he believes the Indians were taken by that individual up the river Pururs, whither he and his companions are said to have gone..."[207]
On Alfredo Montt[edit]
"He says that Fonseca and Montt, two of the worst of the criminasl, are up the Javari river which forms the frontier between Peru & Brazil. They are at a place called Santa Theresa some 40 miles up the Javari from its mouth, on the Brazilian side. They have got ten stolen Boras Indians with them, they brought in a canoe in May Last. They are now, employed (with these poor Indian slaves) by contract to get rubber for a Brazilian firm at Santa Theresa called Edwards & Serra.[245]
^ See page [262]
On the 60,000 Zumaeta Mortage[edit]
"THE CHAIRMAN: - Mr J.C. Arana was working for many years the Amazon district. He worked up a large business, and his capital was just under 80,000. He then took into partnership three of his clerks, one of them being his brother, the other two his brother-in0law and his wife's brother-in-law. Making the partnership with these gentleman he divded his capital into two parts; he left 39,000 odd in the firm of J.C. Arana & Brothers, which was the new firm, and he seperated 40,000, of which he was to have the free disposal, and that sum of 40,000 he handed over to his wife and the younger children. This sum, of 40,00 was to remain in the deposit at the rate of 6% per annum. That sum remained in deposited for some years, neither capital nor interest being paid, so that the capital was aacccumulating at compound interest, and that sum amounts today to 60,000. It has been accumulating since 1903. Interest has now been paid on this sum for about a year and a half." [263]
On Jose Innocente Fonseca[edit]
https://catalogue.nli.ie/Record/vtls000722524
See pages 74-81, statement of Juan Castanos to Saldana in 1907. Castanos was the chief of Porvenir, and was under Fonseca's command. absence of Stanley Lewis mentioned?? | [264] Lewis corroborates Castanos statement.
"Of Jose Inocente Fonseca, who also spent some days at Chorrea during this period, I learned of graver crimes than this - deeds committed to allow him to possess himself of the wives of Indians whom he coveted. As a rule, the criminals who controlled the Indian population of the Putumayo were chary of robbing and Indian husband of his wife. The harems were maintained mainly by orphans, generally girls whose parents were 'dead/' Asking once why it was that the wives of the Indians usually seemed to be spared this contamination, a reliable witness answered me: 'Because, Sir, if they taken an Indian's wife, that Indian don't work rubber.' I urged, that since these men stuck at no act of terrorisation to make Indians work rubber, a husband could be forced, even if robbed of his wife, to go and get rubber. 'No, Sir,' my infromant said 'the Indians love their wives, and if shse is taken they won't work rubber.. They can kill them, do anything they like to them, but the Indian won't work rubber.'
This assertion was made more than once by men, who, like this man, had taken an active part in making Indians work rubber, and I believe that this obstinate prejudice of the Indian preserved a native marriage from invasion more surely than any respect the 'cauchero' has for its sanctity. An Indian marriage is not a ceremony, but a choice sanctioned by the parents of the bride, and once a child or children result from the union there is rarely infidelity or seperation. The very conditions of Indian life, open and above board, and every act of every day known to well nigh every neighbour, precluded, I should say, very widespread sexual immorality before the coming of the white man... My interpreter, Bishop, related of Fonseca the following incident, declaring that he knew the circumstances well, and I have no reason to doubt the accuracy of his statement. Bishop declared that once at Atenas station, when Fonseca was in charge there, he had coveted the wife of an Indian, and at length had annexed her. The husband protesting, Fonseca had promised to restore the woman if the Indian brought in a certain quantity of rubber. This the man did; whereupon Fonseca, instead of restoring the wife, gave to the husband a girl, one of his concubines, saying that she must serve instead. The Indian refused to be contended, refused to work rubber, and then was disposed of by Fonseca's 'muchachos' and the wife of the murdered man, as well as the substitute given in her place, remained in the household of Fonoseca, where my informant saw them frequently after the husband had disappeared.[265]
"The man in charge told me if I do not shoot the Indian he would put me in the stocks and break my ribs or something. He take a big stick and hold it and shake it at me. The Indian was chained up and in the stocks at the time. I was frightened for my own life, and I did shoot the Indian. -Who was the white man...? -Fonseca, In Ultimo Retiro" 1906 "Fonseca take the Indian's wife. He had the man there in chains and he take his wife, and he made me kill him for that. The Indian had done no wrong at all. The Indian's name was Cherichema. The woman is there now-with Fonseca in Sabana: she has borne him two children, one died. and now another - she is there with him now."[266]
On Zubiaur[edit]
See [267] statement of P. Elsner, crippled and beat by Zubiaur in September of 1907.
On Miguel Flores[edit]
Employed at Abisinia in 1910-January of 1911[268]
"The following is a list of thoes who are stated to be the worst criminals:..." Miguel Flores included.[269]
Casement saw Flores at La Chorrera with seven Boras men from Abisinia, five of those men had scars from flagellation.[270]
^The first "'wild Indians'" Casement "actually saw"[270]
On 13 April news reached Iquitos that Judge Paredes, sent by the Lima government to investigate the atrocities, had indicted Fonseca, Aguero & Flores. They all fled to Manaos on rafts taking with them dozens of Huitoto Indians of both sexes, whom they intended to sell on the River Acre for lb/50 each.
"I have ordered Paredes to accelerate proceedings so as to issue writs against above and will endeavour to obtain their extradition from Brazil, as well as return to their own home of enslaved Huitotos. Paredes said he would, the object of taking away these Indians being to prevent them from giving evidence as to crimes - Huitotos villages destroyed."[272]
Among other atrocious things that Dr Paredes states to me are repeated acts of cannibalism not arising from the desire of the Indians, but forced on them by Aguero, Fonseca, Flores and others of the white employees. He declares that these men ordered Indians that they had murdered to be cut up and cooked and ordered some of the criminals muchachos they had brought up to be their bodyguards to eat them and this was done. He even relates how, in more than one case, the genital organs of men were cut off, cooked and prisoners forced to eat this, the only food given them. On one occasion Miguel Flores murdered eighteen little children who were captured in an Indian house he and his bandits had surprised. The parents fled at the alarm, but the children had not time to follow them and Flores ordered the children to be dashed against the trees. The parents were still in sight, having halted on a hilltop and the cries if the children were heard by their mothers who ran back to save them, only to meet death tooo as they clasped thte mingled limbs of their off-spring, This is only one of the many crimes related to me this morning by Dr Paredes or Senor Escurra, in some cases the details are too revolting to be set down even in confidential despatch.[273]
^ Casement
On Abelardo Aguero[edit]
"I learn that Abelardo Aguero and Armando Blondel two of the Putumayo murderes were in Manaos not long ago. A Barbados blackman, now in my service here, saw them both there in May staying at a hotel. Aguero was the chief of Abisinia section, and if possible was the most infamous of the gang of murderers there. Blondel was his second - and a dirty cut-throat too. Aguero literally murdered many hundred of Indians in Abisinia section - by burning alive, starving to death, decapitating and flogging to death also by mutilating. He is still in Brazil & I believe up the Purus."[274] November 11, 1911.
"Aguero himself, despite his commission on results of 5 soles per arroba* of all the rubber from the Abisinia district, was in debt to the company 470L. at the date of our visit to La Chorrera. It had been 530L on the 31st December, 1909. So with many others. Their exploitation of their districts was being conducted at a loss to the company - a loss that in some sections ran into thousands of pounds. I was informed, that they themselves figured as being always in debt to the company as far back as the accounts produced were carried."
Arroba footnote, one arroba is equal to 15 kg which is equal to around 32 lb of rubber.[276]
"Little or no regard to decent existed where lust ompelled. At the 'fabrico' gathering at the beginning of November 1910, the chiefs of several sections came to Chorrera with their usual train of dependent concubines and 'muchachos' during the stay there of the company's commission and myself. Among others, Aguero arrived from Abisinia with several of his subordinates on the 1st November. He and they left again in a small steam launch of the company the Huitoto in the evening of the 2nd November. The vessel started about 8 p.m., and I heard crying not long before the vessel left the bank only some 20 yards away. In the morning two of the Barbados men who had been seeing three of their country-men off the Huitoto informed me of the cause of the crying. Aguero had taken fancy to one of the humble Indian women workers of La Chorrera - a woman, indeed, who daily swept out the dining room and the verandah past the door of the rooms where the commissioners and myself resided. We had often noticed her at this task, and had been struck by her gentle, pensive face. I was told her Indian husband was dead, and so she was gathered into the La Chorrera household to help make pantaloons and otherwise serve (not in an immoral capacity) the needs of that large station. The caprice of Aguero, who already had a harem of eleven women at Abisinia, was, however, gratified, and this poor being, against her entreaties and in open tears, had been forced on board the company's steamer to add to the numbers of those degraded by the favours of this highest agent..."[277]
"Aguero and Normand and most of their gang of murderers have gone off into the wilds of the Caqueta. Mr Barnes writes me that Aguero burned and destroyed everything he could before leaving in hope of stirring up the Boras Indians against Tizon & the commissioners of the Company. This as a parting legacy of crime. He has taken his muchachos with him & of course all the armaments of guns, ammunition &c.. What a situation! and this one of the principal agents of a London Company!"[278]
Bartolome Zumaeta[edit]
"While thus himself a prisoner, his [Katenere] wife, so I was informed by a Peruvian white man holding a well-paid post in the company's service, had been publicly violated before his eyes by one of the highest agents of the Syndicate, a Peruvian whose name and record was frequently brought forward in the course of my enquiry. This man had been obliged to fly from the Caraparana agency on account of his crimes in that region in 1908. He had there murdered several Colombian 'caucheros' and violated their wives - white women - and his crimes were so notorious that the Peruvian military authorities, in some force there at the time, had, it was said, been ordered to arrest him."[279]
"he merely transferred his residence from one part of the company's territory to another, and he openly boasted of the killing of the Colombians in his new quarters."
- Gave a revolver to Frederick Bishop, stating it was taken from a Colombian.
- Zumaeta was at Ultimo Retiro at the beginning of 1908 and afterwards he went to Abisinia, where Aguero and Jimenez were in charge.[279]
Killed by Katenere around May of 1909.[279]
Defining genocide during the rubber boom[edit]
From Genocide Convention page: "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. — Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Article 2[7]"
DEVELOP THE CONCEPT OF "SLAVERY AS GENOCIDE" IN REGARDS TO THE PUTUMAYO AND OTHER RIVER BASINS AFFECTED BY THE RUBBER BOOM
-Targeting members of the group during the Putumayo genocide:
“The Indian communities had been everywhere deprived of their native weapons. Perhaps a greater defence than their spears and blow-pipes even had been more ruthlessly destroyed. Their old people, both women and men, respected for character and ability to wisely advise, had been marked from the first as dangerous, and in the early stages of the occupation were done to death. Their crime had been the giving of ‘bad advice.’ To warn the more credulous or less experienced{312} against the white enslaver and to exhort the Indian to flee or to resist rather than consent to work rubber for the new-comers had brought about their doom. I met no old Indian man or woman, and few had got beyond middle age. The Barbados men assured me that when they first came to the region in the beginning of 1905 old people were still to be found, vigorous and highly respected, but these had all disappeared, so far as I could gather, before my coming." [280]
"Horrified by the cruelty and the orders of this hateful monster, who ordered us, when we captured Indians, to kill old ones and to take only the young ones, - horrified, I repeat, by this vile wretch..."[281] - Aquileo Erazo in regards to a Calderon employed by Arana. Seems to be Rafael Calderon.[282]
"The 'old woman' had given 'bad advice' to the Indians. She was a 'wise woman' that counselled them not to work rubber - not to be slaves. So her old head was cut off with a machete and this whiteman who has just shaken hands with us and sits down besides us to lunch, had held it up by the hair to the assembled Indians and tild them that would be their fate if they did not obey him and work caucho. What a curse there is in those words - to work caucho.[283]
"“Every one of these criminals kept a large staff of unfortunate Indian women for immoral purposes—termed by a euphemism their ‘wives.’ Even péons had sometimes more than one Indian wife. The gratification of this appetite to excess went hand in hand with the murderous instinct which led these men to torture and kill the very parents and kinsmen of those they cohabited with."[284]
See Hardenburg quote for Macedo ordering the execution of all natives that were missing limbs.
El Comercio quote which appears in Hardenburg: "In the basin of the Madre de Dios and its affluents... It would appear that the new Commissioner is resolved to put a stop to the barbarous custom of the correrrias[10] organised by the authorities themselves or by the rubber-merchants, who carry on the repugnant business of selling the poor Chunchos. As labour and women are both scarce, and as there is a strong demand for the one and the other, bands of armed men are constantly organised for sudden descents upon groups or communities of the savages, no matter whether they are friendly or hostile, making them prisoners in the midst of extermination and blood. Urged on by the profit resulting from the sale of boys, robust youths, and young women (frescas mujeres), they tear children from mothers and wives from husbands without pity, and pass them from hand to hand as slaves."[84]
Jorge Von Hassel, appears in Hardenburg "Some of them have accepted the ‘civilisation’ offered by the rubber-merchants, others have been annihilated by them. On the other hand, alcohol, rifle bullets, and smallpox have worked havoc among them in a few years"[285]
"Barbarities committed by the rubber-merchants upon the Indians of the Ucayali and Marañon were brought to the knowledge of the Peruvian Government in 1903 and 1906 by Roman Catholic missionaries established there and published by the Minister of Justice."[286] This quote emphasizes the Peruvian government's failure to act against atrocities perpetrated by caucheros up until the exposure of the Putumayo genocide.
"The Asháninka who did not agree to collect rubber were instead the targets of correrias, or slave raids."[287][288]
"It was a common practice to kill the indigenous males and enslave the women and children during these raids."[289][290][bi]
^Valcarcel refers to the Putumayo basin while Huertas Castillo refers to Von Hassel's writing
"In these circumstances, the high death rate and family disintegration caused panic among the mainly native populations, some of whom chose to flee."[292]
SEE HUERTAS CASTILLO P51 LONG QUOTE, REFERS TO EXTERMINATION ON THE MANU RIVER, VALDEZ 1944 STATES NATIVES WERE FORCED TO LEAVE THEIR TERRITORY DUE TO FITZCARRALD.
"He [Fitzcarrald] massacred many hundreds of Toyeri and Araseri in Madre de Dios because they did not want to work for him or permit his rubber tappers to gain access to their territories. Amongst other things, several hamlets were destroyed with machine guns." [293][294]
COMPARE THIS QUOTE WITH THE GENEVA CONVENTION DEFINITION OF GENOCIDE 1. The pacific Indians of the Putumayo are forced to work day and night at the extraction of rubber, without the slightest remuneration except the food necessary to keep them alive.[b][c, deliberate starvation, as a means of punishment or extermination?]
2. They are kept in the most complete nakedness, many of them not even possessing the biblical fig-leaf.
3. They are robbed of their crops, their women, and their children to satisfy the voracity, lasciviousness, and avarice of this company and its employees, who live on their food and violate their women.[e][b, on basis of starvation][c?]
4. They are sold wholesale and retail in Iquitos, at prices that range from £20 to £40 each.[e]
5. They are flogged inhumanly until their bones are laid bare, and great raw sores cover them.[b]
6. They are given no medical treatment, but are left to die, eaten by maggots, when they serve as food for the chiefs’ dogs.[a][b]
7. They are castrated and mutilated, and their ears, fingers, arms, and legs are cut off.[d](castration as punishment or as a means to prevent birth?)
8. They are tortured by means of fire and water, and by tying them up, crucified head down.[b]
9. Their houses and crops are burned and destroyed wantonly and for amusement.[b][d]
10. They are cut to pieces and dismembered with knives, axes, and machetes.[a][b]
11. Their children are grasped by the feet and their heads are dashed against trees and walls until their brains fly out.[a]
12. Their old folk are killed when they are no longer able to work for the company.[a]
13. Men, women, and children are shot to provide amusement for the employees or to celebrate the sábado de gloria, or, in preference to this, they are burned with kerosene so that the employees may enjoy their desperate agony.[a][b] [295]
"The constant fear of consuming or carrying tobacco is related to its alleged (and, in some cases, real) connection with rebellions against rubber tappers. But it can also be explained by its importance for the practices of shamanism and witchcraft."[296]
La Chorrea[edit]
"The name of Arana in connection with the Putumayo begins from 1896 as a sort of peddling vendor of goods needed by the Colombians. The first contact of the Aranas with the Colombians was subsequent to that year, when Pablo Zumaeta, Lizardo Arana, and Abel Cardenas sent their steam-launch the Galvez (in charge of Lizardo Arana as captain) to the Caraparana, where Lizardo found many Colombians established and bought from them 6 tons of rubber. From this first visit the Aranas set to work first to trade with the Colombians, then to purchase their interest in the region and to 'buy the tribes of Indians they had conquered,' and finally to conduct, as the avowed agents of Peruvian aggrandisement, a regular campaign against 'these bad people,' and thus successfully to 'nationalise a territory that had been almost lost through foreign aggression.""[297]
Imagenes e suceso page 87 corroborates that the Galvez collected 6,000 kilos of rubber from the Caraparana river in 1896. I believe the source of Casement's information and the source for this reference in "informes del juez Paredes" of imagenes e suceso is the same.
Death toll quote by R.C."...during the course of these twelve years, in order to extort these 4,000 tons of rubber, cannot have been less than 30,000, and possibly came to many more.[298] - Correspondence, Blue Book No. 41 dated 5 February 1912.[299]
..."the evil practice the Arana firm had always followed of buying all its supplies and goods for the Indians, &c, in Iquitos - the dearest market - instead of importing far better quality goods from Europe at a far lower cost. Thus, the two head agencies, El Encanto and La Chorrera, were over-debted at the very outset with 100 per cent over the true local value of the goods they received, and they in their turn over-debited the sections, where the chiefs, following the evil practice to its logical outcome, required the Indians to bring in 'fabulous quantities of rubber for this trash.'"[300]
The judicial commission of 1911 began their investigation at La Chorrera on March 27.[301]
The judge established "the existence of many more crimes than those which had been denounced." [301]
Paredes questioned members of the Huitoto, Ocaina, Andoque, Muinane, Nonuya, Recigaro, and Bora nations during his investigation.[302] "They are now weak, rickety, and degenerate through their enforced labour and sufferings, and work without cease."[302]
"Of all of them those who most moved me to pity were the Indians of the section of Atenas; these were human skeletons rather than men. Here the chiefs of section, had been more wrathful, and hunger and punishments had done more than in other sections.[bj]"
"Those of the Atenas Indians whom I saw looked more like walking skeletons than human beings."[303]
"The murders, the cruel punishments, the constant hunger, the flights and pursuits have rapidly done away with all this population, compelling finally this unhappy conclusion: that whereas in other parts of the Peruvian department of Loreto the rubber-gatherers kill Indians because they do not wish to work, in the Putumayo they kill Indians because they do work."[304]
"The punishments inflicted by these chiefs of section were atrocious, and increased in proportion to the shortage per kilogramme of rubber which the Indians failed to collect, this being the most serious crime, entailing sentence of death on whomsoever, owing to fatigue, sickness, or any other reason, failed to bring in their quota. The only idea that possessed them was to obtain the maximum production of rubber, so that everyone who opposed this object, who failed to work and bring in the quantity expected, or who fled from the exactions of their executioners was flayed with the lash or killed without pity."[305]
"Hunger has been perhaps the most terrible scourge which has fallen on the Putumayo. This insatiable greed to obtain the largest amount [of rubber] in the shortest time, and with the smallest possible expenditure, was undoubtedly one of the chief causes of crime, for those Indians who did not comply - with the extortionate demands made upon them were tortured and killed without remorse, and the obstinate were compelled by (force of) matchet and bullet to perform their tasks. Crime swelled in proportion to the rubber returned, and mounted step by step with the number of kilogrammes of rubber obtained. Thus, the larger the number of murders, the higher the production, which is to say that a large proportion of the rubber was produced out of blood and corpses."[306]
A burn pit for the cremation of murdered natives was found by the judicial commission at Santa Catalina.[261]
Regarding Santa Catalina and Abisinia, Paredes wrote "This station and the preceding one (Santa Catalina) were the chief centres of the bloody raids against the Boras tribe, from which it may be gathered how many slaughters took place. These huntings of the indians ('corerrias'), which should also be called these infamous expeditions ('comisiones'), which sets out to spread terror and death among these unhappy savages had no other object save destruction"[261]
The Oriente rubber station was located within the territory of the Ocaina natives.[261]
Aftermath of the Peruvian Amazon Company[edit]
"The Huitoto, Andoke, and Bora Indians did not encounter the white men until the last decade of the nineteenth century; there was only one generation between their first encounter with the caucheros and the publication of the Blue Book which so shocked the civilized world. The white's lust for latex had devasted the Indians in a dreadfully short time. There was nowhere for them to turn, nowhere for them to hide or escape to. Their homeland was virtually sealed off from the rest of the world-their only contact with it via the launches of the Peruvian Amazon Company." -Goodman, 2010 page 265
Normand, O’Donnell, Jimenez, Agüero and other managers were dismissed from the Company around 1910, before the dissolution of the Peruvian Amazon Company. Some of Arana’s managers, like the Loayza brothers retained property as well as a native work force after the company’s liquidation. Arana, who was appointed the liquidator of the company, also managed to retain a native work force and some property in the Putumayo.
Jimenez and Agüero managed to escape the region with around 10-18 huitoto families and “muchachos de confianzas.”
Pablo Zumaeta was elected mayor of Iquitos during the Company’s liquidation in 1912, and again in 1914, after the company was shut down. Refer to Iquitos Almanac.
Arana was elected senator of Loreto in 1922(is this correct year?)
Between the mid 1920s to late 1930s a series of forced migrations took place in the Putumayo, when the border between Colombia and Peru threatened to change. These migrations were primarily instigated by Miguel S. Loayza and Julio Arana. At least 6,719 natives (from the Huitoto, Bora, Andoque and Ocaina populations) were moved to the Ampiyacu basin. According to Carlos Loayza, half of this population died from disease, starvation, and other causes along the journey.
Arana tried to sell his land concession in the Putumayo region in 1939, but apparently made a bad financial deal and came out of the situation seemingly poor.
Texaco incursion into the region
According to International Labour Organisation, there were around 33,000 People in conditions of forced labor in the Peruvian Amazon Basin in 2005. [307] "Peruvian Amazon, with the main areas being Ucayali, Madre de Dios, Loreta, Pucallpa, Atalaya and Puerto Maldonado"
Contemporary forms of slavery in Peru, 2006, describes the conditions of forced labor and debt bondage in the Peruvian Amazon. Enganche is also referred too
Use of Indigenous labor[edit]
"during the recent combat of La Pedrera (July 1911), the Peruvian troops found themselves fighting not only against the Colombians, but were opposed by 'a band of thirty Huitotos, who fought bravely in the trenches of the enemy against the troops of their motherland." [301]
^ THIS IMPLICATES BATTLE OF LA PEDRERA IN THE PUTUMAYO GENOCIDE
FOR PAC PAGE
"Payments for rubber were not made at a 'puesta,' but only on completion of a 'fabrico,' and these payments were termed 'advances,' i.e., advances for the next 'fabrico.' The principle here is that the Indian having accepted an advance must work it off. He is a 'debtpr'; on the Putumayo a compulsory debtor, for he could not evade the next 'fabrico' by rejecting this advance. The chief kept the lists, often unreliable, of all such 'workers' in his section - that is to say, of all the Indians he had sufficiently reduced to compel to work for him..."[308]
https://catalogue.nli.ie/Record/vtls000722524
The Indigenous work force was expected to provide all of the labour for the Company and its employees. Some of these responsibilities include, bringing firewood for the Company steamships; providing food for the Company employees as well as the construction of plantations for food, of which they receive little for themselves; providing the labour establish stations for the Company, including clearing out the surrounding forest and the construction of buildings; the labour (with tremendous effort) to clear paths for a road in the forest; at times their wives and children, the women were used as concubines and water girls, at times they collected firewood, the boys were used as muchachos de confianzas against rival tribes;
- Firewood
- Labour for the clearing and construction of roads, usually at great effort
- Labour for the construction of Company stations, including buildings and cutting down the surrounding forest.
- Their wives and daughters.
"From building these huge houses (this one is fully 45 yards long and as strong as an old three-decker) clearing great tracts of forest, making plantations of yucca, mealy, sugar cane, &c, constructing roads and bridges at great labour, for these men to more easily get at them - to supplying them with 'wives', with food, with game from the chase, often with their own food just made for their own pressing wants, with labour to meet every conceivable form of demand. All this the Indians supply for absolutely no renumeration of any kind, this entirely in addition to the India rubber which is the keystone of the arch. At Occidente it yields (LB$)10,000 a year, here, [at Ultimo Retiro] possibly, (LB$)5,000 and the expense of running these Stations after the Chief's percentage is subtracted is scarcely anything, for even the racionales are robbed." Roger Casement, Monday 10th October 1910. [309]
Floggings[edit]
Floggings occurred in almost every section belonging to the Peruvian Amazon Company in the Putumayo. Testimonies collected by Roger Casement, Benjamin Saldadna Rocca, and Valcarcel confirm this in the following sections: La China, Matanzas, Entre Rios, Abisinia, La Sabana, Ultimo Retiro, La Chorrera, El Encanto, Porvenir.....
Floggings were carried out in a variety of ways, one consisted of cutting a "V" shaped wedge into a tree after cutting the tree down. A chain was then tied against the neck of a native and pulled against the wedge, which lifted the victim up. According to the Barbadian Frederick Bishop, a man employed by the Company for this punishment and overseeing the natives, "this flogging is done at nearly all the sections." Paternoster P173-174
Bartolomé Guevara introduced another method of flagellation, where a Native was tied to four stakes and then flogged. Hardenburg P232 Bartolomé Guevara was chief of Porvenir at El Encanto for a while.[310]
"the victims were so many, it would have needed many months for the work." [301]
Katenere's Rebellion[edit]
Katenere's rebellion, as relayed by Roger Casement and his evidence.
See AJRC P337-338 for "Katenere's guerrilla war" [311]
"when he tried to rescue her, he was shot down. so ended the only resistence to the company's ruthless system." [312]
-Wife outraged by Bartolomme Zumaeta.[279]
After killing B. Zumaeta, "Thenceforward he became an object of constant fear, and expeditions were fitted out from Abisinia and Morelia to catch or kill Katenere. It was one one of these missions that Filomene Vasquez and his party had gone in summer of 1910, when he 'had left the road pretty'." This group captured Katenere's wife to act as a decoy. see [313] Katenere was shot by one of the Abisinia c muchachos.
PATERNOSTER PAGES
-Katenere was a Bora's chief on the upper Pamá tributary, which is a stream that feeds into the Cahuinari River. Frederick Bishop stated that he first saw Katenere in 1907 when Armando Normand went to "convince" the chief to extract rubber for him, and Katenere was pressured into doing so. (Did Bishop relay actions about this "Commission"?) It did not take long for this chief to flee from the abuses Normand and Co were perpetrating. Katenere, his wife, and several members of his tribe were captured and brought to the Abisinia station "to undergo the taming process." Amazon Casement Journal describes conflict at Abisinia with the syphiliptic B. Zumaeta. Katenere managed to escape again from Abisinia, later shooting and killing Bartolome.
James Chase was on the "Commission" to hunt Katenere and end his rebellion, sometime in May 1910. See Hardenburg P 317-321 + AJRC P? for testimony on commission, and the death of Katenere, his child, thirteen others of his tribe, and more.
Jermin, or Filomene, Vasquez (Not Alejandro Vasquez???), Hardenburg 268. Boasts about leaving the road pretty after the thirteen on the road between Caqueta and Morelia.
"This man, who was not an old man, but young and strong,"
"While thus himself a prisoner, his wife, so I was informed by a Peruvian white man holding a well-paid post in the company’s service, had been publicly violated before his eyes by one of the highest agents of the Syndicate, a Peruvian whose name and record was frequently brought forward in the course of my inquiry. This man had been obliged to fly from the Caraparaná agency on account of his crimes in that region in 1908."[314] - This must be referring to Bartolome Zumaeta, who Katenere later killed. Bartolome had a role in the 1908 raids with Loayza. Caraparana agency is Loayza's agency.
[cont.] "Katenere escaped, aided, I was told, by an Indian girl, who lifted the top beam of the cepo when no one was looking. HE not only got off, but succeeded then or later in capturing some Winchester rifles from muchachos of the Abisinia district. With these he armed others of his clan, and thenceforward waged an open war against the whites and all the Indians who helped them or worked rubber for them..."[315] see entry 31 october
- Corroborating statement on [279]
"Katenere was a fine, tall, strong young Boras cacique, who worked rubber at first but fled from Normand's ill-treatment of him. He it was who shot the scoundrel Bartolome Zumaeta in May 1908 at a stream in the Boras country while the villain was directing the washing of rubber. Since that Katenere has been "on his keeping" to the hills - as we said once in Ireland - and every effort to kill or capture him failed until this last attack of his own on the station of Abisinia itself. What a pity he did not succeed."[316]
Capture of Katenere's wife mentioned on page 337 Casement 1997, during Evelyn Baton's statement. Refer to Slavery in Peru, Baton's deposition for more info.
"They had captured the wife of Katenere, and she was brought back to Abisinia to act as a decoy, her captors feeling sure that Katenere would come to look for his wife. This he had indeed done about the beginning of August 1910 or end of July, and it was while preparing to attack Abisinia in the dusk that he was shot by one of the young 'muchachos' of that section, as stated in the deposition of Evelyn Batson, which accompanies this report. His brother, who was already a prisoner in the stocks, tried to escape that night, and was murdered by Juan Zellada, one of the station 'racionales,' who often seems to have taken charge of that district in the temporary absences of its chief, Aguero. The death of Katenere was greatly to be deplored. [313]
Muchachos de confianza[edit]
-REFER TO SHABA CARRIBA trading metal tools with Natives for orphans in 1880s. p189 imaginario e imagenes A. Chirif
Years before the Peruvian Amazon Company came into existence, one way rubber tappers expanded their work force was trading metal tools like an axe or machete, for a year of work, or a ten year old child. Prior to the arrival of Arana in the region, this was practiced by the administrators of La Chorrera like Victor Macedo.
-The AJRC glossary defines the Muchachos as: "Confidence boys - armed Indian quislings used by the Chiefs of Sections to kill and torture."[317]
-Boys used against tribes they are rivals of. Find source.
-Used as runners for messages. One instance occurs on AJRC P 264, O'Donnell's muchacho. Another on p296
-Some of the muchachos carry Winchester rifles. Hardenburg P303
-If they do not carry out the orders of the blanco, the muchacho runs the risk of murder.
-"Some of the muchachos are really only boys or lads - but others are men of 25 to 30."[318]
-Whiffen "attributes much of the criminality to the muchachos or to the innate cruelty of the Indians."[319] Casement counters this claim on next page. "The muchachos have been brutalised, and made to behead and shoot, to flog and outrage. They are only another instance of the hopeless obedience of these people." [320]
-“Incidentally, too, it illustrates the depravity entailed by the whole system. ‘Chico’ was one of the ‘civilised’ Indians of Abisinia - one of those armed and drilled to obey and execute the orders of the civilisers on the wild, or in other words, defenseless Indians. With what result? He revolts. He becomes ‘a bandit’ an armed terror ‘threatening the lives of white men even,’ and so is shot out of hand by a laboruer of British birth in the Company’s service…” [321]
-One of these ways of torture, practiced at least at Occidente, was carried out by one employee and his muchachos, where they would half drown their victim under a river to terrorize them. Bishop testified to this.[322]
"Hierarchies imposed by colonizers often encouraged local tribal hostilities as a means of more effective control. Muchachos forcibly recruited from one tribe were often deployed in territories belonging to traditionally antagonistic clans. Such methods generally increased tribal tensions and manifested the state of fear. See Taussig, Shamanisms... P122" AJRC P119
-The Natives [who transport rubber] are collected every two weeks by the muchachos de confianzas at the Occidente station and presumably other stations of the Company. [323]
"Bishop... said to Barnes and myself 'That girl's father, sir, was killed by his muchachos a few months ago.' I recognized the signifiance at the time but not so fully as now.... The muchachos armed and excercised in murdering their own unfortunate countrymen, or rather, Boras Indians murdering Huitotos and vice versa for the pleasure, or supposed profit of their masters, who in the end turn on these (from a variety of motives) and kill them. And this is called 'civilising' the wild savage Indians." [324]
-Bishop knew O'Donnell had sent out his muchachos to kill natives when they weren't bringing rubber. [325]. O'Donnell relied on his muchachos and employees to carry out executions and capital punishments.
"Clearly the muchachos civilised and armed are more dangerous to civilisation than the poor, wild, unarmed Indians of the woods, who are the prey of the civilisers." [324]
-They were NOT on the station paysheet. According to Tizon "they already knew at all the Chief Stations this local staff." From the conversation with Tizon RC was convinced there was never an inquiry into what happened to a muchacho de confianza who disappeared. [326]. This excludes those who have run away, since they would be hunted down.
-One incident of Muchachos used by company against other Natives on Hardenburg P317-322, this incident appears on PATERNOSTER papers.
-Case of cannibalism instigated by A. Aguero. See AJRC P 337 lower half.
-"He had found the bodies tied on stakes and assured me the Indians had not eaten any of these men - they 'had a repugnance to eating white men, whom they hate too much.'"[143] This is referring to a conversation R.C. had w/ Andres O'Donnell, regarding a massacre of Colombians in 1903. "Terrible reprisals subsequently fell upon these Indians and all in the neighbourhood who were held responsible for this killing of the Colombians in 1903 and later years."
^Punitive raids by Ramon Sanchez at end of 1904 may have been due to this.
P268 muchacho sent to find wife of Negretti, who had run away. RC found him in a starving state.
-There was a hatred between the Native rubber collectors and the Muchachos because they were working with the Company to oppress others. Chirif P117
-"Two rebellious muchachos," "four whites killed." Bucelli and Luis de Silva shot by the muchachos. They were imprisoned at Matanzas but later escaped. [325] Katofa was one of the muchachos, and he had journeyed with Bishop + Rouchon years earlier.[327]
-Rebellion of Pachiko and his killing after giving himself up.[328]
-Goodman P106-107 for excerpt of C. Miranda ordering Muchacho to execute woman and display her head. P 108-109 for execution of those running away by muchacho.
-Goodman, P144 regarding Aguero's dismissal and him fleeing with muchachos after burning the Boras chacaras.
"United they stand and divided they rob, each for himself, in his own patch of forest, and all together against the Indians and the outside world, Peruvivan or Colombia - until the last drop of Jebe debil has been hacked from the heart of this miserable forest, and the last Huitoto and Boras has been burned alive or civilised into a muchacho de confianza and has murdered his patron. This sounds incredible and unreal, and a gross exaggeration. It is nothing of the kind. It is no more incredible than what we hear daily, and fact by fact, are beginning to accept as strictly true..." [329]
"As Macedo is alleged to have said: 'The Indians are not here to plant chacaras. They are here to get rubber." [330]
Commercial houses exporting rubber in Iquitos, 1900. [332]
- 1 Wesche y Co. - Owned Vapor Herman (107T), owner of Carlos (70T)
- 2 Marius y Levy - Marius Vatan, who's Levy?
- 3 Hernandez, Magne y C.* - Cecilio Hernandez, who's Magne?
- 4 Luis F. Morey e hijos - Luis Felipe Morey. Owned el Vapor Amazonas (128T), later acquired Veloz (14T) from Enrique Llosa
- 5 Pinto Hermanos - Need more info
- 6 Kant y C. -
- 7 Kant y Polack - Polack's important, who is that.
- 8 Adolfo Morey - LFM's brother, owner of Vapor Ucayali (46T)
- 9 M. Rocha e hijos - owned el Vapor Portugal (134T), and Callao (5T), Callao later acquired by Arana.
- 10 Juan B. Vega - Business partner to LFM + JCA, an original founder of PAC
- 11 Louis Vatin
- 12 David Cazes - English consul
- 13 M. Neves [en liquidacion] - who took their assets?
- 14 F. Hunes y Co.
- 15 Benasayag, Toledano y C.* - Partner c. to Toledano's?
- 16 Toledano hermanos
- 17 Leon Bentes
- 18 Venancio F Pereira
- 19 Juan Abelardo Morey e Hijo - Brother to LFM + AM
- 20 Farache Hermanos
- 21 Fiscarrald, Suarez y C* - !!! Operating 3 years after the death of Fitzcarrald. Suarez partnership company with Fitz. Were all their assets seized by Iquitos gov? Suarez actions against Peru in Madre de Dios reason for C* no longer existing shortly after 1900? Who took the Union (65T) steamship? Bolivar (14T) belonging to Vaca Diez listed as being in Iquitos.
- 22 Benjamin Maya
- 23 Guillermo Schermuly
- 24 Julio Arana
- 25 David Bahabot
Luis Felipe Morey - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Luis_F._Morey_e_Hijos_office_in_Iquitos,_on_Calle_de_Pr%C3%B3spero.jpg
- Progressing with points of interest
-Battle of Las Pedras -1907-1908 PAC raids against Colombians -Peruvian military aid to PAC. + Occupation of the Putumayo. -PAC commissions, particularly Jimenez in the Caqueta, 1910. An invasion of foreign territory to chase Natives. -Pacaya Rubber Co., Victor Israel Iller -Juan B. Vega -Morey brothers, Morey, Vega y Compania -Vapores y lanches de las caucheros en Iquitos. Specifically Veloz (Enrique Llosa -> Morey y J.C.A), Bolivar (Vaca Diez > J.C.A?), Liberal, Perservanca, Iquitos, Cosmopolita, Union (Fiscarrald -> Military?), Amazonas (128 tons, L.F. Morey), Callao (5 tons, M. Rocha y Hijos -> J.C.A)
Hooking by debts[edit]
The Company practiced the "enganche por deudas" system, or "hooking by debts." Enganche entailed getting a person that is working for a company in debt, and keeping them in a perpetual state of indebtedness. [333] In this way the employee becomes dependent on the Company, unable to leave the region until they can pay off this debt. This affected not only the Native work force but also the Company employees. Even a few of the station chiefs like Abelardo Agüero were in debt to the Company. Many of the Barbadian employees were in debt to the Company and under a contract that would not allow them to leave the region until the debt was paid. In Roger Casement's own words, "There is little doubt the men have been robbed." [334]
In Casement's word, the "raccionales are robbed" since they receive such a small amount of food from the Company that most (if not all) of their paycheck goes towards food. [335]
Food, medicine and other important items that could be found in a store were sold by the Company at extortionate rates. Roger Casement believed that some of these goods were sold fully beyond %1,000 their worth. [57] Originally, the company stipulated it would provide these necessities however employees found this was often not the case.
The contract also stated that the Company would provide a free fair home. However any debts owed to the Co. would have to be paid off first. Even then it was possible for an administrator of the Company to withhold this trip home.
Unrestricted gambling, which the Company allowed, was also another factor that affected debts. In place of physical currency, informal documents were written up which promised to pay a gambling debt at a later date. The Company advances credit to the employee who is owed the money, and transfers the debt onto their books. [57] Most of the employees in the region, including the Barbadians and muchachos de confianza's had "wives", some of them also had children. These dependents were a large contributor to increasing the debts owed to the Company.
On multiple occasions the contracts given to the Barbadians were violated by the Company. There are several documented cases of the Company not paying the Barbadians for their work. One instance that was reported to a British Vice-Consul in Manaus, stated that Frederick Bishop received no pay at all for working at Colonia Rio Jano, where he cut firewood in 1905. Bishop and other Barbadians that complained were told by the vice-consul that they must abide by their contracts to Arana, and that he could not help. [336] Bishop later requested to leave the Putumayo when some of the men were being sent home on account of sickness. However Miguel S. Loayza refused his request since he "was not ill and was serviceable as a flogger, so he had to stay on and do this filthy work.'" [337] He soon fell into debt with the Company and over the years flogged many Native men. [338]
The Natives were paid an "advance" of "goods."[339]. Casement estimated that the amount of goods given to the Natives at any one station did not reach more than ($LB)100.
See Hardenburg P273 for description of enganche system in Casement's words. "The system depends on an employer getting an employee in debt, and keeping them there."
" “Throughout the greater part of the Amazon region, where the rubber trade flourishes, a system of dealing prevails which is not tolerated in civilised communities. In so far as it affects a labouring man or an individual who sells his labour, it is termed peonage, and is repressed by drastic measures in some parts of the New World. It consists in getting the person working for you into your debt and keeping him there; and in lieu of other means of discharging this obligation he is forced to work for his creditor upon what are practically the latter’s terms, and under varying forms of bodily constraint. In the Amazon Valley this method of dealing has been expanded until it embraces, not only the Indian workman, but is often made to apply to those who are themselves the employers of this kind of labour. By accumulated obligations contracted in this way, one trader will pledge his business until it and himself become practically the property of the creditor. His business is merged, and he himself becomes an employee, and often finds it very hard to escape from the responsibilities he has thus contracted."[340]
— Roger Casement
"Here I had the opportunity to observe that the free medicines that this company so generously offers to its employees are reduced to a little Epsom salt. They also occasionally dole out a few grains of quinine." Deposition of Celestino Lopez, Hardenburg P248-249. In his letter to Hardenburg, Celestino explained that Agüero paid him 50 soles a month instead of a promised sum of 80 soles a month. Food and any medicine was deducted from his paychecks, he declared that after working for three months he had only made 71 soles. This is the man who said "Unfortunate is the poor wretch who lets himself be deceived by the smooth words of the “civilising” company!"
Daniel Collantes statement, Hardenburg P263
"In 1902 I went to the Señores Arana of this city and asked them for work in the rubber business which I was told they had in the Putumayo. My application was at once accepted by Julio C. Arana, who promised me S.40 per month good food, medicines, and passage there and back. I will state that these promises were not carried out, but were disregarded to such an extreme that I became almost a slave of this company."
— Daniel Collantes
R.C. discovered Joshua Dyall was £44 indebt to the Company.
Due to the low availability of food in the region, Barbadians would steal food from the Natives some times. Find page AJRC
"for goods nominally purchased from its stores. Some of this indebtedness was for indispensable articles of food or clothing, things that the working-man could not do without. These are all sold at prices representing often, I am convinced, 1,000 per cent. over their cost prices or prime value. Much of the men’s indebtedness to the company was also due to the fact that they were married...Another fruitful cause of debt was the unrestricted gambling that was openly carried on up to the period at which I visited the district. The employees at all the stations passed their time, when not hunting the Indians, either lying in their hammocks or in gambling. As there is no money in circulation, gambling debts can only be paid by writing an I O U, which the winner passes on to the chief agency at La Chorrera, where it is carried to the debit of the loser in the company’s books." R.C's report, Hardenburg p284-285 [341]
CASA SUAREZ + Inca Rubber + Tambopata Syndicate also practiced ENGANCHE!
On the Barbadians[edit]
A total of 257 two-year work contracts were signed in a twelve month period after Abel Alarco arrived to Barbados in 1904.[342] Around ninety two Barbadians were employed by Alarco Arana & Co. in February of 1905.[343] Nellice Walker and a number of the others were hired by a Mr. Brewster, who was an emigration agent in Barbados at the time.[344] Some of the contracted men worked at the Nanai plantation for a while. Out of the 257 Barbadians contracted by Arana and Alarco's company, 196 of them ended up in the Putumayo.[342]
"These Indians were not station hands or laborers engaged by the company: they were forest Indian, members of the various tribes dwelling in the districts. They are not asked if they want to work rubber; they are forced to do it, just like slaves. If they do not bring in rubber they are flogged, or put in chains, or in the "cepo" or stocks.
Matanzas / Andokes[edit]
DEPONENTS AGAINST NORMAND
ROSO ESPANA - 1907
MARCIAL GORRIES[bk] - 1907
GENARO CAPORO[347][348] - 1909
DONALD FRANCIS[bl] - 1911
WESTERMAN LEAVINE [bm] - 1910
CLIFFORD QUINTIN[350] - 1910
FREDERICK BISHOP -1910
JOSHUA DYALL - 1910
JAMES LANE[bn] - 1910
AUGUSTUS WALCOTT - 1910
STANLEY SEALY - 1910
CHIACHE O ZOY - 1911, concubine of Normand
[bo]
ZOILA ERAZO - 1980, concubine of Normand
LINCOLN ANDOQUES - 1911,
CARUSO MUINANE - 1911,
ROOSEVELT ANDOQUES - 1911,
PABLO ANDOQUES - 1911,
ANTONIO BORAS - 1911, muchacho
WASHINGTON BORAS - 1911,
DEPUES DEL CAUCHO page 238 source for Nero and Caifas being Muchachos de Confianza, subordinate to Normand.
ROOSEVELT ANDOQUES PROVIDES TESTIMONY REGARDING NORMAND KILLING ON TWO SEPERATE OCCASSIONS, FOR SUPPOSEDLY INDULGING IN TOBACCO USE.[356] PABLO ANDOQUES AIDED NORMAND IN ONE OF THESE KILLINGS. JEIVICHE AND CADANEINECO were burned alive by Normand because they attempted to flee.[296] Valcarcel 1915 p80
POINTS TO FOCUS ON FOR THIS ARTICLE
Significance of Matanzas, including distance from Cahuinari River, and Caqueta River.
Population, numbers and nations.
Station with one of the highest number of staff members.
La China, and the "Great Caqueta Rebellion", that affected outpost was unnamed(?)
Other significant criminals, i.e. information on Sanchez, Bustamente, Bucelli, maybe D. Francis.
Indigenous concubines at Matanzas
Food (lack of) at Matanzas
Barbadian duties at Matanzas used as a case study for Casement's report
Attacks against Colombians in the early years
The fact that Matanzas was originally known as the "Andoques" station
Sanchez dismissed for the reports of his abuse against Barbadians, not for his abuse against natives.
Indigenous resistance against Matanzas, including Katenere
Arrest warrants issued against Normand, and presumably other employees of Matanzas. Staff promised to be dismissed by Tizon.
Station active during Paredes investigation in the middle of 1911, but not during the consular commission of 1912 (october?)
There was a road connecting Matanzas to the station of La Sabana.[357]
Roso Espana stated that during the 1907 raid against Urbano Gutierrez, the head of an indigenous child was rammed down into a hole that was intended for a support beam for a house. Corroborated by Westerman Leavine.[358][bp]
^ Leavine was present, as well as Donald Francis[359]
August Walcott met this group on their journey back to Matanzas. Walcott stated that he saw the ten Colombian prisoners however he told Casement that he did not see any indigenous prisoners.[360] Donald Francis, the other Barbadian who took part in the 1907 expedition against Urbano Gutierrez[359], when questioned by Casement in front of Juan Tizon, Francis stated he only "planted yucca and sugar cane" at Matanzas.[361] Francis later admitted that Victor Macedo had offered him a bribe and threated to have Francis shot if he testified against Macedo, and therefore Casement viewed him as an unreliable witness.[362] Francis worked under Normand for two years and had personal knowledge about Normand's crimes beginning in 1904. [361][362]
"The duties fulfilled by Barbados men at Matanzas were those that they performed elsewhere throughout the district, and in citing this station as an instance I am illustrating what took place at a dozen or more different centers of rubber collection."[363]
Source for the enslaved natives at Matanzas being Andokes[364], Muinanes and Manuyas [365]
- Casement estimation that Matanzas is situation around 70 miles away by land from La Chorrera.[366][bq]
"During the last three years the journey from Matanzas to Chorrera has been shortened by the placing of a small launch on the river above the cataract which blocks river navigation at Chorrera."[363] - 1910 - 3 = 1907
^"Rubber from Matanzas still goes under armed escort a distance of 45 or 50 miles through the forest, ..."[363] - Barbadians and white men were the armed escort. Slavery in Peru is citable for this and AJRC, Casement 1911 too probably. ^"all the men still remaining at the time of my visit were employed in guarding or coercing, or in actively maltreating, Indians to force them to work and bring in india rubber to various sections."[363][br]
"punitive expeditions"[364]
Judicial commission found Matanzas "completely annihilated and almost extinguished".[367]
"Dr Paredes declares that he himself certified to the murder of no less than 1000 people in the actual station house of Andokes or Matanzas - Normand's headquarters. This in no wise represented all the massacres perpetrated by that monster or his section, but only the deaths that Dr. Paredes became convinced of as having taken place in close proximity to the house itself. The bones he says he found in heaps - some in the bed of a stream - others in a deep pit that had been dug to receive them when it was known that I might visit Andokes - and others lined the paths through the forest in certain directions." "The crimes he attributes to Normand are worse even than I realised. He adds, too, that the outraging of children, of even very small children, was frequently practised by these men and that these innocent victims of this atrocious lust were killed or died from the effects of outrages committed upon them. [368]
JOSHUA DYALL provided a list of names regarding the twenty five Barbadians[bs] that were sent with him to Matanzas.[370] Dyall was employed with the very first contingent of Barbadians, which was accompanied by Armando Normand.[372] Dyall believed that each man was armed and had received 100 bullet cartridges. Ramon Sanchez was in charge of this group, and the establishment of the Matanzas station.[370]Augustus Walcott stated that sixteen chained natives assisted with the construction of Matanzas in 1904.[373] The "punitive expeditions" and slave raids were ordered by Sanchez, "Gleeman and Cordoba"[bt] shortly after the contingents arrival in the area.[375]
^Gleeman may be Glieman, an Argentinian.
Corroboration source for the first contingent of Barbadians, thirty men and five women, arriving at La Chorrera in November of 1904. "Here they were armed with Winchester rifles and a large supply of cartridges for these weapons,"[364]
When the expedition arrived at the location of Matanzas, there was a single "palm-thatched" indigenous hut. There were eight men assigned as guards throughout the night. [370]
"Then they cut posts and trees and dug holes and built a house, and then they would be sent out with their rifles to look for the Indians and try to catch them. They were ordered by the manager, Senor Sanchez, and by Gleeman and Cordoba, who used to lead them on these expeditions, that if they could not catch the Indians they were to fire on them. Asked why this was done, he said it was to frighten the Indians and make them come in, because if they were killed for running away they would be less likely to run." [376]
^*"On arrival in this region the men were employed at first in building a house, and then on raids through the surrounding forests in order to capture Indians and compel them to come in and work for Senor Sanchez." [364]
See [377] for killings by Ramon Sanchez, reported by Clifford Quintin in 1910.
List relayed by Joshua Dyall, and written by Roger Casement.[bu]
- SIEFERT GREENIDGE, NOW THE BAKER HERE IN LA CHORRERA.
- LINDSAY KING (or Armando King), NOW WITH SENOR LOAYZA IN EL ENCANTO. [Implicated in the murder of J. Hernandez of Argelia.]
- LLOYD DOWNS, NOW GONE HOME.
- BUCKEY DOWNS, A YOUNG FELLOW, NOW GONE HOME.
- WESTERMAN LEAVINE, WHO IS STILL IN MATANZAS.
- C. JORDAN AND ANOTHER JORDAN, NOT BROTHERS; BOTH GONE HOME.
- SINCLAIR SMITH, GONE HOME.
- MR. WALTERMANN, A MARRIED DMAN ; GONE HOME.
- ? WOODROFFE, GONE HOME.
- CYRIL ATKINS, "WHO SHOT THE GIRL AND DIED IN PRISON IN IQUITOS"[bv]
- ALLEN DAVIS, NOW IN ABISINIA WITH AGUERO
- ? BLADES, GONE HOME.
- AUGUSTUS WALCOT, NOW IN LA SABANA.
- JAMES MAPP, NOW IN LA SABANA.
- MORTIMER, DIED IN ANDOKES. HIS GUN WENT OFF AND SHOT HIM. HE HAD BEEN SHOOTING INDIANS, AND FORGOT TO UNLOAD HIS CARBINE WITH THE MUZZLE UNDER HIS ARM AND WAS SO SHOT.
- ? ROLLESTON, DIED IN ANDOKES(matanzas) FROM SWELLING OF THE LEGS (PROBABLY BERIBERI)
- MR THOMPSON, AN OLD MAN. HE DIED IN ANDOKES. HE WAS DROWNED IN THE CAQUETA RIVER.
- ANOTHER YOUNG MAN, BUT HE CAN NOT REMEMBER HIS NAME. WILL TRY TO RECALL IT.
- ANOTHER YOUNG MAN, WHO CAME FROM ST. VINCENT, CAN NOT REMEMBER HIS NAME. HE SHOT A MAN UP THERE-BY ACCIDENT THEY SAID.
- JAMES PERCY, GONE HOME, BUT NEARLY DIED THERE[Matanzas?]. HE WAS HUNG UP BY HIS HANDS BY NORMAND AND SANCHEZ. HIS HANDS WERE NEARLY USELESS AFTERWARDS.
- SIDNEY MORRIS, NOW IN LA SABANA
- ? ROCK, GONE HOME.
- ? MYERS, GONE HOME.
Near the end of 1904 or the beginning of 1905, Augustus Walcott was physically abused by Armando Normand. Normand had Walcott "hung up by his arms tied behind his back for a very long time, and beaten with swords or machetes."[380] Clifford Quintin was also abused by Normand in roughly the same manner as Walcott, however Quintin received fifty lashes. [bw] The scarring from this flagellation was shown to Roger Casement in 1910.[377] Another Barbadian named Percy, or James Francis was also tied up and flogged by swords under Sanchez's orders, however there is very little information regarding that incident.[381]
Sidney Morris was at Andokes for three or four months until he became ill. He was employed there on correrias, and stated that while he did not flog natives there, he witnessed a number of flagellations. Morris stated that Normand would administer the first couple of lashes before handing the whip to another employee to continue the punishment.[382] "They [the natives] were flogged badly, men and women and children. He saw a boy, a small boy, flogged to death..."[bx] Morris stated some of the indigenous men who were flogged at Matanzas also perished from their wounds. He also witnessed the shooting of multiple natives, and the immolation, then shooting of one native man that Normand had caught.[383] Morris reported that he knew of another native that Normand had ordered to be executed by burning to death. Morris stated that while he didn't witness this killing, he heard Normand give the order and he also saw the Muchachos de Confianza making preparations for the fire.[383] Morris left Matanzas in May of 1906, and returned in May of 1909 after four Peruvian Amazon Company employees had been killed by rebellious muchachos de confianzas.{{efn|See The Amazon Journal of Roger Casement page 266 for a description of the "great Caqueta Rebellion" that resulted in the deaths of four employees.[384] He stayed in the area for two months hunting down the natives that had killed the caucheros and taken their weapons. Morris's deposition stated that two of the muchachos were caught, and later one of them escaped while the other was flogged and died from his wounds.
"The testimony of these men, much of which will be found attached to this report in the copies of depositions or statements made to me during the course of my inquiry, was of the most atrocious description. Not only did they accuse Sanchez and Normand of dreadful acts of cruelty, but they also in more than one instance charged themselves with crimes that were revolting in the extreme, The excuse put forward for these initial attacks on the Indians in the first coming of the Barbados men was that the Indians had massacred Colombian rubber workers and appropriated their rifles." [385]
"I have pointed out to the Representative of the company that I consider the men have been grossly charged for the necessaries they had to buy - and further that I think they have often been gravely mistreated, and illegally employed - that is all" - Roger Casement[386]
In 1910 Normand claimed that the natives at his station had not been punished by flagellation for two years.[387]
The 1910 Fabrico brought in by Normand's station yielded around 8 tons of rubber and was delivered by around 200 natives from Matanzas.[275]
"The crimes alleged against this man, dating from the end of the year 1904 up to the month of October 1910, when I found him in charge of this station of Matanzas or Adnokes, seem well-nigh incredible. They included innumerable murders and tortures of defenceless Indians - pouring kerosene oil on men and women and then setting fire to them; burning men at the stake; dashing the brains out of children, and again and again cutting off the arms and legs of Indians and leaving them to speedy death in this agony. These charges were not made to me alone by Barbados men who had served under Normand, but by some of his fellow 'racionales.' A Peruvian engineer in the company's service vouched to me for the dashing out of the brains of children..." Westerman Leavine confessed that he saw natives burned alive more than once and he had often witnessed Normand's dog's gnawing at the limbs of the dead.[388]
See [388] for forced march witnessed by Casement. Casement believed that some of the loads reached up to 70kg.
forced march delivered by around 200 Boras and Andoke natives.[388] including men women and children. Two day march between Entre Rios and Matanzas. No food provided for the return joruney[389]
"We found, on our own subsequent journey down to Puerto Peruano, a few days later, many traces of where they had pulled down branches and even trees themselves in their search for something to stay the craving of hunger. In some places the path was blocked with the branches and creepers they had torn down in their search for food, and it was only when Senors Tizon and O'Donnell assured me that this was done by 'Senor Normand's Indians' in their hungry desperation that I could believe it was not the work of wild animals.[390]
Normand is mentioned as travelling into the Caqueta area with Aguero's rebellious group.[391]
"I have asked a friend at home to try and get a photo of Armando Normand to send to you. If you get it you might send it to Buenos Aires to try and have him traced there. He has probably changed his name."[392]
Normand was reported as being in Mendoza, Argentina in October of 1911.[254]
"He [Macedo] is said to have gone up to the Acre territory of Brazil along with the atrocious murderer Armando Normand who was said to have gone to Argentina. My informant in Manaos declares that he saw Macedo and Normand together and that he is assured they left the town together ostensibly for the Acre district. He adds that several others pf the accused men, some of them of very evil reputation were with Macedo and Normand and he thinks all may be bound, in reality, for the Putumayo."[260]
"such was the power that these men wielded that, in order to possess women who had pleased Indian chiefs, they often went the length of committing murder. As an example of this type may be cited a certain Armando Normand, who murdered four of his women from jealousy, first torturing them in the most cowardly and infamous manner."[393]
Jose Cordoba.[394]
"Senor Normand lives, 10 hours from Matanzas- it is nearer to the Boras country. The rubber from La China comes here carried by the Indians, and then they carry it on down through the forest to Puerto Peruano, where it is shipped in the launch for La Chorrera."[395]
La China[edit]
Ultimo Retiro[edit]
Located on the Upper Igaraparana River.[396]
There was a road connecting Ultimo Retiro to Puerto de los Monos, which is located on the Caqueta River. Around 1910 there was a Peruvian army garrison stationed at Puerto de los Monos.[357]
Entre Rios[edit]
Located on the Tueras tributary of the Igaraparana River. Station is close to the source of the Cahuinari River, and Robuchon's map claims that the distance from Entre Rios to Atenas, on the Cahuinari River, is a six hour march.[396]
There was a road connecting Entre Rios to the station of Atenas.[357][396]
Atenas[edit]
Located on the Upper Cahuinari River.[396]
"At Atenas for instance, the station houses are built on a slope above the river Cahuinari, and an area of fully 200 acres has been cleared of its original forest trees."[397]
There was a road connecting Atenas to La Sabana.[398]
"Atenas, 12 hours distant from La Chorrera..."[399]
Martinengui decapitated three natives who claimed that they were shamans, and had the ability to transform into tigers.[356] Valcarcel, 1915 p52. Heads were put on display in the section house.
La Sabana[edit]
Located on the Middle Cahuinari River.[396]
There was a road connecting La Sabana to the station of Matanzas.[357][396]
Santa Catalina[edit]
"Santa Catalina, on the borders of the Boras country."[400]
According to Consul Eberhardts information, there were 800 natives dedicated to the extraction of rubber at the Santa Catalina station, and 17 agents.[401]
^13 agents in 1910[402]
"I stopped to examine the curious tribe of the Rezigaros, who occupy the left side of teh road between said sections and extend to one day's journey before reaching the Caqueta on that side. I passed one night among them, and had an opportunity to see all of them, for they did not amount to 30 in number" - Minister Pezet 1912
"Finally come the Boras, who are the Indians occupying the largest territory. They inhabit from the Cahuinari to one day's journey from Santa Catalina, embracing two-thirds of said river, the Putumayo and the Igaraparana..."[403]
^ "They had frequently resisted, sometimes with success, and on more than one occassion had killed individuals and even numerous parties of the vegetable filibusters. By 1908, however, they had been largely reduced to obedience, or had taken refuge in flight, and at the stations of Santa Catalina and Abisinia the survivors were working under strict compulsion to produce enough rubber to satisfy the agents of the-company in charge of those stations."[400]
"Both these stations lie in the Boras country, La Sabana actually on the Cahuinari River, and Santa Catalina not far from it.[404]
^wholesale murder and torture quote + source for rodriguez brothers getting control over their districts and 50% commission of profits.
"That of the Boras (more than 100 Indians murdered in their wigwams on the other side of the Cahuinari, opposite the Santa Catalina section); and, finally that against 35 Indians in the vicinity of the Pama, who were decapitated in a single night, and to which reference is made in the denunciation of the Government prosecutor, Dr. Salvador Cavero."[405]
"Santa Catalina, 24 hours from La Chorrera..."[397]
Abisinia[edit]
Located near the Avio Parana River, a tributary of the Cahuinari River.
There was a road connecting "P. Huarumes" to Abisinia, and Huarumes to Oriente.[357] It appears that the steamship Audaz was transported from P. Huarumes to the Avio Parana in order to establish a steamship service on the Cahuinari River.[403][by]
The Audaz Steamship travelled along the Avio Parana and Pama tributaries of the Cahuinari, and along the Cahuinari itself.[408]
See Paternoster pages 136-137 for a description of the flagellation method employed at Abisinia as described by Evelyn Batson. This was a method used against both men and boys. Batson stated that the natives were flogged this way because they either brought in an unsatisfactory amount of rubber to the station employees, or the natives did not arrive at a designated time.[409]
Batson stated that women were flogged if their children did not bring in enough rubber as well.[410] When Casement asked Batson if he had witnessed Aguero kill any natives, he replied no, "but I have seen him send muchachos to kill Indians. He has taken an Indian man and gave him to the muchachos to eat, and they have a dance off it."[411][bz]
"To go back to an earlier period, it would seem that the Barbadians who were at Abisinia chiefly engaged in slave-raiding. When James Mapp was there in 1905, there were twenty-one of them engaged in this business under Aguero's orders. Mapp stated that many Indians were caught - men,women, and children - chiefly Boras Indians. They were tied up and brought into the station. Many that refused to come, or did not want to come in, were killed. He had seen so many killed there that he can't remember all of them. He had seen men, women, and children killed - killed for no reason at all except that they would not work rubber. Some were shot, some were beheaded with a machete. He had seen women and children beheaded and had seen the little babies taken from their mothers and 'thrown away alive.'[ca]"[414]
Morelia[edit]
Outpost of Abisinia. Located on the Lower Cahuinari River, near it's confluence with the Avio Parana River.[396]
Palmera[edit]
Located on the Pama River, near its confluence with the Cahuinari River.[396]
Outpost for Abisinia. The Jamaican James Chase was listed as a staff member of Palmera in 1910.[407]
Santa Julia[edit]
Port for Abisinia's rubber. Located near the Igaraparana River.[396]
Occidente[edit]
Fidel Velarde, 2 soles per arroba and 7% commission on station's revenue in 1910.[415]
Oriente[edit]
Luis Alcorta, 2 soles per arroba and 7% commission on station's revenue in 1910.[416]
Sur[edit]
Barbadian depositions[edit]
| Name and statement number | Date of arrival to Putumayo | Description of employment | Further notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Frederick Bishop - No. 1 | End of April or beginning of May, 1905. In the Putumayo for five years and three months. | [cb][cc] | Example |
| Nellice or Nellis Walker - No. 2 | 24 July, 1907 | [cd] | Example |
| Norman Walcott - No. 3 | [ce] | Example | |
| Preston Ford - No. 4 | Example | Example | Example |
| Joseph Jones - No. 5 | Example | Example | Example |
| Joseph Labadie - No. 6 | 1906 or 1907 | Labadie worked in Nani for eight months before running away due to poor treatment, poor food quality, and a dissatisfaction with a pay of £2 monthly. He then worked on two different steam launches before finding employment for two months on the Huitoto, which belonged to Arana's company. Afterwards he worked on shore at El Encanto as a cook before he was sent to La Chorrera's agency, where he was employed on correrias against natives. Labadie stated that he witnessed the flagellation of natives "many times, many times-badly flogged." He was employed at Sur under Carlos Miranda, and later he was supposed to be transferred to Abisinia, however he became sick on the way and returned to Chorrera.[420][cf] | Example |
| Adolphus Gibbs - No. 7 | Sometime in 1908 | Example | Example |
| Stanley S. Lewis - No. 8 | Example | Example | Example |
| James Clark - No. 9 | Example | Example | Example |
| Donald Francis - No. 10 | After 6th of May 1905[362] | Example | [cg] |
| Phillip Lawrence - No. 11 | [ch] | Example | Example |
| Siefert Greenidge - No. 12 | Example | Example | Example |
| James Chase - No. 13 | Example | Example | Example |
| Stanley Sealy - No. 14 | Example | Example | Example |
| Joshua Dyall - No. 15 | Example | Example | Example |
| Edward Crichlow - No. 16 | Example | Example | Example |
| James Lane - No. 17 | Example | Example | Example |
| Westerman Leavine - No. 18 | Example | Example | [ci] |
| Evelyn Batson - No. 19 | Example | Example | Example |
| Sydney Morris - No. 20 | Example | Example | Example |
| Preston Johnson - No. 21 | Example | Example | [cj] |
| Augustus Walcott - No. 22 | Example | Example | [ck] |
| James Mapp - No. 23 | Example | Example | [cl] |
| Alfred Hoyte - No. 24 | Example | Example | Example |
| Reuben Phillips - No. 25 | Example | Example | Example |
| Clifford Quintyne - No. 26 | Example | Example | Example |
| Allen Davis - No. 27 | Example | Example | |
| Joseph Minggs - No. 28 | Example | Example | [cm] |
| Armando King - No. 29 | Example | Example | See Casement 1911 p 641-62, King received a "special gratification" of 200 Peruvian soles, equal to 20 British Lb at the time. |
| John Brown - No. 30 | Example | Example | Example |
The contract[edit]
Service Contract.[425]
Concluded the 27th day of Septebmer, 1904, between Senor Abel Alarco, of Putumayo (Igaraparana), Peru, South American, as employer and Seiffert Greenidge, laborer, 20 years.
Said Senor Abel Alarco, per S. E. Brewster, emigration agent in Barbados, declares himself willing to receive said laborer at Putumayo (Igaraparana), Peru, South America, as a general laborer for a term of two years, work to commence the day after arrival at the above-mentioned place, and to cease upon the completion of two years. In consideration of a free passage, both ways, of a loan of £2 1s. 8d. here and wages in cash at any rate of £2 1s. 8d. equal to gold paid monthly; with free food daily, namely tea or coffee, breakfast and dinner, free doctor, and medicine, also free lodgings.
The said laborer binds himself to serve his employer faithfully and obediently during the term 'aforesaid.
The parties have agreed that the working days shall be six per week, and that the working hours shall be as follows, daily : The work to commence at 7 o'clock a. m., and to cease at sunset, with one hour allowed for breakfast and one for dinner.
And the said Senor Alarco (employer), through S.E. Brewster, emigration agent in Barbados, agrees that the said above-named laborer shall not during his contract be left destitute in the place to which he is going, and on the termination of this contract of service (should the said above-named laborer desire to be repatriated) he shall give notice of his desire to be repatriated, and then his employer shall repatriate him by paying his passage back to Barbados. The advance of £2 1s. 8., or any portion thereof, desired by the laborer herein mentioned, may be paid here, and the amount so paid to be refunded by the laborer at the rate of 4s. 2d. per month.
I agree to the above on behalf of Senor Abel Alarco (employer)
S.E. Brewster, Government Emigration Agent
In consideration of the foregoing terms, and the money advanced me, I agree to serve my employer faithfully and obediently, and declare that any claim on my part whatever becomes null and void if I break this contract. I acknowledge receipt of $10 advanced me in Barbados. I will confirm this contract if required before any legal authority at the place of my destination herein mentioned.
Seiffert (his x mark) Greenidge, Laborer
"I certify this to be a true and faithful copy of the original contract produced to me this 30th day of October, 1910, by the above-mentioned Sieffert Greenidge, at La Chorrera, made by me and compared with the original by me." Roger Casement. His Majesty's Consul General.
.[edit]
"Border skirmishes, counterinsurgency efforts, and the demands of drug interdiction have promoted leva (forcible recruitment) and servicio militar obligatorio (Complusory military service) in Peru. Military recruiters regulary implemnt the leva, particularly when the recruitment goals are not met due to draft evasion and absenteeism (Gonzalez-Cueva, 2000, 89). The contrast between the universal nature of conscription and its unfair application demonstrates the state's active support of coercive social distinctions. Reinforcing the notion that the Peruvian state is the legitimate monopolizer of violence, the leva disciplines citizen subjects by defining certain groups-like indigenous peoples- as hazardous to social order. Those young men unable to produce their military cards (libretas militares) are forced to serve in the military (Dead 1999b). Conscription is a publicly acknowledged sign of inequity: everyone knows those lacking contacts or financial means must serve. Most indigneous peoples in rural Amazonia lack basic indientiy documents, such as birth cerificates, military service cards, and voter regirstration papers that normally would certify them as full-fledghed citizens-albeit notwithstanding all the ambiguities of citizenship such national documents imply (Anderson 2000; Gray 1997, 68.)[426]
"The Rubber Articles"[edit]
| Article | Region | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| Rubber | Example | Example |
| Rubber boom | Example | Example |
| Julio César Arana | Example | Example |
| Benjamin Saldaña Rocca | Example | Example |
| Peruvian Amazon Company | Example | Example |
| Miguel S. Loayza | Example | Example |
| Victor Macedo | Example | Example |
| Andrés O'Donnell | Example | Example |
| *Armando Normand | Example | Example |
| *Augusto Jiménez Seminario | Example | Example |
| Nicolás Suárez Callaú | Example | Example |
| Carlos Fitzcarrald | Example | Example |
| Carlos Scharff | Example | Example |
| Sir John Lister-Kaye, 3rd Baronet | Example | [cn] |
| Martin Conway, 1st Baron Conway of Allington | Example | [co] |
| *Sir John Lister-Kaye, 3rd Baronet | Example | [cp] |
| Wallace Hardison | Example | [cq] |
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
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Arrest Warrants[edit]
| Name | Date of warrant | Reason for warrant |
|---|---|---|
| Example | Example | Example |
| Example | Example | Example |
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| Miguel Flores | Example | Example |
| Carlos Miranda | Example | Example |
| Emilio Mozambite | Example | Example |
| Juan Sifuentes | Example | Example |
| Augustin Pena | Example | Example |
| Juan Quevedo | Example | Example |
| Manuel Vargas | Example | Example |
| Visitación Melendez | Example | Example |
| Alpino Lopez | Example | Example |
| Homero Rodriguez | Example | Example |
| Aurelio Rodriguez | Example | Example |
| Santiago Portcoarrero | Example | Example |
| Rafael Guerero | Example | Example |
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| Armando Normand | Example | Example |
| Augusto Jimenez Seminario | Example | Example |
| Abelardo Aguero | Example | Example |
| Donald Francis | July 29, 1911 | Example |
| Luis Alcorta | July 29, 1911 | Example |
| Singer King | July 29, 1911 | Murder of Justino Hernandez[427] |
| Gregorio Oliveros | July 29, 1911 | Murder of Justino Hernandez[427] |
| Belisario Suarez | July 29, 1911 | Murder of Justino Hernandez[427] |
| Victor Macedo | July 29, 1911 | Example |
| Martin Arana | July 29, 1911 | Example |
| Pablo Zumaeta | July 29, 1911 | Example |
"Don Pablo Zumaeta, of hte extinct firm 'Arana, Vega y Compania', and currently the 'Peruvian Amazon Company' and the criminals indicated above having depended on those companies, and still providing many of them serving in said region to the last, Zumaeta has allowed those criminals to remain in their position, despite knowing that they were, since not only have thise crimes been reported in the press, but they have been the subject of a trial, since nineteen hundred and seven, that Zumaeta, having the supervision of all employees in the Putumayo region, has had to know the means they used in the exploitation of elastic rubber; that consequently, Zumaeta has allowed the aforementioned criminals to tae advantage of the effects of their crime, which has given rise, on the other hand, to such criminals committing successive crimes for a long time; that therefore there is merit for the arrest of Zumaeta..."
"We tend to represent the Indians as victims of
the violent rubber barons. he dispute among Whites
is whether those Indians were ferocious cannibals
running in the forest who had to be subjected by
any means to become an industrious and civilised
labour force, as Casa Arana alleged, or whether they
were noble and paciic people enslaved and abused
by ‘an association of vagabonds, the scum of Peru
and Colombia’, as Casement claimed in his journal
(Goodman 2009: 111). In both cases, Indians are
represented as a single, uniied subject. But, how was it
from an Indian perspective?
Certain Indian tribes, and clans and lineages
within tribes, proited from the alliance with rubber barons to wage warfare against other tribes and former
enemies. Besides, young boys from several tribes were
raised and trained to raid other groups and to act as
executioners of the worst crimes. his exacerbation of
internal warfare had more devastating and long-lasting
efects than the violence of Whites against Indians.
Whites or non-Indians would eventually leave the
region, but the families and relatives of the murderers
and the murdered would stay, and with those the
memories of pending revenges." -Juan Alvaro Echeverri 2011 p15-16
Notes[edit]
- ^ Carlos Scharff was killed by an indigenous uprising, which was said to have been aided by other Peruvian caucheros, in 1909. See his article for that info.
- ^ See "Cosmopolitics among the Siona" specifically pages 51-52. Source mentions an indigenous uprising against a patron at "Santa Elena". Also enslavement of 60 Oyo natives on P53.
- ^ "After the collapse of the rubber boom in the 1920s, the Maijuna found themselves trapped working under a series of patrones. Several of these patrones were particularly brutal and they were ultimately responsible for decimating and killing the Maijuna of the Tacshacuraray River and Lagartococha, and causing the Maijuna to flee from the Zapote River, all areas that the Maijuna traditionally inhabited" P 230 of THE MAIJUNA: PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE Author: Michael P. Gilmore
- ^ Oliverio Cabrera, Cecilio Plata and his brothers
- ^ "Jebe was high-quality rubber used primarily for tires. After 1914, it was produced almost exclusively on plantations in Southeast Asia. Caucho and balata were lower-quality resins used in machine parts (valves, hoses) and cable insulation."[4]
- ^ "was reported in Iquitos to be buying bills in Europe to value of ₤7,000. He wished to trasnfer some of his belongings to Europe 'in view of eventualities'".[15]
- ^ LA AMAZONIA DE LOS CÓNSULES: EL ESTADO EN LA FRONTERA, 1880-1930 page 40: Government of Rafeal Reyes appointed Juan Bautista Vega as the Colombian consul-general to Iquitos, a role which Vega held between 1904-1905.
- ^ https://www.geni.com/people/Ercilia-del-Carmen-Zumaeta-Noriega/6000000077472149376
- ^ See "A Criminals Life Story" by Normand
- ^ "It was said that Coloma was an absconding bank clerk from the public Bank of Lima - but this was only an assertation that Barnes had not been able to prove.[15]
- ^ Julio F. Muriedas, an ex-employee of Arana's firm refers to Larranaga as such.
- ^ " Mr. David Cazes, English Consul in Iquitos since 1903, would have been in a good position to find out about the management of the rubber plantation. All the rubber gathered in the Putumayo is shipped from Iquitos. And yet he always swore that he knew nothing. No one can enter the territory of the rubber company without the permission of the{42} Company’s representative in Iquitos. The twenty-one constables whom the Peruvian Government kept in the Putumayo in those days had all been bribed by the English traders and shut their eyes to what was happening in the jungle."[33]
- ^ Born in Pasto (1851-21 December 1903) died in the Putumayo. Benjamin is referred to as the founder of La Chorrera.[44] Died from symptoms related to arsenic poisoning.[45]
- ^ Conway denied allegations of slavery and the imprionment of natives when they refused to work, perpetrated by his company. See source.[46] Also see page 356, Conway admitted that a system of slavery prevailed throughout Peru. However, Conway claimed his company was innocent due to the fact that their "labourers" were Bolivian, "who come when they choose and go when they choose. They are paid in advance, and are supposed to work out the amount received, but as a matter of fact they frequently escape, with disastrous results to the Company." Conway also admitted that his company nominated the local governors and authorities in the region. Conway claimed that the abuses which occur in the Peruvian Amazon prevail where routes of communication are dependent on water and not where roads have been developed, like in the Inambari estate.[47] The Truth publication campaigned against the Inambari Rubber company and charged them with cruel maltreatment of the local natives.[48] Conway alleged that the only "definite case of ill-treatment" which occurred in the region was perpetrated by the Tambopata Rubber Company. Conway suggested to Travers Buxton that his society send a commissioner to investigate the conditions in the Inambari region.[49] "By the way the Inambari Para Company say they are being mistaken for the Peruvian Amazon Company!"[50]
- ^ Stationed in Iquitos, travelled along the Igaraparana and Caraparana Rivers. [52] In July of 1901, the Putumayo Steamship arrived in Iquitos with Cecilio Plata and Aquileo Torres as prisoners of Arana.[53]
- ^ Was there a Huitota and Huitoto steamship?? Rojas Brown states steamship named Huitoto operated on the Igaraparana below La Chorrera's cataract. [52]
- ^ Operated along El Encanto's district. [52]
- ^ Operated on the Igaraparana River, above La Chorrera's cataract. [52]
- ^ Operated on the Cahuinari River. [52]
- ^ https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/273118/} built in 1904, sank in early January of 1905 shortly after departure from British isles.
- ^ Stationed in Iquitos, travelled along the Igaraparana and Caraparana Rivers. [52]
- ^ Camilo Gutierrez was murdered while travelling on this ship. See page 152 of https://centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Putumayo.-La-vor%C3%A1gine-de-las-Caucher%C3%ADas.-Tomo-2.pdf , Page 157 of that same document claims Camilo committed suicide, while Colombian documents claim he was murdered. Document also states a "Sanchez Ramon" was killed by Camilo.
- ^ Was Emilia a ship owned by the Peruvian government and chartered by Arana? This was the case with the Beatriz steamship. Pages 157 and 158 in the document cited on previous note refer to Emilia as a Government ship. 157 states it is a 32 ton ship with a crew of 18.
- ^ Author or photogapher??
- ^ A Barbadian
- ^ As for the Siona, he reported that many of them worked for Elías Andrade, a powerful cauchero living where the Aguarico joined the Napo; others served an unnamed white family located farther up the Aguarico near its confluence with the Eno"[67]
- ^ A Cofan settlement was burned by Ecuadorian raiders in 1896.[69]
- ^ "Scott S. Robinson (1979: 33) adds that one family of former caucheros “returned to the upper Aguarico to homestead in 1932, coming down the old trail from highland Carchi province in the Ecuadorian side. . . . This family established a profitable, alluvial gold-washing operation, at first using Kofan forced labor, but later importing Quijos Quechua from the Napo region in the south.”"{{sfn{Wasserstorm|2014|p=542}}
- ^ Randall B. Borman, "Survival in a Hostile World: Culture Change and Missionary Influence Among the Cofan People of Ecuador, 1954-1994," Missiology 24, no. 2 (1996).
- ^ "Cofán and Siona men raided infieles whom they called Tetetes, carrying off their women and children"[68]
- ^ "Rubber collection reoriented these networks and the ethnic niches within them. “Peaceful but uncivilized” Zápara intermediaries quickly disappeared—or rather, they joined the mass of Kichwa-speaking laborers brought by Ecuadorian and foreign bosses to a dozen fundos on the middle Curaray, Napo and adjacent rivers"[73]
- ^ "In the horrific networks of exchange which accompanied the rubber boom, humans were also commodified. For instance, Simson reports that among the Zaparo, children were abducted and sold to peddlers in exchange for an axe, a cutlass, some fish-hooks, needles and thread, or a few yards of coarse, tocuyo fabric (1878:505; see also Clark 1953:49-62; Taussig 1986:60-63; Brown and Fernandez 1991:59, 71-2)."[74]
- ^ Multiple Regimes of Value: Unequal Exchange and the Circulation of Urarina Palm-Fiber Wealth page 7, "Urarina communities from the lower Chambira River were preyed upon by slavers for rubber tapping."
- ^ Confirm this, in AJRC V. Israel stated he had NO natives on his estate. This seems to be contradicted in Casement 1911.
- ^ "They would capture women and youths in particular, who formed precious trading objects, whilst adult men were eliminated as they would never form as malleable a workforce as the children, who were more easily and fully assimilated" <- HASSEL PAGE 63
- ^ Yahuas natives were exploited by caucheros.
- ^ Cofán natives were exploited by caucheros during the rubber boom.
- ^ Mark Harris, Rebellion on the Amazon: The Cabanagem, Race, and Popular Culture in the North of Brazil, 1798-1840, Volume 95 of Cambridge Latin American Studies; Cambridge University Press, 2010. ISBN 0521437237
- ^ Frank Salomon, Stuart B. Schwartz, eds.Indians of South America, Part 1 Volume 3 of Cambridge history of the native peoples of the Americas, Cambridge University Press, 1999. ISBN 0521333938
- ^ Julio F. Muriedas, an ex-employee of Arana's firm refers to Hernandez as such.
- ^ "With the purpose of civilizing the Indians of that river.[154]
- ^ "Cecilio Plata, to whom I received a letter of introduction from Raphael Tobar have. In earlier times the hated Yahuna would have him want to murder by shooting an arrow in the side; then he has Waged war with them and killed many. Now they feared him Yahuna." https://etnolinguistica.wdfiles.com/local--files/biblio%3Akoch-grunberg-1921-zwei-jahre/Koch-Grunberg_1921_Zwei_Jahre_Google.pdf
- ^ LA AMAZONIA DE LOS CÓNSULES: EL ESTADO EN LA FRONTERA, 1880-1930 page 40 is a corroborating source for Plata settling on Apoporis. Bredio Borrero may be a partner.
- ^ https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8134/tde-22112023-190638/publico/2023_MilenaSuarezMojica_VCorr.pdf "Under the pretext of avenging Plata's death, Oliverio Cabrera attacked a longhouse in Popeyaca and killed most of its inhabitants. Posteriorly, in other raids, he began taking people from all the groups he encountered on his way to work at the Campoamor camp, persuading them with the argument that working for him was a way of paying for the murders of white people (Mahecha, 2015: p76) "The fear generated by the relation of the rubber tappers meant that, in the particular case of the Apaporis and Pira Parana Rivers, just to cite one example, their banks became particularly uninhabited as the residents of the malocas began to take refuge in the headwaters and in the distant interfluvial areas." "the murder of Cecilio Plata, a rubber tapper who worked on the Apaporis River, at the beginning of the 20th century, at the hands of a group of Letuama men as a result of mistreatment of the indigenous population.(gomez, 2014)
- ^ "“In April 1905, Koch-Grünberg and Schmidt, on their return trip to Manaus, slept in the Nariño settlement, belonging to Plata. In 1907 the Taiasu-Tapuyo (Yupúa) killed Cecilio Plata at cause of his continued mistreatment of the indigenous people” (Koch-Grünberg 1995, volume II: 290, footnote" https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/304707141.pdf link has a photograph of a barraca on the Apaporis river. Rafael Tobar was also nearby on the Caqueta river. page 109
- ^ "After having avenged Plata and Moreno on the Miriti, Oliverio Cabrera built his own empire from Campoamor, a rubber camp at the head of Miriti, and the two brothers of Plata20 established another rubber camp on the Apaporis. Natives were indebted to the rubber gatherers for killing Whites, a debt that gatherers considered to be for life. Thus, Cabrera built Campoamor with forced labor as a punishment for the indigenous uprising. Up to a thousand individuals, coming from many different ethnic groups came to the area, fleeing from Casa Arana to work with Cabrera (Van der Hammen 1992: 34). " - page 6 https://hal.science/hal-03139776v1/file/FONTAINE-Laurent-Frontier-exchanges-in-the-Pedrera.pdf .... "After the war with Peru, where Cabrera had provided his work force to the National Government for the military conflict, a large number of indigenous people had died from epidemics so the exploitation of Campoamor declined. Cabrera left after district officer E. Uribe required him to pay the work of Indians from Araracuara"
- ^ A catalogue of crime
- ^ Specifically because Julio F. Muriedas was one the first deponents against the Casa Arana, and Muriedas was their enemy for that reason.[au]
- ^ Cotuhé is located near the Putumayo River and Amazon River meet.[164] At the time a Peruvian named Reatigui and an Italian named Catta had a business that was extracting rubber near Cothue. They had a steamship named Tahuayo, which had to be registered under a Brazilian flag.[165]
- ^ This agreement may possibly predate the Peruvian Amazon Company's registration.
- ^ Or more accurately, the natives expense.
- ^ "The Colonel Benavides, reported by... as having been sent to Iquitos in command of the fresh troops, is I believe, one of the very worst of the blackguards charged by Mr. Hardenburg with the murder of the Colombians in January 1908... Mr Hardenburg accuses him by name... Benito Lores was the captain of the Iquitos[189]
- ^ In Casement's words: "this aggression on the Caraparana in 1908, in order t he revenues of Iquitos (to be duly sent to Lima) might be augmented by the increased trade in rubber derived from the ever expanding exploitation and enslavement of the forest Indians." In the words of Hardenburg: "Having failed in their attempt to foist upon the public their worthless shares, they decided to increase the assets of the company. This was done in 1908 by the simple process of collecting a small army of their assassins and murdering the already mentioned Colombians and their employees and taking possession of their establishments.[222]
- ^ According to Hardenburg's information, amounted to around 10,000 Peruvian soles[227]
- ^ The killings occurred the next day according to Ordonez.
- ^ Casement noted "No wonder the Coy is bankrupt."[240]
- ^ Footnote clarifies that this was Carlos Zapata, prefect of the department. Hardenburg wrote that "[h]is vile action in freeing the criminals ended the whole affair.[235]
- ^ The list is as follows: Fidel Velarde, Alfredo Montt, Augusto Jimenez, Armando Normand, Jose Inocente Fonseca, Abelardo Aguero, Elias Martinengui, and Aurelio Rodriguez. This list of names follows the "Black List received 25 May from Mr Barnes". [250]
- ^ Twenty two men initially charged for this massacre.[252]
- ^ "Normand alone of this category of superior criminals had any large balance to his credit. He figured for some 1,600l. due to him in the La Chorrera books - a sum that stood to be augumented by his share of the 8 tons of rubber I witnessed being driven down to Puerto Peruano on the backs of the 200 burdened Indians who left Matanzas in my company."[275]
- ^ "They would capture women and youths in particular, who formed precious trading objects, whilst adult men were eliminated as they would never form as malleable a workforce as the children, who were more easily and fully assimilated.[291]"
- ^ "Casement's footnote: Elias Martinengui was the principal here, and starved the whole population systematically. Compare Dr Paredes's with my own wirds. - R.C."[302]
- ^ "This man's statement that he had seen in one month and five days '10 Indians killed and burned' Leavine declares is in no wise remarkable. He has himself seen 20 Indians killed in 5 days in Matanzas. As to the 'stinking' of this section referred to by 'M.G.,' he affirms that this was often the case to a revolting degree. He recalls 'M.G.," or Macial, shooting the little Indian boy by Senor Normand's orders, as he ('M.G.') accuses himself of doing.[346]
- ^ Viewed as an unreliable witness by Casement in 1910, short deposition, not very revealing against Normand. 1911 deposition was given to Paredes
- ^ "Mr. Casement left Matanzas the following day, 19th October. Senor Normand following two days later, and bringing Leavine w.ith him. Senor Normand endeavored to send Leavine by a seperate path, so that he should not again be interrogated and refused to allow him to come to Entre Rios when ordered in writing by Senor Tizon to send back this Barbados man to the consul. It was necessary to issue imperative orders for Leavine to be given up, and it was only on reaching La Chorrera on 28th October that Leavine was again encountered.... He then said that Senor Normand had told him in Matanzas before being questioned by Mr. Casement that he was to say nothing about him, he took him past Entre Rios on purpose to prevent the consul from further interrogating him, and on reaching La Chorrera promised him (l/b)30 if he held his tongue..."[349]
- ^ Stated cepo was carried away from Matanzas two days prior to Casement's arrival. Lane went on the 1910 expedition across the Caqueta with Normand, and testifies to this along with the flagellation of Kodihinka. Kodihinka and his family were the victims of this raid, and it appears that they fled from PAC territory. His wife and child were imprisoned. Kodihinka flogged to death.[351] Lane stated that Normand offered him a bribe, "a good piece of gold" if he did not report any crimes perpetrated by Normand to Casement.[352]
- ^ Normand forced Chiache to undergo two separate abortions, and during her deposition to Paredes, Chiache emphasized that one of these babies was already formed.[353] (a developed fetus?) Roosevelt Andoques cited the cases of abortions forced upon Chiache o Zoy and another indigenous woman named Yjá to support his claim that Normand forced his indigenous concubine to terminate their pregnancies. [354] Chiache stated that Normand abused her because he had feelings of jealousy, and on one occasion Normand had Chiache placed in chains.[353] Chiache claimed that Normand had ordered the decapitation of numerous women on the route between La China and Matanzas because these women became tired of walking. She also stated that Normand personally killed, and had ordered his subordinates to kill, the children of women he captured so that they would not slow down Normand's group on the return journey to Matanzas or La China. Chiache stated that these killings were carried out in a variety of methods ranging from decapitation, strangulation, and by swords. In her deposition, she provided the names of several of these children killed by Normand or his subordinates.[355] Chiache was the sister of Teresa, and she stated that when Normand left the Putumayo region, he took three of her sisters with him as well as two young girls that were unrelated to Chiache.[355] Chiache stated that Donald Francis had a habit for abusing the imprisoned indigenous women at Matanzas, and Normand knew this as well as tolerated these actions.[355] Testified to the killing of Munee, wife of an employee named Ruiz. Chiache also stated that the ring fingers of two natives were cut off by Normand because they did not meet the imposed rubber quota.[355]
- ^ "“With regard to the statement of Roso España, read over to him from the Truth charges, he saw one child rammed head first down one of the holes being dug for the house timbers."[358]
- ^ "and the route followed by the Barbados men would occupy some four to five days of hard marching."[363]
- ^ "The men so employed at the time of my visit were two men at Matanzas, one man at Ultimo Retiro, four men at Santa Catalina, three at Sabana, one at Oriente and three at Abisinia, and two others temporarily employed on river launches who had just come in from forest duties."[363]
- ^ Dyall stated that the first contingent was composed of thirty Barbadian men and five women.[369] Dyall stated that there were between ten to fifteen white men accompanying the Barbadians.[370] Westerman Leavine's deposition revealed the five women were Barbadian as well.[371]
- ^ Gleeman is a name that only appears once in the Putumayo bibliography, and his first name is unknown.[370] Cordoba, appears to be José Cordoba, a name appears in Westerman Leavine's deposition regarding the flagellation of Kodihinka and the other natives accompanying him in 1910.[349] This would mean both Leavine and Cordoba were employed at Matanzas for six years.[371] Leavine stated he left La Chorrera on 17 November, 1904 with the contingent that would establish Matanzas.[374]
- ^ Clifford Quintin stated that he was also a part of this contingent. Quintin gave the twenty-sixth deposition to Roger Casement during his investigation, and he was present at Matanzas between 1904-1906.[378]
- ^ This killing was apparently accidental, according to Edward Crichlow's statement.[379]
- ^ This punishment was administered over a dispute when Quintin was trying to barter food from an indigenous woman.[377]
- ^ "He saw a girl flogged to death as well as the small boy."[382]
- ^ "While transferring the launch Audaz from Puerto Huarumes to the avio (?) of Parana in order to run it down to the Cahuinari I saw them leveling ground, raising bridges, and opening up irreproachbly straight cuts, as if they were engineers, having received barely a few lessons from the director of work, an Englishman by the name of Burki."[403][406] Burki must be Guillermo Burke, referred to as a British-Australian subject.[407] He appears in AJRC.
- ^ Batson stated that he did not witness the muchachos cannibalize the man, however Aguero had openly talked about it and Batson heard this. This incident was said to have occurred four months prior to Casement's arrival in the Putumayo.[412] Allan Davis corroborated this story, and declared that he did not witness the cannibalization because he did not want to approach the house the muchachos were in. Davis stated that he later saw the muchachos with the hands of the deceased man, and he also overheard Aguero talking about the incident.[413]
- ^ "Asked to explain this phrase, he explained that sometimes when the mother was killed they threw the babies away alive, to die thus; at other times they would smash their heads against trees or throw them into the river.[414]
- ^ First contracted by Brewster in 1905 as a "workman." Bishop was sent on "commissions" or "correrias" against the natives. One of his responsibilities was to ensure that the natives were delivering the quota of rubber imposed upon them. If the natives did not bring in the rubber, Bishop was sent out with a group to search for these natives.[417]
- ^ In a 1911 letter to Sir Edward Gray, Roger Casement declared "This man I found of the greatest assistance indeed, without him my journey would have been a failure.[418]
- ^ First employed by Arana & Co. at the Nanai plantation in 1905. Broke his contract and worked as a fireman on the America for ₤7/M. Left the America after 6 months, worked as a shoe maker in Iquitos: he apparently had the opportunity to travel to Lima, but chose employment in the Putumayo instead.[344] A Peruvian friend told him he could make money there as a shoemaker. They arrived at El Encanto on 24 July, 1907, and he was employed as a steward and cook on the launch Callao which had its headquarters at Encanto. In his deposition, Walker stated that he had never witnessed abuse perpetrated against the native work force, and that he had no knowledge regarding physical abuse against Barbadians at El Encanto, though he heard that this had happened at La Chorrera.[344]
- ^ Employed at the Nani plantation for around two years, before working in Iquitos and later along the Putumayo River. Walcott's deposition stated he worked on the Liberal and Cosmopolita steamships as a fireman and during his employment with Arana's company, he did not work on shore at all. Walcott was only flogged once, with a piece of wood and by the captain of the Cosmopolita because he complained about the quality of food. Walcott told Roger Casement that in November of 1909 he witnessed Victor Macedo flogging a young native male, who was around eighteen years old. Walcott did not report any other cases of abuse to Roger Casement.[419]
- ^ Refer to page 302 on Labadie's deposition, regarding Miranda's decapitating an indigenous woman.[421]
- ^ "the man I happened by chance to be talking to at the store door - Donal Francis - would like very much to get away, and come with us. That he has been employed on the usual dreadful tasks and is sickk of them and also that he has an Indian 'wife' about to give birth to a child...[422] See Casement 1911, Francis stayed at Chorrera. Arrest warrant was issued for him and I believe he escaped
- ^ "who has been at Chorrera since 1904, confirms the beatings and floggings of Indians there when loading and unloading the steamers."[94]
- ^ See AJRC P383 for description of a forged IOU placed on the company books in Leavine's name.[423]
- ^ "His account now stands at a credit of S/P 183.42, from a debit of S/P 102.47 on 30th June. The account is not correct."[424]
- ^ In July of 1910, Walcott owed S/P 254.42, and by October 31st he had credit amounting to S/P 80.70[424]
- ^ Mapp did not receive the S/P 100 gratification that he was promised for staying at Abisinia for one year. He also held "debit notes" that had not been honored by November 12, 1910. Macedo had also promised to raise Mapp's pay beginning in July of 1910, however this was not factored into the November 12th pay out.[424]
- ^ Indebted to the Peruvian Amazon Company for S/P 92.96 as of November 12, 1910. Mingg's stated that this account was correct, however he also requested the S/P 100 gratification for staying at Abisinia for a year.[424]
- ^ Peruvian Amazon Company director and investor.
- ^ Inambari Para-Rubber Estates, Limited
- ^ Peruvian Amazon Company director and investor.
- ^ Inca Mining / Rubber Company
References[edit]
- ^ Olarte Camacho 1911, p. 40.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 39.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 722.
- ^ Wasserstorm 2014, p. 541.
- ^ Taussig 1991, p. 101.
- ^ Landaburu, Jon (1970). "MISSION LINGUISTIQUE AUPRÈS DES INDIENS ANDOKE DU RIO CAQUETÀ (AMAZONIE COLOMBIENNE)". Journal de la Société des américanistes. 59: 165.
- ^ Paredes, Rojas; Chirif, Alberto. "Rojas Paredes, Ramiro y Acuña, Álex; Chirif, Alberto (ed.) La historia jamás contada sobre la época del caucho. Dos testimonios indígenas. Lima: Instituto del Bien Común, 2015, 44 pp" (PDF). redalyc.org. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. p. 3. Retrieved 2 August 2023.
- ^ Pineda Camacho 2000, p. 194.
- ^ Pineda Camacho 2000, p. 19.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 312.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 53.
- ^ Tamega 2009, p. 361.
- ^ a b Fifer 1970, p. 141.
- ^ a b c d e f Almanaque 2001, p. 72.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 303.
- ^ Capelo 1900, p. 29.
- ^ a b Barclay 2000, p. 100.
- ^ a b c Capelo 1900, p. 35.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 451-482.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 78.
- ^ a b c d Hardenburg 1912, p. 200.
- ^ a b c d e Capelo 1900, p. 30.
- ^ Collier 1968, p. 136.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 422,610,623,625,631.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 21.
- ^ a b A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 211.
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- ^ a b c d Slavery in Peru 1913.
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- ^ Wassterstorm 2014, p. 523.
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- ^ a b Thomson 1913, p. 15.
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- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 201.
- ^ a b Rocha 1905, p. 115.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 221.
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- ^ a b c d e Olarte Camacho 1911, p. 37.
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- ^ Olarte Camacho 1911, p. 38.
- ^ a b Goodman 2010, p. 38.
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- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 145.
- ^ a b c Casement 2003, p. 688.
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- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 294-295.
- ^ a b c Olarte Camacho 1911, p. 39.
- ^ a b Olarte Camacho 1911, p. 39-40.
- ^ a b Olarte Camacho 1911, p. 121-122.
- ^ a b c A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 216.
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- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 137-139.
- ^ a b c Casement 2003, p. 136.
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- ^ a b Thomson 1913, p. 7-8.
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- ^ a b Thomson 1913, p. 17.
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- ^ Casement 2003, p. 627.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 176.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 161.
- ^ "The India-rubber Journal volume 44". The India-rubber Journal. 44 (3): 13. 1912.
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- ^ Casement 2003, p. 656.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 624.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 654.
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- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 187.
- ^ En el Putumayo y sus afluentes 1907, p. 93.
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- ^ Casement 1997, p. 263.
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- ^ Parliamentary 1913, p. 473.
- ^ Parliamentary 1913, p. 193.
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- ^ a b A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 181.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 22.
- ^ a b A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 201.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 132.
- ^ a b A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 179.
- ^ a b Thomson 1913, p. 88.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 70.
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- ^ Casement 1997, p. 113.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 71.
- ^ a b c d e Casement 2003, p. 643.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 224.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 185.
- ^ & A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 184.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 35.
- ^ a b A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 220.
- ^ a b c A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 202.
- ^ a b c d Casement 2003, p. 645.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 89.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 278.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 85.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 18,21.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 134-135.
- ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 190.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 173-174.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 634.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 351.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 174.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 175.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 68.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 186.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 275.
- ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 202.
- ^ Collier 1968, p. 102.
- ^ Valcarcel 1915.
- ^ Thomson 1913.
- ^ Goodman 2009.
- ^ a b c d A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 221.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 223.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 219.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 219-220.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 84.
- ^ a b A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 207.
- ^ a b A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 206.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 203.
- ^ a b c A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 209.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 199.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 273.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 111.
- ^ a b c A catalogue of crime, p. 137.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 583.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 278.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 415.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 643-645.
- ^ a b c Casement 2003, p. 572.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 582.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 106.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 706.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 90-91.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 90.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 389.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 555,641,687.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 687.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 690.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 603.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 631.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 642.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 657,676-677.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 642.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 667.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 685.
- ^ a b c d Casement 2003, p. 709.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 605.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 476-477.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 306.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 182-183.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 334.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 92-94.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 13.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 44.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 156.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 234.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 280.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 659.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 622.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 178.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 177.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 181-182.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 248.
- ^ a b c d e Casement 2003, p. 179.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 311-312.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 193.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 188.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 339.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 311.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 23.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 25.
- ^ Santos-Granero 2018, p. 74.
- ^ Reyna 1942, p. 86.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 38.
- ^ Huertas Castillo 2004, p. 52.
- ^ Hassel, Georg (1907). Ultimas exploraciones ordenadas por la Junta de Vías Fluviales a los ríos Ucayali, Madre de Dios, Paucartambo y Urubamba. Lima, Perú, Oficina Tipográfica de "La Opinión Nacional," 1907. p. 63.
- ^ Castillo Huertas 2004, p. 52.
- ^ Gray 1996, p. 225.
- ^ Liberation through land 1998, p. 137-138.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 184-5.
- ^ a b Pineda Camacho 2000, p. 113.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 688-689.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 727.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 720,727.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 699.
- ^ a b c d Casement 2003, p. 707.
- ^ a b c Casement 2003, p. 697.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 697.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 698.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 691.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 700-701.
- ^ Madge 2023, p. 160.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 186.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 208-209.
- ^ En el Putumayo y sus afluentes 1907, p. 95.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 337-338.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 141.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 180.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 313.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 231.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 338.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 13.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 321.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 310.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 331.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 135-136.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 146-147.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 140.
- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 136.
- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 226.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 160.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 137.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 419.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 163.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 314.
- ^ Santos Granero, Fernando; Barclay, Frederica (2002). La frontera domesticada : historia económica y social de Loreto, 1850-2000. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Fondo Editorial. ISBN 9972424049.
- ^ Capelo 1900, p. 29-33,35.
- ^ Hardednburg 1912, p. 273.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 330.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 209.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 241, 330–331.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 241.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 152.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 190.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 272-273.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 284-285.
- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 94.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 303,349.
- ^ a b c Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 298.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 292.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 353.
- ^ Paternoster 1912, p. 93-95.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 251-256.
- ^ a b Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 352.
- ^ Paternoster 1912, p. 84.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 115-116.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 339.
- ^ a b Valcárcel 2004, p. 165.
- ^ Valcárcel 2004, p. 163.
- ^ a b c d Valcárcel 2004, p. 166.
- ^ a b Pineda Camacho 2000, p. 112.
- ^ a b c d e Chirif 2009, p. 92.
- ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 331.
- ^ a b Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 351.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 371-372.
- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 255.
- ^ a b c Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 310.
- ^ a b c d e f Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 230.
- ^ a b c d Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 229.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 152.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1912, p. 230.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 708.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 659-660.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 333,349.
- ^ a b c d e Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 333.
- ^ a b Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 349.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 229,333.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 371.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 260.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 230,371.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 333-334.
- ^ a b c Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 393.
- ^ Slavery in Pery 1913, p. 392.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 340.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 345.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 333,373,;393.
- ^ a b Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 364.
- ^ a b Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 365.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 266.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 257-258.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 383-384.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 171.
- ^ a b c Casement 2003, p. 163.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 164.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 165.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 248,303.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 581.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 692.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 352,333,374,371,372,233,346.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 345.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Catalogue of crime 1912, p. 2.
- ^ a b Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 239.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 196.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 166.
- ^ a b Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 235.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 112.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 260.
- ^ a b c Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 153.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 277.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 161.
- ^ Chirif 2009, p. 110.
- ^ a b Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 412.
- ^ Chirif 2009, p. 92,95.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 136-137.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 137.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 138.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 139.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 140.
- ^ a b Paternoster 1913, p. 140-141.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 410.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 411.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 292-293.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 95.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 299.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 301.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 302.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 119.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 383.
- ^ a b c d Casement 1997, p. 381.
- ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 248-249.
- ^ Dean 2002, p. 206.
- ^ a b c Valcarcel 2004, p. 415.
- ^ Valcarcel 2004, p. 417.
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{{cite journal}}: horizontal tab character in|journal=at position 7 (help) - Olarte Camacho, Vicente (1911). Las crueldades en el Putumayo y en el Caquetá. Imprenta Eléctrica,.
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