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Criticisms, challenges and dilemmas

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Critiques of degrowth concern the negative connotation that the term "degrowth" imparts, the misapprehension that growth is seen as unambiguously bad, the challenges and feasibility of a degrowth transition, as well as the entanglement of desirable aspects of modernity with the growth paradigm.

Criticisms

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Negative connotation

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The use of the term "degrowth" is criticized for being detrimental to the degrowth movement because it could carry a negative connotation,[1] in opposition to the positively perceived "growth".[2] "Growth" is associated with the "up" direction and positive experiences, while "down" generates the opposite associations.[3] Research in political psychology has shown that the initial negative association of a concept, such as of "degrowth" with the negatively perceived "down", can bias how the subsequent information on that concept is integrated at the unconscious level.[4] At the conscious level, degrowth can be interpreted negatively as the contraction of the economy,[1][5] although this is not the goal of a degrowth transition, but rather one of its expected consequences.[6] In the current economic system, a contraction of the economy is associated with a recession and its ensuing austerity measures, job cuts, or lower salaries.[5] Noam Chomsky commented[7] on the use of the term "degrowth": "When you say 'degrowth' it frightens people. It's like saying you're going to have to be poorer tomorrow than you are today, and it doesn't mean that."

Since "degrowth" contains the term "growth", there is also a risk of the term having a backfire effect, which would reinforce the initial positive attitude toward growth.[1] "Degrowth" is also criticized for being a confusing term, since its aim is not to halt economic growth as the word implies. Instead, "a-growth" is proposed as an alternative term that emphasizes that growth ceases to be an important policy objective, but that it can still be achieved as a side-effect of environmental and social policies.[5][8]

Marxist critique

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Traditional Marxists distinguish between two types of value creation: that which is useful to mankind, and that which only serves the purpose of accumulating capital.: 86–87  Traditional Marxists consider that it is the exploitative nature and control of the capitalist production relations that is the determinant and not the quantity. According to Jean Zin, while the justification for degrowth is valid, it is not a solution to the problem.[9] Other Marxist writers have adopted positions close to the de-growth perspective. For example, John Bellamy Foster[10] and Fred Magdoff,[11] in common with David Harvey, Immanuel Wallerstein, Paul Sweezy and others focus on endless capital accumulation as the basic principle and goal of capitalism. This is the source of economic growth and, in the view of these writers, results in an unsustainable growth imperative. Foster and Magdoff develop Marx's own concept of the metabolic rift, something he noted in the exhaustion of soils by capitalist systems of food production, though this is not unique to capitalist systems of food production as seen in the Aral Sea. Many degrowth theories and ideas are based on neo-Marxist theory.

Systems theoretical critique

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In stressing the negative rather than the positive side(s) of growth, the majority of degrowth proponents remains focused on (de-)growth, thus co-performing and further sustaining the actually criticized unsustainable growth obsession. One way out of this paradox might be in changing the reductionist vision of growth as ultimately an economic concept, which proponents of both growth and degrowth commonly imply, for a broader concept of growth that allows for the observation of growth in other function systems of society. A corresponding recoding of growth-obsessed or capitalist organizations has been proposed.[12]

Challenges

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Lack of macroeconomics for sustainability

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There is still no macroeconomic model that can describe a stable economy which does not rely on growth.[13] So far, the modern economy is structurally reliant on economic growth for its stability. If growth slows down, businesses are struggling, unemployment goes up, politicians get nervous and a spiral of recession looms. Moreover, there is no place in the world where it fully exists on a large scale.[14] Consequently, degrowth opponents make a valid argument by saying that degrowth is to some extent utopian.

Political and social spheres

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The growth imperative is deeply entrenched in market capitalist societies such that it is necessary for their stability.[15] Moreover, the institutions of modern societies, such as the nation state, welfare, the labor market, education, academia, law and finance, have co-evolved along growth to sustain it.[16] A degrowth transition thus requires not only a change of the economic system but of all the systems on which it relies. As most people in modern societies are dependent on those growth-oriented institutions, the challenge of a degrowth transition also lies in the individual resistance to move away from growth.[17]

Land privatisation

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Baumann, Alexander and Burdon [18] suggest that "the Degrowth movement needs to give more attention to land and housing costs, which are significant barriers hindering true political and economic agency and any grassroots driven degrowth transition." In essence, they are saying that it is the fact that land (something we all need like air and water) has been privatised that creates an absolute economic growth determinant. They point out that even if one is committed to degrowth, they have no option but decades of market growth buy-in to pay the rent or mortgage. Because of this, land privatisation is a structural impediment to moving forward that makes degrowth economically and politically unviable. They conclude that because degrowth, as a movement, has not yet dealt with land privatisation (the markets inaugural privatisation - Primitive Accumulation) it has not yet been able to develop a strategy that does not perpetuate the very growth that it positions as problematic. Just as land enclosure (privatisation) initiated capitalism (economic growth), degrowth must start with a reclaiming of land commons.[19]

Agriculture

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A degrowth society would require a shift from industrial agriculture to less intensive and more sustainable agricultural practices such as permaculture or organic agriculture, but it is not clear if any of those alternatives could feed the current and projected global population.[20][21] In the case of organic agriculture, Germany, for example, would not be able to feed its population under ideal organic yields over all of its arable land without meaningful changes to patterns of consumption, such as reducing meat consumption and food waste.[22][20] Moreover, labour productivity of non-industrial agriculture is significantly lower due to the reduced use or absence of fossil fuels, which leaves much less labour for other sectors.[23] Potential solutions to this challenge include scaling up approaches such as community-supported agriculture (CSA).

Dilemmas

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Given that modernity has emerged with high levels of energy and material throughput, there is an apparent compromise between desirable aspects of modernity[24] (e.g., social justice, gender equality, long life expectancy, low infant mortality) and unsustainable levels of energy and material use.[25] Some researchers, however, argue that the decline in income inequality and rise in social mobility occurring under capitalism from the late 1940s to the 1960s was a product of the heavy bargaining power of labor unions and increased wealth and income redistribution during that time; while also pointing to the rise in income inequality in the 1970s following the collapse of labor unions and weakening of state welfare measures.[26] Others also argue that modern capitalism maintains gender inequalities by means of advertising, messaging in consumer goods, and social media.[27] Furthermore, as of 2021, Cuba, a country with a state-run healthcare system,[28] had an under-five mortality rate of 5.1 per 1,000 live births[29] while the United States, a country with no form of universal healthcare coverage,[30] had an under-five mortality rate of 6.5 per 1,000 live births.[31] Data from UNICEF exhibits that higher ranking health metrics such as life expectancy are not synonymous with capitalist or privatized healthcare systems. Ultimately, the claim that capitalism and certain desirable aspects of modernity are codependent is contentious.

Another way of looking at the argument that the development of desirable aspects of modernity require unsustainable energy and material use is through the lens of the Marxist tradition, which relates the superstructure (culture, ideology, institutions) and the base (material conditions of life, division of labor). A degrowth society, by its drastically different material conditions, could produce equally drastic changes of the cultural and ideological spheres of society.[25] The political economy of global capitalism has generated a lot of bads, such as socioeconomic inequality and ecological devastation, which have engendered a lot of goods through individualization and increased spatial and social mobility.[32] At the same time, some argue the widespread individualization promulgated by a capitalist political economy is a bad due to its undermining of solidarity, aligned with democracy as well as collective, secondary, and primary forms of caring,[33] and simultaneous encouragement of mistrust of others, highly competitive interpersonal relationships, blame of failure on individual shortcomings, prioritization of one's self-interest, and peripheralization of the conceptualization of human work required to create and sustain people.[34] In this view, the widespread individuation resulting from capitalism may impede degrowth measures, requiring a change in actions to benefit society rather than the individual self.

Some argue the political economy of capitalism has allowed social emancipation at the level of gender equality,[35] disability, sexuality and anti-racism that has no historical precedent. However, others dispute the social emancipation as being a direct product of capitalism or question the emancipation that has resulted. The feminist writer Nancy Holmstrom, for example, argues that capitalism's negative impacts on women outweigh the positive impacts, and women tend to be hurt by the system. In her examination of China following the Chinese Communist Revolution, Holmstrom notes that women were granted state-assisted freedoms to equal education, childcare, healthcare, abortion, marriage, and other social supports.[36] Thus, the point of whether the social emancipation achieved in Western society under capitalism may coexist with degrowth is ambiguous.

Doyal and Gough allege that the modern capitalist system is built on the exploitation of female reproductive labor as well as that of the Global South, and sexism and racism are embedded in its structure. Therefore, some theories (such as Eco-Feminism or political ecology) argue that there cannot be equality regarding gender and the hierarchy between the Global North and South within capitalism.[37]

The structural properties of growth present another barrier to degrowth as growth shapes and is enforced by institutions, norms, culture, technology, identities, etc. The social ingraining of growth manifests in peoples' aspirations, thinking, bodies, mindsets, and relationships. Together, growth's role in social practices and in socio-economic institutions present unique challenges to the success of the degrowth movement.[38] Another potential barrier to degrowth is the need for rapid transition to degrowth society due to climate change and the potential negative impacts of a rapid social transition including disorientation, conflict, and decreased wellbeing.[38]

In the United States, a large barrier to the support of the degrowth movement is the modern education system, including both primary and higher learning institutions. Beginning in the second term of the Reagan administration, the education system in the US was restructured to enforce neoliberal ideology by means of privatization schemes such as commercialization and performance contracting, implementation of standards and accountability measures incentivizing schools to adopt a uniform curriculum, and higher education accreditation and curricula designed to affirm market values and current power structures and avoid critical thought concerning the relations between those in power, ethics, authority, history, and knowledge.[39] The degrowth movement, based on the empirical assumption that resources are finite and growth is limited,[40] clashes with the limitless growth ideology associated with neoliberalism and the market values affirmed in schools, and therefore faces a major social barrier in gaining widespread support in the US.

Nevertheless, co-evolving aspects of global capitalism, liberal modernity, and the market society, are closely tied and will be difficult to separate to maintain liberal and cosmopolitan values in a degrowth society.[32] At the same time, the goal of the degrowth movement is progression rather than regression, and researchers point out that neoclassical economic models indicate neither negative or zero growth would harm economic stability or full employment.[40] Several assert the main barriers to the movement are social and structural factors clashing with the implementation of degrowth measures.[40][38][41]

Healthcare

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It has been pointed out that there is an apparent trade-off between the ability of modern healthcare systems to treat individual bodies to their last breath and the broader global ecological risk of such an energy and resource intensive care. If this trade-off exists, a degrowth society would have to choose between prioritizing the ecological integrity and the ensuing collective health or maximizing the healthcare provided to individuals.[42] However, many degrowth scholars argue that the current system produces both psychological and physical damage to people. They insist that societal prosperity should be measured by well-being, not GDP.: 142 

See also

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---Referências---

  • Latouche, Serge (2009) [2007]. Farewell to Growth (PDF contains full book). Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 978-0-7456-4616-9.
  • Zehner, Ozzie (2012). Green Illusions. Lincoln & London: U. Neb. Press. ISBN 978-0803237759.

Further reading

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  1. ^ a b c Drews, Stefan; Antal, Miklós (2016). "Degrowth: A 'missile word' that backfires?". Ecological Economics. 126: 182–187. doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.04.001.
  2. ^ Warriner, Amy Beth; Kuperman, Victor; Brysbaert, Marc (2013). "Norms of valence, arousal, and dominance for 13,915 English lemmas". Behavior Research Methods. 45 (4): 1191–1207. doi:10.3758/s13428-012-0314-x. PMID 23404613.
  3. ^ Meier, B. P.; Robinson, M. D. (2004-04-01). "Why the Sunny Side Is Up: Associations Between Affect and Vertical Position". Psychological Science. 15 (4): 243–247. doi:10.1111/j.0956-7976.2004.00659.x. ISSN 0956-7976. PMID 15043641. S2CID 31201262.
  4. ^ Lodge, Milton; Taber, Charles S. (2013). The Rationalizing Voter. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/cbo9781139032490. ISBN 9781139032490.
  5. ^ a b c Van Den Bergh, Jeroen C.J.M. (2011). "Environment versus growth — A criticism of "degrowth" and a plea for "a-growth"". Ecological Economics. 70 (5): 881–890. doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2010.09.035.
  6. ^ Kallis, Giorgos; Kostakis, Vasilis; Lange, Steffen; et al. (2018-10-17). "Research On Degrowth". Annual Review of Environment and Resources. 43 (1): 291–316. doi:10.1146/annurev-environ-102017-025941. ISSN 1543-5938.
  7. ^ Levy, Andrea; Gonick, Cy; Lukacs, Martin (January 22, 2014). "The greening of Noam Chomsky: a conversation". Canadian Dimension. Open Publishing. Retrieved March 27, 2019.
  8. ^ van den Bergh, Jeroen C. J. M. (2017). "A third option for climate policy within potential limits to growth". Nature Climate Change. 7 (2): 107–112. Bibcode:2017NatCC...7..107V. doi:10.1038/nclimate3113. ISSN 1758-678X.
  9. ^ L'écologie politique à l'ère de l'information, Ere, 2006, p. 68-69
  10. ^ https://monthlyreview.org/press/books/pb2181/, Monthly Review Press.
  11. ^ "Harmony and Ecological Civilization: Beyond the Capitalist Alienation of Nature". Monthly Review. June 2012.
  12. ^ Roth, Steffen. "Growth and function. A viral research program for next organizations" (PDF). International Journal of Technology Management.
  13. ^ Jackson, Tim (2011-03-18). Prosperity without Growth: Economics for a Finite Planet. London: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781849774338. ISBN 978-1-84977-433-8. S2CID 157548327.
  14. ^ Kallis, Giorgos; Kostakis, Vasilis; Lange, Steffen; Muraca, Barbara; Paulson, Susan; Schmelzer, Matthias (2018-10-17). "Research On Degrowth". Annual Review of Environment and Resources. 43 (1): 291–316. doi:10.1146/annurev-environ-102017-025941. ISSN 1543-5938. S2CID 158876694.
  15. ^ Rosa, Hartmut; Dörre, Klaus; Lessenich, Stephan (2017). "Appropriation, Activation and Acceleration: The Escalatory Logics of Capitalist Modernity and the Crises of Dynamic Stabilization" (PDF). Theory, Culture & Society. 34 (1): 53–73. doi:10.1177/0263276416657600. ISSN 0263-2764. S2CID 148366804.
  16. ^ Luhmann, Niklas (1976). "The Future Cannot Begin: Temporal Structures in Modern Society". Social Research. 43: 130–152.
  17. ^ Büchs, Milena; Koch, Max (2019). "Challenges for the degrowth transition: The debate about wellbeing". Futures. 105: 155–165. doi:10.1016/j.futures.2018.09.002.
  18. ^ Baumann, A., S. Alexander and P. Burdon (2020) ‘Land Commodification as a Barrier to Political and Economic Agency: A Degrowth Perspective’ Journal of Australian Political Economy No. 86, pp. 379-405
  19. ^ Samuel Alexander and Alex Bauman, ‘Access to land is a barrier to simpler, sustainable living‘ (22 August 2019) The Conversation.
  20. ^ a b Gomiero, Tiziano (2018). "Agriculture and degrowth: State of the art and assessment of organic and biotech-based agriculture from a degrowth perspective". Journal of Cleaner Production. 197: 1823–1839. doi:10.1016/j.jclepro.2017.03.237. S2CID 157265598.
  21. ^ Ferguson, Rafter Sass; Lovell, Sarah Taylor (2014). "Permaculture for agroecology: design, movement, practice, and worldview. A review" (PDF). Agronomy for Sustainable Development. 34 (2): 251–274. doi:10.1007/s13593-013-0181-6. ISSN 1774-0746. S2CID 15089504.
  22. ^ Müller, Adrian (2017). "Strategies for feeding the world more sustainably with organic agriculture" (PDF). Nature Communications. 8 (1). Springer Nature: 1290. Bibcode:2017NatCo...8.1290M. doi:10.1038/s41467-017-01410-w. PMC 5686079. PMID 29138387. Retrieved 17 June 2020.
  23. ^ Giampietro, Mario (2011-10-12). The Metabolic Pattern of Societies. doi:10.4324/9780203635926. ISBN 9780203635926.
  24. ^ Pinker, Steven (2019-01-03). Enlightenment Now. ISBN 9780141979090. OCLC 1083713125.
  25. ^ a b Quilley, Stephen (2013). "De-Growth is Not a Liberal Agenda: Relocalisation and the Limits to Low Energy Cosmopolitanism". Environmental Values. 22 (2): 261–285. doi:10.3197/096327113X13581561725310.
  26. ^ Nelson, Joel I. “Inequality in America: The Case for Post-Industrial Capitalism.” Research in social stratification and mobility 18 (2001): 39–62. Web.
  27. ^ Rosalind Gill, Akane Kanai, Mediating Neoliberal Capitalism: Affect, Subjectivity and Inequality, Journal of Communication, Volume 68, Issue 2, April 2018, Pages 318–326. Web.
  28. ^ Campion, Edward W., and Stephen Morrissey. “A Different Model — Medical Care in Cuba.” The New England Journal of Medicine, vol. 368, no. 4, Massachusetts Medical Society, 2013, pp. 297–99. Web.
  29. ^ "Cuba - Key demographic indicators". UNICEF Data. UNICEF. Retrieved 23 January 2022.
  30. ^ Wagner, Stephen L. The United States Healthcare System : Overview, Driving Forces, and Outlook for the Future . Health Administration Press, 2021. Web.
  31. ^ "United States - Key demographic indicators". UNICEF data. UNICEF. Retrieved 23 January 2022.
  32. ^ a b Kish, Kaitlin; Quilley, Stephen (2017). "Wicked Dilemmas of Scale and Complexity in the Politics of Degrowth". Ecological Economics. 142: 306–317. doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2017.08.008.
  33. ^ Lynch, Kathleen, and Manolis Kalaitzake. “Affective and Calculative Solidarity: The Impact of Individualism and Neoliberal Capitalism.” European journal of social theory 23.2 (2020): 239. Web.
  34. ^ Lynch, Kathleen, and Manolis Kalaitzake. “Affective and Calculative Solidarity: The Impact of Individualism and Neoliberal Capitalism.” European journal of social theory 23.2 (2020): 245. Web.
  35. ^ Felski, Rita (2009). Gender of Modernity. Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674036796. OCLC 1041150387.
  36. ^ Cudd, Ann E., and Nancy Holmstrom. Capitalism, For and Against : a Feminist Debate . Cambridge University Press, 2011.
  37. ^ Doyal, Len; Gough, Ian (1991). Towards a political economy of degrowth. London, New York: Rowman & Littlefield International, Ltd. p. 77. ISBN 9781786608963.
  38. ^ a b c Büchs, Milena, and Max Koch. “Challenges for the Degrowth Transition: The Debate About Wellbeing.” Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies 105 (2019): 155–165. Web.
  39. ^ Kenneth J. Saltman, and David A. Gabbard. Education as Enforcement: The Militarization and Corporatization of Schools. Taylor and Francis, 2010. Web.
  40. ^ a b c Kallis, Giorgos, Christian Kerschner, and Joan Martinez-Alier. “The Economics of Degrowth.” Ecological economics 84 (2012): 172–180. Web.
  41. ^ Akbulut, Bengi. “Degrowth.” Rethinking Marxism 33.1 (2021): 98–110. Web.
  42. ^ Zywert, Katharine; Quilley, Stephen (2018). "Health systems in an era of biophysical limits: The wicked dilemmas of modernity". Social Theory & Health. 16 (2): 188–207. doi:10.1057/s41285-017-0051-4. S2CID 149177035.
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