Mainstream economics: Difference between revisions

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Content deleted Content added
major citation cleanup. previously used a mixture of CS1, CS2, handwritten refs, bare urls, and sfns. Now consistently uses sfns. Major ce, tag some citations as cn (including some that failed verification, which were moved to general refs)
Tag: harv-error
Line 1: Line 1:
{{Short description|Generally accepted economic schools of thought}}
{{Short description|Generally accepted economic schools of thought}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=September 2023}}
{{economics sidebar|history}}
{{economics sidebar|history}}
'''Mainstream economics''' is the body of knowledge, theories, and models of [[economics]], as taught by universities worldwide, that are generally accepted by [[economists]] as a basis for discussion. Also known as '''orthodox economics''', it can be contrasted to [[heterodox economics]], which encompasses various [[schools of economic thought|schools or approaches]] that are only accepted by a minority of economists.
'''Mainstream economics''' is the body of knowledge, theories, and models of [[economics]], as taught by universities worldwide, that are generally accepted by [[economists]] as a basis for discussion. Also known as '''orthodox economics''', it can be contrasted to [[heterodox economics]], which encompasses various [[schools of economic thought|schools or approaches]] that are only accepted by a minority of economists.


The economics profession has traditionally been associated with [[neoclassical economics]].<ref>[[David Colander|David C. Colander]] (2000). ''Complexity and History of Economic Thought'', [https://books.google.com/books?id=IESEfQVI1vgC&pg=PA35&dq=austrian+school+heterodox+economics&sig=ACfU3U32u37y5TkaI6T0IyF_UpuecKQJQQ#PPA36,M1p. 35.]</ref> This association has however been challenged by prominent historians of economic thought like David Collander.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last=Colander|first=David|date=June 2000|title=The Death of Neoclassical Economics|url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1053837200006362/type/journal_article|journal=Journal of the History of Economic Thought|language=en|volume=22|issue=2|pages=127–143|doi=10.1080/10427710050025330|s2cid=154275191|issn=1053-8372}}</ref> They argue the current economic mainstream theories, such as [[game theory]], [[behavioral economics]], [[industrial organization]], [[information economics]], and the like, share very little common ground with the initial axioms of neoclassical economics.
The economics profession has traditionally been associated with [[neoclassical economics]].{{sfn|Colander|2000a|p=35}} However, this association has been challenged by prominent historians of economic thought including [[David Colander]].{{sfn|Colander|2000b|p=130}} They argue the current economic mainstream theories, such as [[game theory]], [[behavioral economics]], [[industrial organization]], [[information economics]], and the like, share very little common ground with the initial axioms of neoclassical economics.


== History ==
== History ==
{{More citations needed section|date=September 2020}}
{{Missing information|section|Microeconomics|date=June 2022}}
{{Missing information|section|Microeconomics|date=June 2022}}
Economics has always featured multiple [[schools of economic thought]], with different schools having different prominence across countries and over time. The current use of the term "mainstream economics" is specific to the post–[[World War II]] era, particularly in the [[English-speaking world]], and to a lesser extent globally.<!-- As discussed below, continental Europe rejected Keynesian economics, for instance. -->
Economics has always featured multiple [[schools of economic thought]], with different schools having different prominence across countries and over time. The current use of the term "mainstream economics" is specific to the post–[[World War II]] era, particularly in the [[English-speaking world]], and to a lesser extent globally.{{Citation needed|date=September 2023}}


Prior to the development and prevalence of classical economics, the dominant school in Europe was [[mercantilism]], which was rather a loose set of related ideas than an institutionalized school. With the development of modern economics, conventionally given as the late 18th-century ''[[The Wealth of Nations]]'' by [[Adam Smith]], British economics developed and became dominated by what is now called the [[classical economics|classical school]]. From ''The Wealth of Nations'' until the [[Great Depression]], the dominant school within the English-speaking world was classical economics, and its successor, [[neoclassical economics]].<ref>The precise distinction and relationship between classical economics and neoclassical economics is
Prior to the development and prevalence of classical economics, the dominant school in Europe was [[mercantilism]], which was rather a loose set of related ideas than an institutionalized school. With the development of modern economics, conventionally given as the late 18th-century ''[[The Wealth of Nations]]'' by [[Adam Smith]], British economics developed and became dominated by what is now called the [[classical economics|classical school]]. From ''The Wealth of Nations'' until the [[Great Depression]], the dominant school within the English-speaking world was classical economics, and its successor, [[neoclassical economics]].{{efn|The precise distinction and relationship between classical economics and neoclassical economics is
[[Classical economics#Debates on the definition of classical economics|a debated point]]. Suffice to say that these are the ex post facto terms used to refer to successive chronological periods of an interrelated group of theories.</ref> In continental Europe, the earlier work of the [[physiocrats]] in France formed a distinct tradition, as did the later work of the [[historical school of economics]] in Germany, and throughout the 19th century there were debates in British economics, notably the opposition [[underconsumptionist]] school.
[[Classical economics#Debates on the definition of classical economics|a debated point]]. Suffice to say that these are the ''ex post facto'' terms used to refer to successive chronological periods of an interrelated group of theories.}}{{Citation needed|date=September 2023}} In continental Europe, the earlier work of the [[physiocrats]] in France formed a distinct tradition, as did the later work of the [[historical school of economics]] in Germany, and throughout the 19th century there were debates in British economics, notably the opposition [[underconsumptionist]] school.


During the Great Depression and the following [[Second World War]], the school of [[Keynesian economics]] gained attention, which built on the work of the underconsumptionist school, and gained prominence as part of the [[neoclassical synthesis]], which was the post–World War II merger of Keynesian macroeconomics and neoclassical microeconomics that prevailed from the 1950s until the 1970s.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Fonseca|first1=Gonçalo L.|title=Neo-Keynesian Synthesis|url=http://www.hetwebsite.net/het/schools/synthesis.htm|website=www.hetwebsite.net|publisher=The History Of Economic Thought Website|access-date=7 May 2017}}</ref><ref name="Clark">Clark, B. (1998). ''Political-economy: A comparative approach''. Westport, CT: Preager.</ref>
During the Great Depression and the following [[Second World War]], the school of [[Keynesian economics]] gained attention, which built on the work of the underconsumptionist school, and gained prominence as part of the [[neoclassical synthesis]], which was the post–World War II merger of Keynesian macroeconomics and neoclassical microeconomics that prevailed from the 1950s until the 1970s.{{sfn|Clark|1998}}{{Page needed|date=September 2023}}


In the 1970s, the consensus in macroeconomics collapsed as a result of the failure of the neoclassical synthesis to explain the phenomenon of [[stagflation]]: subsequent to this, two schools of thought in the field emerged: [[New Keynesianism]] and [[New classical macroeconomics]]. Both sought to rebuild macroeconomics using [[microfoundations]]- to explain macroeconomic phenomenon using microeconomics.<ref>{{Cite book|chapter-url=https://www.nber.org/chapters/c11099|title=NBER Macroeconomics Annual 1987, Volume 2|chapter=The New Keynesian Microfoundations|year=1987|pages=69–116|publisher=The MIT Press|doi=10.1086/ma.2.4623707 |last1=Rotemberg |first1=Julio J. |journal=NBER Macroeconomics Annual |volume=2 |hdl=1721.1/48619 |s2cid=154005964 }}</ref><ref>Chapter 1. Snowdon, Brian and Vane, Howard R., (2005). ''Modern Macroeconomics: Its Origin, Development and Current State''. Edward Elgar Publishing, {{ISBN|1-84542-208-2}}</ref>
In the 1970s, the consensus in macroeconomics collapsed as a result of the failure of the neoclassical synthesis to explain the phenomenon of [[stagflation]]:{{sfn|Snowdon|2006|p=23}} subsequent to this, two schools of thought in the field emerged: [[New Keynesianism]] and [[New classical macroeconomics]]. Both sought to rebuild macroeconomics using [[microfoundations]] to explain macroeconomic phenomena using microeconomics.{{sfn|Snowdon|2006|p=72}}


Over the course of the 1980s and the 1990s, macroeconomists coalesced around a paradigm known as the [[new neoclassical synthesis]],{{Sfn | Kocherlakota | 2010 | p = 12}} which combines elements of both New Keynesian and New classical macroeconomics, and forms the basis for the current consensus, which covers previously disputed areas of macroeconomics.{{Sfn | Mankiw | 2006 | p = 38}}<ref>{{citation |last1=Goodfriend | first1= Marvin | last2= King| first2= Robert G |author-link2= Robert G. King | year = 1997| title = The New Neoclassical Synthesis and the Role of Monetary Policy | journal = NBER Macroeconomics Annual | series = NBER Chapters | volume=12| pages=231–83 |jstor=3585232| doi= 10.1086/654336 | doi-access= free }}</ref> The consensus built around this synthesis is characterised by an unprecedented agreement on methodological questions (such as the need to validate models econometrically); such agreement had, until the new synthesis, historically eluded macroeconomics, even during the [[neoclassical synthesis]].<ref>{{Citation | last = Woodford| first = Michael| year= 2009| title = Convergence in Macroeconomics: Elements of the New Synthesis |url=http://www.columbia.edu/~mw2230/Convergence_AEJ.pdf |journal=American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics |volume=1 |issue=1 |pages=267–79 |doi = 10.1257/mac.1.1.267}}</ref>
Over the course of the 1980s and the 1990s, macroeconomists coalesced around a paradigm known as the [[new neoclassical synthesis]],{{sfn|Kocherlakota|2010|pp=11–12}} which combines elements of both New Keynesian and New classical macroeconomics, and forms the basis for the current consensus, which covers previously disputed areas of macroeconomics.{{Which|date=September 2023}}{{sfn|Mankiw|2006|pp=38–39}}{{sfn|Goodfriend|King|1997|pp=231–232}} The consensus built around this synthesis is characterised by an unprecedented agreement on methodological questions (such as the need to validate models econometrically); such agreement had, until the new synthesis, historically eluded macroeconomics, even during the [[neoclassical synthesis]].{{sfn|Woodford|2009|pp=2–3}}


The [[financial crisis of 2007–2010]] and the ensuing global economic crisis exposed modelling failures in the field of short-term macroeconomics.<ref name="tsoe">{{citation|title=The state of economics: The other-worldly philosophers|newspaper=The Economist|date=July 16, 2009|url=http://www.economist.com/displayStory.cfm?story_ID=14030288}}</ref><ref>{{cite news | last = Krugman | first = Paul | author-link = Paul Krugman | title = How did economists get it so wrong? | url = https://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/06/magazine/06Economic-t.html?_r=1 | work = [[The New York Times Magazine]] | date = September 2, 2009 }}</ref>
The [[financial crisis of 2007–2010]] and the ensuing global economic crisis exposed modelling failures in the field of short-term macroeconomics.{{sfn|Krugman|2009}} While most macroeconomists had predicted the burst of the [[housing bubble]], but according to ''[[The Economist]]'' "they did not expect the financial system to break."{{sfn|The Economist|2009}}


=== Term ===
=== Term ===
The term "mainstream economics" came into use in the late 20th century. It appeared in 2001 edition of the seminal textbook ''[[Economics (textbook)|Economics]]'' by [[Paul Samuelson|Samuelson]] and Nordhaus<ref>Paul A. Samuelson and [[William D. Nordhaus]] (2001), 17th ed., [[Economics (textbook)|Economics]]</ref> on the inside back cover in the "Family Tree of Economics", which depicts arrows into "Modern Mainstream Economics" from [[J.M. Keynes]] (1936) and [[neoclassical economics]] (1860–1910). The term "[[neoclassical synthesis]]" itself also first appears in the 1955 edition of Samuelson's textbook.<ref>Olivier Jean Blanchard (1987), "neoclassical synthesis", ''[[The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics]]'', v. 3, pp. 634–36.</ref>
The term "mainstream economics" came into use in the late 20th century. It appeared in 2001 edition of the textbook ''[[Economics (textbook)|Economics]]'' by [[Paul Samuelson|Samuelson]] and Nordhaus on the inside back cover in the "Family Tree of Economics", which depicts arrows into "Modern Mainstream Economics" from [[Keynes]] (1936) and [[neoclassical economics]] (1860–1910).{{sfn|Samuelson|Nordhaus|2001}} The term "[[neoclassical synthesis]]" itself also first appears in the 1955 edition of Samuelson's textbook.{{sfn|Blanchard|2016|p=1}}


== Scope ==
== Scope ==
Mainstream economics can be defined, as distinct from other schools of economics, by various criteria, notably by its ''assumptions,'' its ''methods,'' and its ''topics.'' It is however also useful to challenge this distinction in light of the mutation of mainstream economics.{{according to whom|date=September 2020}}
Mainstream economics can be defined, as distinct from other schools of economics, by various criteria, notably by its ''assumptions,'' its ''methods,'' and its ''topics.''


=== Assumptions ===
=== Assumptions ===
While being long rejected by many heterodox schools, several assumptions used to underpin many mainstream economic models. These include the neoclassical assumptions of [[rational choice theory]], a [[representative agent]], and, often, [[rational expectations]]. However, much of modern economic mainstream modeling consists of exploring the effects that complicating factors have on models, such as [[Information asymmetry|imperfect and asymmetric information]], [[Behavioral economics|bounded rationality]], [[incomplete markets]], [[imperfect competition]], heterogenous agents<ref>https://www.nber.org/papers/w21897.pdf {{Bare URL PDF|date=March 2022}}</ref> and [[transaction cost]]s.
While being long rejected by many heterodox schools, several assumptions used to underpin many mainstream economic models. These include the neoclassical assumptions of [[rational choice theory]], a [[representative agent]], and, often, [[rational expectations]]. However, much of modern economic mainstream modeling consists of exploring the effects that complicating factors have on models, such as [[Information asymmetry|imperfect and asymmetric information]], [[Behavioral economics|bounded rationality]], [[incomplete markets]], [[imperfect competition]], heterogeneous agents{{sfn|Kaplan|Moll|Violante|2018|p=699}} and [[transaction cost]]s.{{sfn|Kaplan|Moll|Violante|2018|p=709}}


Originally, the starting point of orthodox economic analysis was the individual. Individuals and firms were generally defined as units with a common goal: maximisation through rational behaviour. The only differences consisted of:
Originally, the starting point of orthodox economic analysis was the individual. Individuals and firms were generally defined as units with a common goal: maximisation through rational behaviour. The only differences consisted of:
* the specific objective of the maximisation (individuals tend to maximise utility and firms profit);
* the specific objective of the maximisation (individuals tend to maximise utility and firms profit);{{sfn|Himmelweit|1997|p=22}}
* and the constraints faced in the process of maximisation (individuals might be constrained by limited income or commodity prices and firms might be constrained by technology or availability of inputs).<ref name=The_individual_as_the_basic_unit_of_analysis>{{cite book |last=Himmelweit |first=Sue |editor-first1=Francis |editor-last1=Green |editor-first2=Peter|editor-last2=Nore|title=Economics an Anti-text |publisher=London: MacMillan |date=1997 |pages=21–35 |chapter=Chapter 2: The individual as the basic unit of analysis |isbn=9780765639233}}</ref>
* and the constraints faced in the process of maximisation (individuals might be constrained by limited income or commodity prices and firms might be constrained by technology or availability of inputs).{{sfn|Himmelweit|1997|p=22}}


From this (descriptive) theoretical framework, neoclassical economists like [[Alfred Marshall]] often derived - although not systematically - the political prescription that political action should not be used to solve the problems of the economic system. Instead, the solution ought to derive from an intervention on the above-mentioned maximisation objectives and constraints. It is in this context that economic [[capitalism]] finds its justification.<ref name=The_individual_as_the_basic_unit_of_analysis /> Yet, mainstream economics now includes descriptive theories of [[market failure|market]] and [[government failure]] and private and [[Public good (economics)|public good]]s. These developments suggest a range of views on the desirability or otherwise of government intervention, from a more normative perspective.<ref>{{Cite journal|url=https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2535453|ssrn = 2535453|title = Political Language in Economics|date = 17 September 2018|last1 = Jelveh|first1 = Zubin| doi=10.2139/ssrn.2535453 | s2cid=15818467 }}</ref>
From this (descriptive) theoretical framework, neoclassical economists like [[Alfred Marshall]] often derived although not systematically the political prescription that political action should not be used to solve the problems of the economic system. Instead, the solution ought to derive from an intervention on the above-mentioned maximisation objectives and constraints. It is in this context that economic [[capitalism]] finds its justification.{{sfn|Himmelweit|1997|p=23}} Yet, mainstream economics now includes descriptive theories of [[market failure|market]] and [[government failure]] and private and [[Public good (economics)|public good]]s. These developments suggest a range of views on the desirability or otherwise of government intervention, from a more normative perspective.{{Citation needed|date=September 2023}}


=== Methods ===
=== Methods ===


Additionally, some economic fields include elements of both mainstream economics and [[heterodox economics]]: for example, [[Austrian School|Austrian economics]],{{how|"Austrian economics" is a economic school, not a field|date=September 2014}}<ref>''A Companion to the History of Economic Thought'' (2003). Blackwell Publishing. {{ISBN|0-631-22573-0}} p. 452</ref> [[institutional economics]], [[neuroeconomics]] and non-linear [[Complexity economics|complexity theory]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Colander |first1=David |author-link=David Colander |last2=Holt |first2=Richard P. F. |last3=Rosser |first3=Barkley J. Jr. |year=2004 |title=The Changing Face of Mainstream Economics |url= http://www.middlebury.edu/services/econ/repec/mdl/ancoec/0327.pdf |journal=Review of Political Economy |volume=16 |issue=4| pages=485–99 |doi=10.1080/0953825042000256702|s2cid=35411709 }}</ref><!-- [[experimental economics]] is a relatively new field but very mainstream --> They may use neoclassical economics as a point of departure. At least one institutionalist has argued that "neoclassical economics no longer dominates a mainstream economics."<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Davis |first1=John B. |year=2006 |title=The Turn in Economics: Neoclassical Dominance to Mainstream Pluralism? |url= http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=429132 |journal=Journal of Institutional Economics |volume=2 |issue=1| pages=1–20 |doi=10.1017/s1744137405000263|s2cid=37162943 }}</ref>
Some economic fields include elements of both mainstream economics and [[heterodox economics]]: for example, [[institutional economics]], [[neuroeconomics]], and non-linear [[Complexity economics|complexity theory]].{{sfn|Colander|Holt|Rosser|2003|p=11}} They may use neoclassical economics as a point of departure. At least one institutionalist, John Davis, has argued that "neoclassical economics no longer dominates a mainstream economics."{{sfn|Davis|2006|pp=1, 4}}


=== Topics ===
=== Topics ===
Economics has been initially shaped as a discipline concerned with a range of issues revolving around money and wealth. However, in the 1930s, mainstream economics began to mutate into a science of human decision. In 1931, Lionel Robbins famously wrote "Economics is the science which studies human behaviour as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses". This drew a line of demarcation between [[Formalist–substantivist debate|mainstream economics and other disciplines and schools studying the economy]].<ref>Georg N. Schäfer and Sören E. Schuster (2022), Mapping Mainstream Economics. Genealogical Foundations of Alternativity. London/New York: Routledge, p.11f. DOI: 10.4324/9781003287148 </ref>
Economics has been initially shaped as a discipline concerned with a range of issues revolving around money and wealth. However, in the 1930s, mainstream economics began to mutate into a science of human decision. In 1931, Lionel Robbins famously wrote "Economics is the science which studies human behaviour as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses". This drew a line of demarcation between [[Formalist–substantivist debate|mainstream economics and other disciplines and schools studying the economy]].{{sfn|Schäfer|Schuster|2022|loc=p. 11f}}


The mainstream approach of economics as a science of decision-making contributed to enlarge the scope of the discipline. Economists like [[Gary Becker]] began to study seemingly distant fields as crime, the [[Family (economics)|family]], [[Law and economics|law]], [[public choice|politics]], and [[Economics of religion|religion]]. This expansion is sometimes referred to as [[economic imperialism (economics)|economic imperialism]].<ref>{{cite journal |last=Lazear |first=Edward |title=Economic Imperialism |date=2000 |journal=The Quarterly Journal of Economics |volume=115 |pages=99–146 |doi=10.1162/003355300554683}}</ref>
The mainstream approach of economics as a science of decision-making contributed to enlarge the scope of the discipline. Economists like [[Gary Becker]] began to study seemingly distant fields including crime,{{sfn|Edward|1999|p=19}} the [[Family (economics)|family]],{{sfn|Edward|1999|p=14}} [[Law and economics|law]],{{sfn|Edward|1999|p=39}} [[public choice|politics]],{{sfn|Edward|1999|p=39}} and [[Economics of religion|religion]].{{sfn|Edward|1999|p=20}} This expansion is sometimes referred to as [[economic imperialism (economics)|economic imperialism]].{{sfn|Edward|1999|p=6}}


==References==
==Notes==
{{Reflist|35em}}
{{notelist}}


==References==
===Footnotes===
{{Reflist|20em}}
=== Works cited ===
{{refbegin|indent=yes|30em}}
*{{Cite book |last=Blanchard |first=Olivier Jean |url=https://link.springer.com/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_1218-1 |title=Neoclassical Synthesis |date=11 November 2016 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK |isbn=978-1-349-95121-5 |location=London |language=en |doi=10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_1218-1 |author-link=Olivier Jean Blanchard |access-date=30 August 2023 |orig-date=Originally published in ''[[The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics]]'' (1987)}}
*{{Cite book |last=Boettke |first=Peter |title=A Companion to the History of Economic Thought |last2=Leeson |first2=Peter |date=1 January 2003 |publisher=Blackwell Publishing |isbn=978-0-631-22573-7 |editor-last=Samuels |editor-first=Warren J. |editor-link=Warren Samuels |location=Malden, Massachusetts |chapter=The Austrian School of Economics: 1950–2000 |doi=10.1002/9780470999059 |author-link=Peter Boettke |author-link2=Peter Leeson |editor-last2=Biddle |editor-first2=Jeff E. |editor-last3=Davis |editor-first3=John Bryan |chapter-url=https://econfaculty.gmu.edu/pboettke/pubs/the_austrian_school_of_economics_1950_2000.pdf}}
*{{Cite book |last=Clark |first=Barry Stewart |title=Political economy: a comparative approach |date=1998 |publisher=Praeger |isbn=978-0-275-96370-5 |edition=2 |location=Westport, Connecticut}}
*{{Cite book |last=Colander |first=David |url=https://archive.org/details/complexityhistor0000hist |title=Complexity and the history of economic thought |publisher=Routledge |year=2000a |isbn=978-0-415-13356-2 |editor-last=Colander |editor-first=David |location=London |oclc=51977344 |author-link=David Colander}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Colander |first=David |last2=Holt |first2=Richard P. F. |last3=Rosser |first3=Barkley J. Jr. |date=November 2003 |title=The Changing Face of Mainstream Economics |url=http://www.middlebury.edu/services/econ/repec/mdl/ancoec/0327.pdf |journal=Review of Political Economy |volume=16 |issue=4 |doi=10.1080/0953825042000256702 |s2cid=35411709}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Colander |first=David |date=June 2000b |title=The Death of Neoclassical Economics |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1053837200006362/type/journal_article |journal=Journal of the History of Economic Thought |language=en |volume=22 |issue=2 |doi=10.1080/10427710050025330 |issn=1053-8372 |s2cid=154275191}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Davis |first=John B. |date=1 April 2006 |title=The turn in economics: neoclassical dominance to mainstream pluralism? |url=https://epublications.marquette.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1272&context=econ_fac |url-status=live |journal=Journal of Institutional Economics |language=en |volume=2 |issue=1 |doi=10.1017/S1744137405000263 |issn=1744-1382 |s2cid=37162943 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230703220512/https://epublications.marquette.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1272&context=econ_fac |archive-date=3 July 2023 |access-date=1 September 2023}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Goodfriend |first=Marvin |author-link=Marvin Goodfriend |last2=King |first2=Robert G |author-link2=Robert G. King |year=1997 |title=The New Neoclassical Synthesis and the Role of Monetary Policy |journal=NBER Macroeconomics Annual |series=NBER Chapters |volume=12 |doi=10.1086/654336 |jstor=3585232 |doi-access=free}}
*{{Cite book |last=Himmelweit |first=Sue |url=https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-1-349-15751-8 |title=Economics: An Anti-text |publisher=MacMillan |date=17 March 1997 |isbn=9780765639233 |editor-last=Green |editor-first=Francis |location=London |chapter=Chapter 2: The individual as the basic unit of analysis |access-date=30 August 2023 |editor-last2=Nore |editor-first2=Peter |url-access=subscription}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Jelveh |first=Zubin |last2=Kogut |first2=Bruce |last3=Naidu |first3=Suresh |date=December 13, 2022 |title=Political Language in Economics |url=http://www.ssrn.com/abstract=2535453 |journal=SSRN Electronic Journal |language=en |doi=10.2139/ssrn.2535453 |issn=1556-5068 |s2cid=15818467 |ssrn=2535453 |access-date=1 September 2023 |doi-access=free}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Kaplan |first=Greg |author-link=Greg Kaplan |last2=Moll |first2=Benjamin |author-link2=Benjamin Moll |last3=Violante |first3=Giovanni L. |date=2018-03-01 |title=Monetary Policy According to HANK |url=https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/aer.20160042 |journal=American Economic Review |language=en |location=Cambridge, MA |publisher=National Bureau of Economic Research |volume=108 |issue=3 |doi=10.1257/aer.20160042 |issn=0002-8282 |jstor=26527936}}
*{{Cite web |last=Kocherlakota |first=Narayana |author-link=Narayana Kocherlakota |date=4 May 2010 |title=Modern Macroeconomic Models as Tools for Economic Policy |url=https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Modern-macroeconomic-models-as-tools-for-economic-Kocherlakota/e332d17148b91618a1c07cea28902fb4b5ee1683 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230810091502/https://www.minneapolisfed.org/~/media/files/pubs/region/10-05/2009_mplsfed_annualreport_essay.pdf |archive-date=10 August 2023 |access-date=30 August 2023 |website=www.semanticscholar.org |publisher=[[Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis]]}}
*{{Cite news |last=Krugman |first=Paul |author-link=Paul Krugman |date=September 2, 2009 |title=How did economists get it so wrong? |work=[[The New York Times Magazine]] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/06/magazine/06Economic-t.html |url-status=live |access-date=30 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230524095852/https://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/06/magazine/06Economic-t.html |archive-date=24 May 2023}}
*{{Cite report |url=https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w7300/w7300.pdf |title=Economic Imperialism |last=Lazear |first=Edward P. |date=July 1999 |issue=1 |doi=10.1162/003355300554683 |publication-date=August 1999 |jstor=2586936 |access-date=1 September 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230530023104/https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w7300/w7300.pdf |archive-date=30 May 2023 |url-status=live}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Mankiw |first=N. Gregory |author-link=Greg Mankiw |date=2006-08-01 |title=The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer |url=https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/jep.20.4.29 |url-status=live |journal=Journal of Economic Perspectives |language=en |volume=20 |issue=4 |doi=10.1257/jep.20.4.29 |issn=0895-3309 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230830185851/https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/jep.20.4.29 |archive-date=2023-08-30 |access-date=2023-08-30 |doi-access=free}}
*{{Cite magazine |date=18 July 2009 |title=The other-worldly philosophers |url=https://www.economist.com/briefing/2009/07/16/the-other-worldly-philosophers |magazine=[[The Economist]] |issn=0013-0613 |ref={{SfnRef|The Economist|2009}}}}<!-- Sorted as "other-wordly philosophers, The" -->
*{{Cite book |last=Rotemberg |first=Julio J. |url=https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/ma.2.4623707 |title=NBER Macroeconomics Annual 1987 |date=January 1987 |volume=2 |language=en |chapter=The New Keynesian Microfoundations |doi=10.1086/ma.2.4623707 |hdl=1721.1/48619 |issn=0889-3365 |author-link=Julio Rotemberg |chapter-url=https://www.nber.org/chapters/c11099 |s2cid=154005964}}
*{{Cite book |last=Samuelson |first=Paul A. |title=Economics |title-link=Economics (textbook) |last2=Nordhaus |first2=William D. |publisher=Richard D. Irwin, Inc. |year=2001 |isbn=9780072509144 |edition=17 |author-link=Paul Samuelson |author-link2=William Nordhaus}}
*{{Cite book |last=Schäfer |first=Georg N. |url=https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781003287148 |title=Mapping Mainstream Economics: Genealogical Foundations of Alternativity |last2=Schuster |first2=Sören E. |date=2022-06-07 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-003-28714-8 |edition=1 |location=London |language=en |doi=10.4324/9781003287148}}
*{{Cite book |last=Snowdon |first=Brian |url=http://www.ricardopanza.com.ar/files/macro2/Modern_Macroeconomics_Snowdon___Vane_05.pdf |title=Modern macroeconomics: its origins, development and current state |last2=Vane |first2=Howard R. |publisher=Edward Elgar Publishing |year=2006 |isbn=978-1-84542-208-0 |edition=Reprinted Paperback |location=Cheltenham |access-date=2023-08-29 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210430074754/http://www.ricardopanza.com.ar/files/macro2/Modern_Macroeconomics_Snowdon___Vane_05.pdf |archive-date=2021-04-30 |url-status=live}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Woodford |first=Michael |author-link=Michael Dean Woodford |date=January 2009 |title=Convergence in Macroeconomics: Elements of the New Synthesis |url=http://www.columbia.edu/~mw2230/Convergence_AEJ.pdf |url-status=live |journal=American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics |volume=1 |issue=1 |doi=10.1257/mac.1.1.267 |issn=1945-7707 |jstor=25760267 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230331140330/http://www.columbia.edu/~mw2230/Convergence_AEJ.pdf |archive-date=31 March 2023 |access-date=30 August 2023 |doi-access=free}}
{{refend}}
{{Economics}}
{{Economics}}
{{Macroeconomics}}
{{Macroeconomics}}

Revision as of 02:03, 2 September 2023

Mainstream economics is the body of knowledge, theories, and models of economics, as taught by universities worldwide, that are generally accepted by economists as a basis for discussion. Also known as orthodox economics, it can be contrasted to heterodox economics, which encompasses various schools or approaches that are only accepted by a minority of economists.

The economics profession has traditionally been associated with neoclassical economics.[1] However, this association has been challenged by prominent historians of economic thought including David Colander.[2] They argue the current economic mainstream theories, such as game theory, behavioral economics, industrial organization, information economics, and the like, share very little common ground with the initial axioms of neoclassical economics.

History

Economics has always featured multiple schools of economic thought, with different schools having different prominence across countries and over time. The current use of the term "mainstream economics" is specific to the post–World War II era, particularly in the English-speaking world, and to a lesser extent globally.[citation needed]

Prior to the development and prevalence of classical economics, the dominant school in Europe was mercantilism, which was rather a loose set of related ideas than an institutionalized school. With the development of modern economics, conventionally given as the late 18th-century The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, British economics developed and became dominated by what is now called the classical school. From The Wealth of Nations until the Great Depression, the dominant school within the English-speaking world was classical economics, and its successor, neoclassical economics.[a][citation needed] In continental Europe, the earlier work of the physiocrats in France formed a distinct tradition, as did the later work of the historical school of economics in Germany, and throughout the 19th century there were debates in British economics, notably the opposition underconsumptionist school.

During the Great Depression and the following Second World War, the school of Keynesian economics gained attention, which built on the work of the underconsumptionist school, and gained prominence as part of the neoclassical synthesis, which was the post–World War II merger of Keynesian macroeconomics and neoclassical microeconomics that prevailed from the 1950s until the 1970s.[3][page needed]

In the 1970s, the consensus in macroeconomics collapsed as a result of the failure of the neoclassical synthesis to explain the phenomenon of stagflation:[4] subsequent to this, two schools of thought in the field emerged: New Keynesianism and New classical macroeconomics. Both sought to rebuild macroeconomics using microfoundations to explain macroeconomic phenomena using microeconomics.[5]

Over the course of the 1980s and the 1990s, macroeconomists coalesced around a paradigm known as the new neoclassical synthesis,[6] which combines elements of both New Keynesian and New classical macroeconomics, and forms the basis for the current consensus, which covers previously disputed areas of macroeconomics.[which?][7][8] The consensus built around this synthesis is characterised by an unprecedented agreement on methodological questions (such as the need to validate models econometrically); such agreement had, until the new synthesis, historically eluded macroeconomics, even during the neoclassical synthesis.[9]

The financial crisis of 2007–2010 and the ensuing global economic crisis exposed modelling failures in the field of short-term macroeconomics.[10] While most macroeconomists had predicted the burst of the housing bubble, but according to The Economist "they did not expect the financial system to break."[11]

Term

The term "mainstream economics" came into use in the late 20th century. It appeared in 2001 edition of the textbook Economics by Samuelson and Nordhaus on the inside back cover in the "Family Tree of Economics", which depicts arrows into "Modern Mainstream Economics" from Keynes (1936) and neoclassical economics (1860–1910).[12] The term "neoclassical synthesis" itself also first appears in the 1955 edition of Samuelson's textbook.[13]

Scope

Mainstream economics can be defined, as distinct from other schools of economics, by various criteria, notably by its assumptions, its methods, and its topics.

Assumptions

While being long rejected by many heterodox schools, several assumptions used to underpin many mainstream economic models. These include the neoclassical assumptions of rational choice theory, a representative agent, and, often, rational expectations. However, much of modern economic mainstream modeling consists of exploring the effects that complicating factors have on models, such as imperfect and asymmetric information, bounded rationality, incomplete markets, imperfect competition, heterogeneous agents[14] and transaction costs.[15]

Originally, the starting point of orthodox economic analysis was the individual. Individuals and firms were generally defined as units with a common goal: maximisation through rational behaviour. The only differences consisted of:

  • the specific objective of the maximisation (individuals tend to maximise utility and firms profit);[16]
  • and the constraints faced in the process of maximisation (individuals might be constrained by limited income or commodity prices and firms might be constrained by technology or availability of inputs).[16]

From this (descriptive) theoretical framework, neoclassical economists like Alfred Marshall often derived – although not systematically – the political prescription that political action should not be used to solve the problems of the economic system. Instead, the solution ought to derive from an intervention on the above-mentioned maximisation objectives and constraints. It is in this context that economic capitalism finds its justification.[17] Yet, mainstream economics now includes descriptive theories of market and government failure and private and public goods. These developments suggest a range of views on the desirability or otherwise of government intervention, from a more normative perspective.[citation needed]

Methods

Some economic fields include elements of both mainstream economics and heterodox economics: for example, institutional economics, neuroeconomics, and non-linear complexity theory.[18] They may use neoclassical economics as a point of departure. At least one institutionalist, John Davis, has argued that "neoclassical economics no longer dominates a mainstream economics."[19]

Topics

Economics has been initially shaped as a discipline concerned with a range of issues revolving around money and wealth. However, in the 1930s, mainstream economics began to mutate into a science of human decision. In 1931, Lionel Robbins famously wrote "Economics is the science which studies human behaviour as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses". This drew a line of demarcation between mainstream economics and other disciplines and schools studying the economy.[20]

The mainstream approach of economics as a science of decision-making contributed to enlarge the scope of the discipline. Economists like Gary Becker began to study seemingly distant fields including crime,[21] the family,[22] law,[23] politics,[23] and religion.[24] This expansion is sometimes referred to as economic imperialism.[25]

Notes

  1. ^ The precise distinction and relationship between classical economics and neoclassical economics is a debated point. Suffice to say that these are the ex post facto terms used to refer to successive chronological periods of an interrelated group of theories.

References

Footnotes

  1. ^ Colander 2000a, p. 35.
  2. ^ Colander 2000b, p. 130.
  3. ^ Clark 1998.
  4. ^ Snowdon 2006, p. 23.
  5. ^ Snowdon 2006, p. 72.
  6. ^ Kocherlakota 2010, pp. 11–12.
  7. ^ Mankiw 2006, pp. 38–39.
  8. ^ Goodfriend & King 1997, pp. 231–232.
  9. ^ Woodford 2009, pp. 2–3.
  10. ^ Krugman 2009.
  11. ^ The Economist 2009.
  12. ^ Samuelson & Nordhaus 2001.
  13. ^ Blanchard 2016, p. 1.
  14. ^ Kaplan, Moll & Violante 2018, p. 699.
  15. ^ Kaplan, Moll & Violante 2018, p. 709.
  16. ^ a b Himmelweit 1997, p. 22.
  17. ^ Himmelweit 1997, p. 23.
  18. ^ Colander, Holt & Rosser 2003, p. 11.
  19. ^ Davis 2006, pp. 1, 4.
  20. ^ Schäfer & Schuster 2022, p. 11f.
  21. ^ Edward 1999, p. 19.
  22. ^ Edward 1999, p. 14.
  23. ^ a b Edward 1999, p. 39.
  24. ^ Edward 1999, p. 20.
  25. ^ Edward 1999, p. 6.

Works cited