Aryan Invasion Theory (history and controversies)

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This article is about historical, ideological and socio-political aspects of this controversy. For debates about modern scholarship on the subject of Indian migrations see Indo-Aryan migration.

The "Aryan Invasion Theory," (AIT), is a historical controversial complex polemical construct used in the context of discussions of South Asian prehistory of the period 3000 BC to 1000 BC. Although it had backing in the eary 20th century, it has now been rejected by modern scholars, some of whom believe a peaceful migration may still have occurred. It is not known who coined the term. The theory suggests the migration and possible invasion of South Asia by an Aryan people who may have originated from Europe or Central Asia. The point at dispute is the emphasis on an "invasion" with relation to the historical movements of speakers of Indo-Aryan languages, the Indo-Aryan migrations, contrasting claims of Indo-Aryans being autochthonous to the Indian subcontinent with scenarios of invasion and military conquest.

The debate is one regarding the validity of conjecture regarding ethnogenesis, conquest and migration paths of the ancient peoples of Central Asia.

Overview

The case of the supporters of the AIT may be set down as follows: Unlike in the case of Mesopotamia, where there are readable written inscriptions dating as far back as the Sumerian period in 3100 BC, there are no written records from the Indian subcontinent before the third century BC except the Indus Valley seals, which remain by general academic consensus unreadable despite occasional claims to the contrary. Yet, the earliest Hindu scriptures, the Vedas, were orally transmitted and hence cannot be firmly dated. Fragments of a superstrate language of the Mitanni kingdom dating to the 14th century BC does contain several names and words that bear very close relationship to Vedic Sanskrit, thus qualifying as Indo-Aryan. Indo-Aryan and Iranian languages derive from Proto-Indo-Iranian. Since these languages were historically spread over vast areas of Eurasia, it is clear that there was necessarily an extended period of geographical expansion of their speakers.

It is however important to note that this conclusion refers to the spread of languages, not people. There are numerous instances in the historical record to show that large areas can change their linguistic affiliation without the original population being wiped out and replaced by another.The dominance of English in Ireland is an instance of "elite dominance" in which a relatively small number of immigrants are able to impose their own language on a local population, albeit via a process that can take many centuries to carry out. Such processes are today considered the main vehicle of language spread, while replacement of the language of an original population by complete or even significant replacement of that population is an exception, known only from Modern (colonial) times, such as the case the virtually complete dominance of English over indigenous languages in Australia.

The theory has a number of implications for the people of India and has been a topic of considerable debate. There has been much religiously motivated debate as to the suggestion that Vedic teachings originated from outside India and thus affecting the view of Hinduism in Indian society. Some interpretations of the theory also suggest that a primitive Dravidian people adopted their religion from the light-skinned Aryans. Recent archaeological evidence has allowed the growth of scepticism at these concepts of the theory. The scientific progress and organization of the Indus Valley Civilization seems to disprove the idea that a superior light-skinned race could have conquered the Indus Valley[1] In fact, some Hindutva parties oppose the AIT completely, saying that Aryans invaded Eastern Eurasia after originating in South Asia, evidence has emerged in recent years to support some aspects of this theory, although it remains a matter of debate amongst scholars on the subject. The fact that the people of Mesopotamia spoke Indo-Aryan languages in 1500 B.C. (as opposed to Iranian languages is one example of such evidence. [2].

Those "AIT supporters" who enter into the political debate however have also used the underlying motives of their opponents to buttress their arguments. They believe that the other side's polemics are motivated by a strong feeling that the Hindu religion, with its highest texts in Vedic Sanskrit, would become less "authentic" if it were to be accepted that the origin of this language were outside the sacred places of the Indian subcontinent. It is of course a fallacy to imply that a theory is correct because its opponents are using flawed argumentation. It would be an example of association fallacy to conclude "the AIT has been opposed by religious zealots; therefore it must be correct". Modern scholarly views of Indo-Aryan migration, relativized by notions of acculturation and ethnogenesis, should thus be informed by actual evidence of ancient history and archaeology and not by the state of the socio-religious debate in India.

Early history of the AIT

The modern history of Indo-European studies and indeed of linguistics begins with William Jones, writing in the 1790s, who was the first to relate the kinship of Sanskrit with classical European languages and to propose that an earlier language "which perhaps no longer exists" was the common source of Sanskrit, Greek and Latin. He also suggested that the Germanic and Celtic languages may have derived from the same source.[3]. Later theorists confirmed this and identified that the Slavic languages also derived from the lost proto-language.

Some early scholars, notably Friedrich Schlegel in 1808, postulated that India was the source of this original language. They adopted the term "Indo-Germanic." Others preferred "Indo-European," which is now the standard term. Like other European writers Schlegel was of the opinion that India was the "cradle of civilization". For example Voltaire had written some years before Jones's discovery that "I am convinced that everything has come down to us from the banks of the Ganges, astronomy, astrology, metempsychosis, etc...[4], and said: "It does not behove us, who were only savages and barbarians when these Indian and Chinese peoples were civilized and learned, to dispute their antiquity."[5]

Other scholars, including Jones, attempted to fit the spread of languages to the Biblical model of human orgins, following earlier debates about the "confusion of tongues" following the fall of the Tower of Babel. It was widely speculated that the Biblical tribe of Japheth had expanded from Mesopotamia or Anatolia into the Caucasus and thence into Europe. Such a migration would be consistent with the expansion and differentiation of languages from a common root, and would place Iran and the Indus close to the supposed origin of the migrations.

By the 1840s the distribution-pattern of the languages had led several scholars to conclude that India was an unlikely origin-point, since it was at what was then believed to be the easternmost extension of the languages. (Tocharian, once spoken by the inhabitants of the Tarim basin in what is present-day China, had yet to be discovered.) Statements made in the Iranian sacred texts about a northern homeland, along with descriptions of battles in the Rig-Veda, led scholars to conclude that the original Aryans must have migrated to India. This theory is most associated with the linguist Friedrich Max Müller, who argued that the Aryans had migrated to India at around 1500 BC, from an earlier homeland in Bactria or further north, in the Central Asian steppe. Like Jones, Müller also believed that the gods of the Vedic pantheon were related to the gods of Greek, Roman and of Norse mythology, so he argued that the pagan culture of Europe could be traced back to the Aryans, who must have expanded both eastwards and westwards from their homeland.

Other discoveries in linguistics, such as the role of palatalization in Indo-European language change, comprehensively discredited the idea that Sanskrit could be the mother of other IE languages.

Müller dated the Rig Veda to 1500-1200 BCE, but he also said that these dates were provisional and that he has "repeatedly dwelt on the hypothethical character of the dates... All I have claimed for them has been that they are minimum dates."[6] And he also asserted: "Whether the Vedic hynmns were composed 1000, or 1500, or 2000, or 3000 years BC, no power on earth will ever determine." (Müller 1891:91)[7] He also wrote on the homeland of the Aryans: "if an answer must be given as to the place where our Aryan ancestors dwelt before their separation,... I should still say, as I said forty years ago, "Somewhere in Asia," and no more" [8] Max Müller's contemporary critics have pointed out that "the whole foundation of Müller's date rests on the authority of Somadeva.. [who] narrated his tales in the twelfth century after Christ [and] would not be a little surprised to learn that "a European point of view" raises a "ghost story" of his to the dignity of a historical document." [9] Some critics have alleged that Müller's dating of the Vedas was influenced by a desire to bring Hindu chronology in line with Biblical chronology (4004 BC for Creation and c. 2448 BC for Noah's Flood according to the Ussher-Lightfoot Calendar).[10]

The common heritage of the Indo-European languages is one of the most powerful and unexpected discoveries of modern science and elicited incredulity which is still to be encountered today. Max Müller recounted that any remarks on Sanskrit were treated with contempt by his teachers and that "no one was for a time so completely laughed down as Professor Bopp, when he first published his Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Latin and Gothic. All hands were against him." [11]

Racialisation of the theory

The Aryan invasion theory was controversial from its beginning and thus was sometimes subject to racialization, mostly by people with who believed in white-supremacy. While many of these views were disputed at the time, or quickly proved to by false, they are still sometimes used by Neo-Nazi groups.

From early on some scholars had argued that the transfer of the Indo-Aryan languages into India was accomplished by white-skinned invaders, who subordinated dark-skinned natives. The famous German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer proposed just such a theory, observing the "fairer white color" of the ruling caste of the non-local Nordic Brahmans: "The highest civilization and culture, apart from the ancient Hindus and Egyptians, are found exclusively among the white races; and even with many dark peoples, the ruling caste or race is fairer in colour than the rest and has, therefore, evidently immigrated, for example, the Brahmans, the Incas, and the rulers of the South Sea Islands.” [12]

The derogatory application of the word "anasa" (interpreted to mean "noseless") to the Dasa, the enemies of the Aryans, was explained as a reference to negroid-type flat noses. Other arguments were derived from alleged references to the "golden" hair of some Vedic deities. From these arguments scholars derived the idea that the Aryans had subordinated or displaced earlier inhabitants of India. Because of the distribution of the Dravidian languages, which are unrelated to Sanskrit and the other languages of the Indo-European group, it was often speculated that Dravidian speaking peoples had been the aboriginal inhabitants.

By the 1880s several scholars were arguing that the original home of the of Indo-European speakers was somewhere in Europe. At this time these people, now known as Proto-Indo-Europeans, were referred to in English as the "primitive Aryans", to distinguish them from the historical Aryans of Iran and India. By this date Darwinian ideas had replaced the biblical model of human origins. Thomas Huxley in his essay The Aryan Question (1890) summed up the thinking of the day,

Professor Max Müller, to whom Aryan philology owes so much, will not say more now, than that he holds by the conviction that the seat of the primitive Aryans was "somewhere in Asia." Dr. Schrader sums up in favour of European Russia; while Herr Penka would have us transplant the home of the primitive Aryans from Pamir in the far east to the Scandinavian peninsula in the far west.[13]

Huxley took the view that what he called the "primitive Aryans" were of Nordic race, writing that "typical specimens have tall and massive frames, fair complexions, blue eyes, and yellow or reddish hair–that is to say, they are pronounced blonds." Huxley's view was shared by other writers such as Charles Morris in his 1888 book The Aryan Race, and Friedrich Nietszche in On the Genealogy of Morals (1887). These and other later writers argued that the Aryans were a warrior people who had imposed themselves over others by their ruthless military energy, based on chariot warfare. The invaders were thought to have entered the Indian subcontinent from the mountain passes of the Hindu Kush (present-day Afghanistan), bringing with them the domesticated horse, probably previously unknown in India.

Isaac Taylor (The Origins of the Aryans. 1892: 226-227) noted that "German scholars have contended that the physical type of the primitive Aryans was that of the North Germans - a tall, fair, blue-eyed dolichocephalic race", while French writers have maintained that they were brachycephalic Gauls. This increasing preoccupation with race led Max Müller to point out that language and race are not necessarily coterminous: "I have declared again and again that if I say Aryans, I mean neither blood nor bones, nor hair nor skull; I mean simply those who speak an Aryan language… To me an ethnologist who speaks of Aryan race, Aryan blood, Aryan eyes and hair, is as great a sinner as a linguist who speaks of a dolichocephalic dictionary or a brachycephalic grammar." [14]

Even in the 19th century, several theorists had criticised the use of the term "primitive [i.e. primal] Aryans" to refer to the earliest speakers of Indo-European languages, wherever they may have originated. They argued that the word should only describe the cultures in which the term "Arya" was used – those that occupied Iran and northern India. The tribal name of the earliest speakers is unknown, hence the term Proto-Indo-Europeans is now used. Such writers stated that equation of the Indo-Iranians with northern European invaders was unjustified. There was no reason to believe that the peoples of Iran and northern India were ever Nordic. There are references in Sanskrit literature where the hair of Brahmins is assumed to be black. For example, Atharva Veda 6:137. 2-3 contains a charm for making "strong black hairlocks" grow and in Baudhayana’s Dharma-Sutra 1:2, (also cited in Shabara’s Bhasya on Jaimini 1:33) we read the verse "Let him kindle the sacrificial fire while his hair is still black". And apart from a few gods associated with the sun, there is in Sanskrit literature only one golden-haired (hiranyakeshin) person , i.e. Hiranyakeshin, the author of the Hiranyakeshin-Shrauta-Sutra. [15]

More recent writers have taken the view that racial arguments are irrelevant to the theory. Hans Hock (1999b) studied all the occurrences that were interpreted racially in Geldner's translation of the Rig Veda and concludes that they were either mistranslated or open to other interpretations. He writes that the racial interpretation of the Indian texts "must be considered dubious." (p.154) Hock also notes that "early Sanskrit literature offers no conclusive evidence for preoccupation with skin color. More than that, some of the greatest Epic heroes and heroines such as Krishna, Draupadi, Arjuna, Nakula and (...) Damayanti are characterized as dark-skinned. Similarly, the famous cave-paintings of Ajanta depict a vast range of skin colors. But in none of these contexts do we find that darker skin color disqualifies a person from being considered good, beautiful, or heroic." (p.154-155) Hans Hock also notes that the world of the Aryas is often described with the words "light, white, broad and wide", while the world of the enemies of the Aryas is often described with the words "darkness or fog". And in many of these instances, he notes, a "racial" interpretation can be safely ruled out. Vishnu, Rama and many others are also described as dark-skinned. Ravana, who was often described as Dravidian, came from a Vedic family in Gujarat. On the other hand Siva who is considered by many invasion-theorists as a Dravidian god is often described as fair-skinned. Also, Veda Vyas who compiled the Vedas and wrote the great Hindu epic Mahabharata was dark-skinned. In RV 2.3.9, there is a verse about a son and hero who has a pishanga (tawny, reddish brown, golden) complexion.[16] The Rishi Kanva is described as having a dark complexion.[17]

According to another examination by Trautmann (1997), the racial evidence of the Indian texts is soft and based upon an amount of overreading. He concludes: "That the racial theory of Indian civilization still lingers is a miracle of faith. Is it not time we did away with it?" (p.213-215)

Earlier commentators on the Rig Veda like Sayana (14th century) did not interpret the Rig Veda in racial terms. According to Romila Thapar (1999, The Aryan question Revisited, "There isn't a single racial connotation in any of Sayana's commentaries."

Role in Imperialism and Nazism

The theory that the original Aryans were northern Europeans who had migrated into India was used by some British imperialists as an ideological justification for British control of India, on the grounds that the founders of Indian culture were of the same race as the Anglo-Saxon invaders who established the British Raj.[18] The theory provided an argument for an alliance between the British and the Indian ruling classes, however, some Indian nationalists also took the view that the Aryans had originated outside India. In The Arctic Home in the Vedas (1903) Bal Gangadhar Tilak argued on the basis of astronomical data that the Vedas could only have been composed from an Arctic location – the Aryan bards having brought them south after the onset of the last Ice age. The Aryan Invasion Theory was also accepted by the Hitler sympathizers Savitri Devi and her husband Asit Krishna Mukherji. Elst (1999) asserted that "after reading her autobiography, Memories and Reflexions of an Aryan Lady, there is not the slightest doubt left that for her and her husband, their belief in the AIT, along with their distortive reinterpretation of Hindu tradition in terms of the AIT, was the direct cause of their enthusiasm for Hitler."

The most notorious appropriation of the Nordic theory was that of the Nazis, who adopted the swastika design from Indian culture as an "Aryan" badge. The Nazi race-theorist Alfred Rosenberg argued in his book The Myth of the Twentieth Century (1930) that the Vedas were written by a superior Nordic master race who had invaded and occupied India in ancient times. These people had later become corrupted because they had lost contact with their "racial soul" due to their involvement with subordinated non-Aryans. For the Nazis, the Aryan invasion of India served as an allegory of the dangers of racial mixing. The AIT was also supported in Nazi textbooks. [19] This argument was later repeated by other white supremacists such as the former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke.[20] The AIT is also supported or accepted by several Western nationalists.[21] An European Urheimat of the Indo-Europeans is also sometimes claimed by some writers associated with the "Nouvelle Droite". [22] It is still sometimes suggested even by academics that the Indo-Aryans had blue eyes and fair or blond hair (e.g. Victor Mair 1998[23], Jean Haudry 1985). The Indo-European linguist Jean Haudry, a member of the Scientific Committee of the Front National, claimed in 1985 in his book "Les Indo-Européens" that the Proto-Indo-Europeans were tall, blue-eyed, fair-haired, long-skulled and straight-nosed. In the same publication, he also supported the Aryan Invasion Theory and claimed that it is probable that the Aryans left from Jamna on the Volga.

Some aspects of the Aryan Invasion Theory fit in with a racist framework.[24] Even though the AIT has also been used as a moral justification for racist or colonial doctrines[25], it does not follow that writers who support the AIT are racist themselves.[26] Elst (1999) asserted that what the non-invasionist school rejects "is precisely the creation of the conceptual framework which has made the racialist misuse of the term "Aryan" possible."

Later developments

By the 1920s, the theory of Aryan superiority was also challenged by the discovery of the remains of the Indus Valley Civilization, which preceded the postulated Aryan invasion. It was obviously advanced for its time, with planned cities, a standardized system of weights and bricks, etc, and it was understood that if the Aryans had invaded, then, regardless of their later achievements, they had in fact overthrown or at least post-dated a civilization more advanced than their own. On the basis of the Rig-Veda, it was argued that the Aryans themselves must have been semi-nomadic pastoralists. The British archaelogist Mortimer Wheeler argued that the Aryans may have taken advantage of the decline of the Indus civilization to invade it. As he wrote, the war-god Indra "stands accused" of its final destruction.

The British anthropologist Edmund Leach, who didn't believe in the Aryan invasion theory, described the effect the discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization had on the AIT:

"Common sense might suggest that here was a striking example of a refutable hypothesis that had in fact been refuted. Indo-European scholars should have scrapped all their historical reconstructions and started again from scratch. But that is not what happened. Vested interests and academic posts were involved. Almost without exception the scholars in question managed to persuade themselves that despite appearances, the theories of the philologists and the hard evidence of archeology could be made to fit together. The trick was to think of the horse-riding Aryans as conquerors of the cities of the Indus civilization in the same way the Spanish conquistadores were conquerors of the cities of Mexico and Peru or the Israelites of the Exodus were conquerors of Jericho."[27]

More recently it has become widely accepted that the dramatic invasionist model is unlikely. More recent research indicates that the migrations were much more peaceful. The idea that chariots and horses could have been used as "bronze age tanks" in an invasion is disputed because chariots would not be suitable for a mass invasion of South Asia from the north, as this would mean they would have to cross both mountains and deserts, both unsuitable for chariot.[28]

Political and religious issues

Some Hindu thinkers like Sri Aurobindo reacted against the Aryan Invasion theory on spiritual rather than historical grounds, claiming them to be "materialistic." Sri Aurobindo interprets the descriptions of war in the Rig Veda often as descriptions of spiritual warfare or as nature-poetry. Some Hindus have emphasized the fact that there is not an explicit mention of an Aryan invasion in the Hindu texts. Aurobindo thus writes: "But the indications in the Veda on which this theory of a recent Aryan invasion is built, are very scanty in quantity and uncertain in their significance. There is no actual mention of any such invasion..."(Sri Aurobindo. The Secret of the Veda. Sri Aurobindo Ashram, Pondicherry. 1971: 23-4) Also Vivekananda (CW Vol. 3) remarked: "As for the truth of these theories, there is not one word in our scriptures, not one, to prove that the Aryan ever came from anywhere outside of India, and in ancient India was included Afghanistan. There it ends."

In modern India, the discussion of Indo-Aryan migration is charged politically and religiously. The debate has produced a lot of polemics on both sides.[29] Supporters of migration are faced with several accusations. The major one is that the British Raj and European Indologists from the 19th century to the present day promoted the Aryan Invasion hypothesis in support of Eurocentric notions of white supremacy. Assertions that the highly advanced proto-Hindu Vedic culture could not have had its roots in India are seen as attempts to bolster European ideas of dominance.

After Indian independence, Socialist and Marxist accounts of history proliferated in Indian universities. Opponents of the invasion theory contend that Marxists promoted the theory because its model of invasion and subordination corresponded to Marxist concepts of class struggle and ideology. But it was also pointed out that Western and Russian Marxists were often critical of the AIT.[30] Some modern opponents of the Aryan-Vedic continuity in India, like Romila Thapar, are Marxist. Some others like V.T. Rajshekar (Dalit Voice) are proponents of the Dalit (outcast) movement.[31] Such writers have alleged that the Aryans were nomadic plunderers who invaded and destroyed civilizations from Europe to India, especially the Harappan civilization. Missionaries in India have utilized the Aryan Invasion Theory for their own political goals. They claim for example that the AIT proves that Aryan Hinduism is as much a foreign import as Christianity.[32] It was thus proposed by some Christians and Muslims that "Sanskrit should be deleted from the Eight Schedule of the Constitution because it is a foreign language brought to the country by foreign invaders - the Aryans." [33] Some Marxists, Missionaries and others have thus questioned the legitimacy of Hinduism (e.g. as a native religion) because of the Aryan Invasion Theory. According to Elst (1999), "the ridiculous argument of doubting the legitimacy of a community's presence in India on the basis of an ancestral immigration of 3500 years ago has been launched in all seriousness by interest groups wielding the AIT as their major intellectual weapon, not by the critics of the AIT."

In contrast, the proponents of a continuous, ancient, and sophisticated Vedic civilization are seen by some as Hindu nationalists who wish to dispense with the foreign origins of the Aryan for the sake of national pride or religious dogma. Another motivation may arise from the desire to eradicate the problem associated with the Indian caste system; the hypothesis that it may originally have been a means of social engineering by the Aryans to establish and maintain a superior position compared to the Dravidians in Indian society may be a source of discomfort.

Shrikant G. Talageri (1993: 47) thinks that the question of whether the Aryans came from outside India is not very relevant to Hinduism itself, whose holy places are all in India (in contrast to other religions like Christianity, Judaism and Islam). He noted that "Even if it is assumed that a group of people, called 'Aryans,' invaded, or immigrated into, India,... they have left no trace, if ever there was any, of any link, much less the consciousness of any link, much less any loyalties associated with such a link, to any place outside India."

Scholars who have been critical of the AIT are often stereotyped as "Hindutva", even if they are not Indians or Hindus themselves. Koenraad Elst noted that this "mistakenly attributes a political identity and motive to a scholarly hypothesis about ancient Indian history." [34] Sometimes all opponents of the AIT are bracketed with other writers like P Choudhury who make inordinate claims. [35]

Critics of the AIT have also claimed that pro-AIT (or pro-AMT) scholars refuse the debate by dismissing arguments against the AIT as politically motivated or that they replace arguments with mud-slinging.[36][37] A book by Shrikant Talageri that was critical of the AIT was strongly dismissed in an acadamic publication by Michael Witzel and G. Erdosy. However, they condemned Talageri's book without even having read it. Talageri noted that „this strong condemnation of a book, unread and unseen by them, is both unacademic and unethical.“ [38]

It should however be noted that many scholars who have written for or against the Aryan Invasion Theory are not politically motivated. Moreover, the AIT was accepted by Veer Savarkar, Tilak and other Indian nationalists.[39] The AIT was also criticized by some Indian Marxists.[40] Ambedkar, an icon of the Dalit movement, was dismissive of the AIT: "There is not a particle of evidence suggesting the invasion of India by the Aryans from outside India...The Aryan Race theory is so absurd that it ought to have been dead long ago."[41] Ambdekar also claimed that the racialist and invasionist interpretation of the Rig Veda is "a perversion of scientific investigation" by western scholars who are on a mission "to prove what they want to prove, and do not hesitate to pick such evidence from the Vedas as they think is good for them."[42]

Notes

  1. ^ BBC Flaws in the AIT
  2. ^ The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture : The Indo-Aryan Migration Debate by Edwin Bryant
  3. ^ Sir William Jones, The Third Anniversary Discourse, On the Hindus.
  4. ^ Voltaire, Lettres sur l'origine des sciences et sur celle des peuples de l'Asie (first published Paris, 1777), letter of 15 December 1775.
  5. ^ Voltaire, Fragments historiques sur l'Inde (first published Geneva, 1773), Œuvres Complètes (Paris : Hachette, 1893), vol. 29, p. 414.
  6. ^ (Müller 1892)
  7. ^ Max Müller also wrote: "If we grant that they belonged to the second millennium before our era, we are probably on safe ground, though we should not forget that this is a constructive date only, and that such a date does not become positive by mere repetition. (.....)Whatever may be the date of the Vedic hymns, whether 1500 or 15000 B.C., they have their own unique place and stand by themselves in the literature of the world. Max Müller The Six Systems of Indian Philosophy, p.34-35
  8. ^ (p. 127) [1887] 1985. Biographies of Words and the Home of the Aryas. New Delhi:Gayatri.
  9. ^ (Goldstücker 1860; Bryant 2001)
  10. ^ see e.g. Bryant 2001; N. S Rajaram: The Politics of History, Voice of India, Delhi 1995; and also by some religious writers: e.g. H.P. Blavatsky: Isis Unveiled, II, 435.
  11. ^ (Müller 1883)
  12. ^ (Parerga and Paralipomena, Volume II, Section 92)
  13. ^ Huxley, Thomas, The Aryan Question and Pre-Historic Man (1890)
  14. ^ (Max Müller. 1887: 120. "Biographies of Words and the Home of the Aryas".)
  15. ^ (M. Witzel in J. Bronkhorst and M.M. Deshpande. 1999: 390).
  16. ^ Ambdekar, 1946, Who were the Shudras
  17. ^ RV 10.31.11, cited by Ambedkar 1946, Who were the Shudras
  18. ^ e.g. Viceroy Lord Curzon called the AIT "the furniture of the Empire" (Elst 1999)
  19. ^ e.g. Günther, Hans. 1932. Die nordische Rasse bei den Indogermanen Asiens; Hermann Lommel: Les Ancient Aryens, Gallimard, Paris 1943; see Elst, Koenraad, 1999, Update on the Aryan Invasion Debate
  20. ^ Duke, David. (1999) "My Awakening"
  21. ^ (e.g. Meerbosch 1992 Héritage Européen; Van den Haute 1993 "Le Mahabharata ou la mémoire la plus longue"; David Duke: My Awakening; Kemp, Arthur. (2003) March of the Titans, History of the White Race; Jean Varenne 1967; see e.g. Elst, Koenraad, 1999, Update on the Aryan Invasion Debate).
  22. ^ Schuon 1979; Benoist 1997, 2000; Benoit 2001:13; Venner 2002:63. (see Elst 2003)
  23. ^ The fact that a significant portion of the population in these countries possesses blue eyes, fair skin, and brown or even blond hair ... would seem to indicate that sizeable numbers of IE speakers actually did intrude upon the subcontinent and have left not only their linguistic but their genetic imprint upon it as well. Mair, Victor; 1998; ‘Priorities’; pg. 4-41 in The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Peoples of Eastern Central Asia, vol. I (ed. By Victor Mair); The Institute for the Study of Man, Washington D.C.; 1998 (Journal of the Indo-European Studies Monograph No. 26
  24. ^ Leach 1990
  25. ^ e.g. Leach 1990
  26. ^ Koenraad Elst commented that "in their own case, I will gladly assume that none of them is motivated by racist doctrines, though they do work within a framework which is still indebted, through inertia, to ideas developed in an age when racist or colonial or missionary motives did play a significant role." Elst: The official pro-invasionist argument at last
  27. ^ Leach 1990
  28. ^ S.R. Rao, Lothal and the Indus Valley Civilization, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, India, 1973, p. 37, 140 & 141.
  29. ^ The Belgian Indologist K. Elst noted that "in the intervening years, the atmosphere in this debate has calmed down a little, but in the final years of the second Christian millennium, scolding and shouting and smearing were the done thing on internet forum discussions of the Aryan invasion question. Ironically, most Western AIT champions have managed to come away with the impression that all the foul language was only their Indian opponents' doing, but the record shows that they too have given their best; Witzel's misrepresentation of my position is but a case in point.“ (Elst 2005)
  30. ^ Elst 1999
  31. ^ V.T. Rajshekar represents an extremist section of the Dalit movement, and can not be compared with other moderate Dalit movements such as the Ambedkar movement
  32. ^ see e.g. Elst 1999
  33. ^ Elst 1999
  34. ^ Elst: The official pro-invasionist argument at last. He added: "I don't call the AIT party "the European racist school" or the "Dravidian chauvinist school" eventhough those terms do explain the motives behind at least a part of the pro-AIT polemic, past or present."
  35. ^ Talageri 2000; Kazanas, Nicholas: AIT and Scholarship [1]
  36. ^ e.g. Talageri 2000. Talageri claims: "It is not we who have avoided the debate. It is these Western scholars who have chosen to conduct a spit-and-run campaign from a safe distance, while restricting their criticism of our theory ... to name-calling and label-sticking rather than to demolition of our argmuments.(...) Books and theories cannot be condemned, unread and unseen, solely on the basis of one's perceptions about the motivations behind them." (Talageri 2000)"
  37. ^ Elst remarks: "Let me put on record here that in my 9 years of close invovement in this debate, I have seen time and again that it is the invasionist school which, when it did not refuse the debate, has spoiled the debate by replacing argument with mud-slinging. There are exceptions, of course,..." Elst: The Official Pro-Invasionist Argument at Last
  38. ^ Witzel and Erdosy constantly cite the work incorrectly, using the wrong book data that was earlier used in a review of the Times of India. (see Elst 1999, Talageri 2000)
  39. ^ Savarkar: Hindutva
  40. ^ (Bhagwan Singh 1995: The Vedic Harappans)
  41. ^ Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, Volume 7 edited by Vasant Moon, Education Department, Govt. of Maharashtra Publications, Mumbai, 1990. Who were the Shudras
  42. ^ Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, Volume 7 edited by Vasant Moon, Education Department, Govt. of Maharashtra Publications, Mumbai, 1990. Who were the Shudras

Bibliography and References

  • Ambedkar, B.R. (1946) Who were the Shudras?
  • J. Bronkhorst and M.M. Deshpande. 1999. Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia
  • Bryant, Edwin: The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture. 2001. Oxford University Press.ISBN 0195137779
  • Danino, Michael and Sujata, Nahar, "The Invasion That Never Was", 1996. Mother's Institute of Research & Mira Aditi, Mysore, India. ISBN 8185137226. Quotes from the book
  • Elst, Koenraad Update on the Aryan Invasion Debate. 1999. ISBN 8186471774 [2], [3]
  • Elst, Koenraad. (2003) The Politics of the Aryan Invasion Debate
  • Elst, Koenraad. Petty Professorial Politicking in The Indo-Aryan Controversy (2005)
  • Elst, Koenraad. The official pro-invasionist argument at last [4]
  • Feuerstein, Georg, Subhash Kak and David Frawley, In Search of the Cradle of Civilization: New Light on Ancient India, 1995.
  • Frawley, David The Myth of the Aryan Invasion of India, 1995. New Delhi: Voice of India [5]; --Vedic Aryans and the Origins of Civilization (with N.S. Rajaram). Quebec: W.H. Press. 1995.
  • Hock, Hans. 1999b, Through a Glass Darkly: Modern "Racial" Interpretations vs. Textual and General Prehistoric Evidence on Arya and Dasa/Dasyu in Vedic Indo-Aryan Society." in Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia.
  • Edmund Leach. ``Aryan Invasions Over Four Millennia. In``Culture Through Time (edited by Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney, Stanford University Press, 1990)
  • Kazanas, Nicholas (2001) The AIT and Scholarship [6]
  • Müller, Max. 1883. India:What it can teach us? London: Longmans.
  • --. 1891 Physical Religion: The Gifford Lectures. London:Longmans.
  • --. 1892. Rig-Veda Samhita. Vol. 4. London: Oxford University Press.
  • Schetelich, Maria. 1990, "The problem ot the "Dark Skin" (Krsna Tvac) in the Rgveda." Visva Bharati Annals 3:244-249.
  • Parpola, Asko. 1988. The Coming of the Aryans to Iran and India and the Cultural and Ethnic Identity of the Dasas.
  • Pollock, Sheldon. Deep Orientalism?: Notes on Sanskrit and Power Beyond the Raj. In: Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia, eds. Carol A. Breckenridge and Peter van der Veer. Philadelphia:University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993.
  • Sethna, K.D. 1992. The Problem of Aryan Origins. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan.
  • Talageri, Shrikant, The Aryan Invasion Theory: A Reappraisal, 1993, Aditya Prakashan
  • Talageri, Shrikant. The Rigveda: A Historical Analysis. 2000. ISBN 81-7742-010-0 [7]
  • Talageri, Shrikant. Michael Witzel - An examination of his review of my book. 2001.
  • Trautmann, Thomas R. 1997, Aryans and British India. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  • Mallory, JP. 1989, In Search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology, and Myth

See also

External links

Political and social aspects