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=== Moli ===
=== Moli ===
The northern border of Ma’di with outsiders is at Moli- precisely at Nyolo River. At this point, one meets the Acholi, Lolubo and Bari. Moli has the following subdivisions: Tokuro, Auefuni, Moliangwa and Kit areas.
The northern border of Ma’di with outsiders is at Moli- precisely at Nyolo River. At this point, one meets the Acholi, Lolubo and Bari. Moli has the following subdivisions: Tokuro, Auefuni, Moliangwa and Kit areas.

== Migration ==
=== Migration within the Sudan - from Mua to Mugali ===
{| class="infobox bordered" style="width: 300px; font-size: 95%; float: right;" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0"
! colspan="2" bgcolor="#FFDEAD" | The threats from the lions in Wanchori
|----- bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
|According to a popular legend has, when still in Wanchori, the Madi kept good trading relations with the Bari people, until one day a dishonest Madi man cheated a Bari trader. He didn't pay the Bari guy the price for the beads he agreed to pay. In anger and revenge the Bari guy sent Lioness Foni and Lion Rafaile who came and ate a few Madi people in Wanchori. In order to counter the terror posed by Foni and Rafaile, Mr. Rubeni Surur (who later became an Opi) gathered the young men in Wanchori together, went out and killed Foni, and wounded Rafaile, who escaped with wounded foot. However the demise of Foni decide stop the Bari people from sending more lions to kill the Madi people, until the Madi moved from Wachori to Mugali.
|----- bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
|}
With the demise of Lado Enclave, the map of Sudan, Uganda and Congo Democratic Republic were redrawn. This affected the Madi people greatly as the Madi people had now to be separated into two countries – Sudan and Uganda. A large of group of Madi people whose territory extended till Rajaf, now had to move southward to Mua (also called Wanchori).

Wanchori lies east of Loa and between Eyibi and Atapi rivers. Before reaching Wanchori, you pass through Odoko, which spread right after you cross Eyibi and south of the Pageri-Torit road. The group of Madi who settled in Wanchori became the Lukai clan. According to Madi oral history, Mr. Ajukeri became the first King (Opi) of Madi in Wanchori.
From the demise of Lado in 1912 until around 1938, the Madi people were now settled in Wanchori. However in Wanchori, killings from wild beasts, drought and land degradation (infertility) with the resultant food shortage,lack of access to good road, infection from tsetse-flies, all posed great threats to the people. Thus to avoid more deaths in the hands of the wild beats, and also from stravation, the Madi people moved to Mugali. The word Mugali literally means I reject problems. Besides moving to Mugali, some people moved to Uganda. The clan most commonly mentioned to have moved to Uganda (Lokung, Padibe and Parcele, Chinyakwia) are the Paoto.

=== Migration between the Sudan and Uganda ===
However, one can also find migrants at Atyak, Abalokodi, Dzaipi, Ajumani, Moyo and urban centres like Gulu and Kitgum.
Ma’di are not matrilineal. An offspring belongs to the father. Therefore, movement is traced through males. Perhaps in future movement may also be identified with women because of economic achievement.

=== Reasons for migration ===
There are a number of reasons for a person to move:<br>
(i) Lack of bride price for marriage: <br>
(ii) A person regarded as a wizard may be forced to leave his/her usual place of residence<br>
(iii) Death of a husband may cause the wife to go to her home of origin (father)<br>
(iv) Soil degradation: land one has been cultivating for a long time may become infertile and will force him to look for a virgin land.<br>
(v) Economic reasons: Seeking opportunities for employment/investment e.g. traders moving to Nimule, Mugali, Loa, Pageri, etc. To mind comes the migration of Yakobo Yanga from Moli to Nimule and the employee of Public Works Department late Kelle from Kajo Keji -father in law to Caesar Mori.<br>
(vi) A person may also move to live with an aunt. This could be due to the death of the father and no one to take care of the parson.<br>
(vii) Displacement by wars: Ma’di people have moved to Uganda twice, first in the early sixties and then again in the eighties. Ma’di from Uganda also came to Sudan in the seventies and they were forcefully pushed back when the SPLA/M brutalities intensified in Ma’diland.<br>
(viii) Conscription into the King’s African Rifles: Some people who joined the KAR and fought with the British in the Second World war remained in Uganda. The people settled in Bombo were such people and we had Ma’di people among them.


== Musicians ==
== Musicians ==

Revision as of 11:38, 16 May 2009

Madi Demographic Data
Area ****** km2
Elevation *** m above sea level
Native countries Sudan and Uganda
Population in Uganda 250,000
Population in Sudan: 80,000
Population abroad 4,000
Name of the people Madi
Language of the people Ma'di
Language group Moru-Madi
Religion Christianity, Islam, Animism
Website
File:Madicountry.png
The area within the ellipse comprised the Madi settlements, also called "Madi Country", by the first Europeans expediters. Today Madi settlments are limited to only in Uganda and Sudan

The Mà'dí people are found in the Torit district in Sudan, and the districts of Adjumani and Moyo in Uganda. The Ma’di in Sudan are found in Magwi Area Council. From south to north, the area runs from the Ugandan border to Nyolo River where the Ma’di mingle with Acholi, Bari and Lolubo. From the east to west, it runs from Parajok/Magwi to Uganda across the River Nile (a map for this is essential for the demarcation of the area). The border at Bori chieftainship was challenged by some Acholis. They claim it stops at Kit River while it is known chief Sabasio Okumu used to collect taxes (musoro) up to Nyolo River. Some even claimed that Opari belongs to them, let alone Winyalwon’ga and Owinykibul (the words are Acholi, but the people are under the administration of Bori chieftainship).

Language

The speakers refer to themselves and are known Madi. In standard orthography this is Ma'di; the aprostrophe indicates that d is implosive. The speakers refer to their language as madi ti, literally meaning Ma'di mouth. Among themselves, Ma'di refer to each other as belonging this and or that suru clan or tribe, which may further be broken down to pa, 'the descendants of' which in some cases overlap with suru. While a Madi can only marry from outside clan, this is normally with the group who speak Madi as the common language.

Many neighboring speakers of Moru-Madi languages go by the name of Madi.

Brief History

Etymologies about 'Ма 'di'

Madi women

According to one popular folk tale, the name Madi came as an answer to a question by a white man to a Madi man. When the first white person in the area asked the question 'who are you?', the bemused response was madi, i.e. a person. This was taken to be the name of the people, which came to be corrupted to the present.

Another Ma'di narrative tries to account for the names of some of the Moru-Ma'di group members. When the progenitors of the Ma'di were pushed southwards, on reaching a strategic location they declared, Muro-Amadri, i.e., “Let’s form a settle here”. And so they formed a cluster to defend themselves. This group came to be known as the Moru. A group broke off in search of greener pastures in a more or less famished state, until they found an edible tree called lugba('desert dates' - ximenia aegyptiaca).

After they ate some of the fruits, they took some with them. When the time came to refill (heir stomachs again, a woman who lost her harvest was heard enquiring about the lugba ri 'the desert dates'. This group came to be known as logbara but the Ma'di still call them lugban. The final group on reaching fertile grounds resolved and declared ma di 'here I am (finally)'. And these came to be known as the Ma'di.

Pre-colonial history

Before the European exploration era, the Equatoria region was not known as such. But the inhabitants there were the same that are now: the Alur in the South, the Lugbari in the middle and the Madi in the North of the West Nile region of Equatoria. The territory on the either side West and East Nile had a very strange history, passing from one hand to another without the knowledge of the owners of the land. In the Pre-colonial era the area had no proper boundaries. Each ethnic group had its own land, from the time of their settlement after their immigration period.

The Madi people and the Turkish Sudan

The people of the southern Sudan had almost no contacts with the northern Sudan, until the beginning of Egyptian rule(also known as Turkish Sudan or Turkiyah) in the north in the early 1820s and the subsequent expansion of the slave trade into the south.

According to an oral history, the Nilotic peoples — the Dinka, Nuer, Shilluk, and others — had already established themselves in south Sudan by the time Turks invaded the region. In nineteen century, the Shilluk people had established a centralized monarchy which allowed them to conserve their tribal heritage in the face of external pressures in the years which followed the Turkish rule.

By the time the Nilotic peoples had established their dominium in the northern part of the southern Sudan (notably the Bahar El Ghazal region), the non-Nilotic Azande, Moru-Madi, etc, had established themselves in Equatoria region. The Azande people occupied the largest part of the region.

Geographical barriers sheltered the people of southern Sudan, and made it difficult for the Turks to invade the region. Moreover the people of the southern Sudan were hostile to any foreign adventure in their land. But the military might of the Turkish army prevailed in the battles to subdue south Sudan. Because of their proximity to north Sudan, the Nilotic peoples were the first to give in to the Turkyiah.

As the Bahar El Ghazal region fell to the Turkish rule, many Nilotic people moved southward to escape from the new regime. The Turkish army also moved southward to extend its rule. By 1841 the Turkish armies had already entered Equatoria. Their first encounter were with the people of Bari, Kakwa, Pojulu, Mundari and others. When the Turks arrived in Bari, initially they were not met with hostility.

In April 1854, the relatively peaceful relationship between the Bari people and the foreigners came to an abrupt end, when a Turkish trader, without provocation, fired his guns into a crowd of Bari at Gondokoro. In anger the Bari mounted a counter attack, and the result was destructive to both sides. That incident made the Bari people to become more defensive and less friendly towards the traders (mostly Arabs and Turks) who used violent means to obtain ivory tusks, but also started taking people (young men and women) as slaves. Girls were raped, or taken as wives by force. Some of the foreign traders even built fortified warehouses near Gondokoro where people were kept waiting shipment down the White Nile to north Sudan.

In time the Turkish army was able gain complete control in Equatoria, with its trading headquarter now in Gondokoro. Next, the Turkish army then expanded its occupation further south. Consequently the Madi, Kuku, Latooka, Shuuli people and others whose territories lie south of Gondokoro were to fall prey.

The people Madi people suffered the fate of the Bari, Pajulu, Kakwa and others. Initially Madi resisted the Turkish army, which they called Tutukuru, but given the superior might of the Turkish army, it was not long before the Madi people were overpowered. By 1860, the Turkish army has established a center in the Madi town called Falaro. According to the British explorer, John Speke, who visited the region in 1862, a black man named Mohamed was the head of the Turkish army in Falaro. As the Turkish regime consolidated its power in the Madi territories, many Madi people gave in to the regime, but some moved further into the forests. Some of the Madi people who gave in were later to become the Madi converts to Islam.

The Madi people and Sir Samuel Baker's Equatoria

In 1840s, Turkiyah (under the khedive of Egypt) had by now consolidated its control in Equatoria region. In 1845, a British man John Petherik who entered the service of Mehemet Ali, and was employed in examining Upper Egypt, Nubia, the Red Sea coast and Kordofan in an unsuccessful search for coal. In 1861, he was made a consul in Euqatoria region. Patherik was later to set his center in Faloro, Madi country.

In March 1861, a British explorer, Mr. Samuel Baker, started an expedition in central Africa, with aim to "to discover the sources of the river Nile”. He also hoped to meet the East African expedition led by John Hanning Speke and James Augustus Grant, somewhere about the Victoria Lake. Baker spent a year on the Sudan-Abyssinian border, during which time he learned Arabic, explored the Atbara river and other Nile tributaries. In early 1862 he arrived at Khartoum, and in December the same year, he left the city to follow the course of the White Nile. Months later in arrived in Gondokoro.

In 1862, Speke and Grants who Mr. Baker planned to meet Mr Baker in Gondokoro, arrived in the Madi country, after traveling from Zanzibar passing through several countries: Abyssinia, Uganda, Gani… and Unyoro. In Madi country, the two were supposed to be met by Mr. Petherik, who was entrusted with a mission by the Royal Geographical Society to convey to Gondokoro relief stores for Speke and Grant. Petherick got boats to Gondokoro in 1862, but Speke and Grant had not arrived.

In February 1863, when the two man arrived at Faloro, Mr. Petherik went out for hunting and the visitors were met by of Mr. Mohamed (a black man) who was a vakeel (i.e. assistant consul). The explorers spent several weeks in the Madi country before going to Gondokoro. In his recollections about his stay, Mr Speke was to confess that the Madi people were civilized as compared to the people of Unyoro, Gani, Bari, etc. Mr Speke also recalled of stories about the Turkish slave traders who often clashed with the Madi people.

In April 1863, Samuel Baker finally met Speke and Grant at Gondokoro, who, told him about their discovering of the source of the Nile. The success of the two men made Baker to fear that there was nothing left for his own expedition to accomplish. Nonetheless the two explorers gave him information which enabled him, after separating from them, to achieve the discovery of Albert Nyanza (Lake Albert), of whose existence credible assurance had already been given to Speke and Grant.

After the meeting with Speke and Grant, Baker started his own expedition. He travelled from Gondokoro passing through the Bari, Latooka, Shooa, Madi countries. On the way he faced several hardship. In Latooka country, he stayed for several days, where he met with a Latooka chief, Mr. Bokke. He the continued southward and arrived at Obbo, which at a town of Madi Shooa country. In Obbo, he spent several weeks, where he met with chief of Obbo, Mr. Katchiba. Baker and Katichba discussed several topics.

In one discussion, Katchiba complained to Baker about the slave traders, who would go and raid the Madi settlements. The slave traders were helped by the Bari people who became loyal servants for the Turks. Mr. Katchiba was very suspicious of the Turks, who, he said, would ultimately ruin him, as, by attacking the Madi tribe, they would become his enemies, and invade Obbo when the Turks should leave.

While in the Madi country, Baker witnessed several incidents related with slave trade. One day, a party of Turkish slave traders, party arrived, bringing with them about three hundred head of cattle that they had captured from the Madi tribe. They did not seem at all in good spirits, as they had lost their standard-bearer, killed in the fight, and that the flag had been in great peril, and had been saved by the courage of a young Bari slave. The ensign was separated from the main party, and was attacked by four natives, who killed the bearer, and snatched away the flag: this would inevitably have been lost, had not the Bari boy of about fifteen shot the foremost native dead with a pistol, and, snatching the flag from his hands, ran with it towards the Turks, some of whom coming up at that instant, the natives did not think it wise to pursue their advantage. A number of slaves had been captured; among others, several young children, one of whom was an infant. These unfortunate women and children, excepting the infant, were all tied by the neck with a long leathern thong, so as to form a living chain, and guards were set over them to prevent escape.

In Mach 14, 1864, finally Baker arrived lake Albert. He spent several months in the exploration of the neighborhood before returning to his base. He arrived in Khartoum in May 1865. In the following October he returned to England with his wife, who had accompanied him throughout the whole of the perilous and arduous journey.

In 1869, at the request of the khedive Ismail, Baker undertook the command of a military expedition to the equatorial regions of the Nile, with the object of suppressing the slave-trade there and opening the way to commerce and civilization. Before starting from Cairo with a force of 1700 Egyptian troops - many of them discharged convicts - he was given the rank of pasha and major-general in the Ottoman army. Lady Baker, as before, accompanied him. The khedive appointed him Governor-General of the new territory of Equatoria for four years; and it was not until the expiration of that time that Baker returned to Cairo, leaving his work to be carried on by the new governor, Colonel Charles George Gordon.

Madi people during the Second Sudanese Civil War (1983–2005)

Until 1986, to the Madi people the Second Sudanese Civil War, was a foreign story. It did not affect their daily life. Many of them only heard about the war from the radio or from hearsay. However as the SPLA insurgents started moving southward, at one stage they reached the territories inhabited by the Madi people. One of their first encounters with the Madi people was in Owingibul.

In 1985, insurgent group claiming to be SPLA, robbed and plundered the villages in Owingibul. Some people who witness the incident in Owingibul run to Nimule, to ask the government for help. To their disappointment they did not get the help they needed. The failure of the government to help them, forced the Madi people in Owingibul and others elsewhere, to consider taking the issue of their security into their hands. The incident in Owingibul also caused the Madi people to form the most negative opinion on SPLA.

Further encounters of the Madi people with SPLA soldiers in 1985, only served to harden the position of the Madi people against SPLA. Example, the looting of the property late chief Sabasio Okumu in Loa, the killing of a Madi man called Kayo Mojadia in Loa, the looting of the villages in Moli, made the Madi people to look at SPLA as a enemy and not as a liberation army. And since most of the SPLA soldiers who first came to Madiland were from the Acholi tribe, the Madi people started to look at the Acholi people as aggressors. Such a perception coupled with provocations on the Madi people by some elements in the Acholi tribe, was to breed an enmity between the two tribes, which led to conflicts resulting into dire consequences – for both sides.

The defining movement for the Madi people to take side in the conflict came early in 1986, when some insurgent group in SPLA uniform, killed in cold-blood, Mr. Joesph Kebulu, a very respected Madi politician. Mr. Kebulu was on his election trail, when the bus he was traveling with was stopped at Juba-Nimule road. The gun-men dragged him out of the bus and shot him.

Angered by what was happening to their people, and the inability the government to protect them, the Madi people decided to take things into their hand. So in March 1986, in Nimule, the council of Madi elders gathered to decide how to prepare to face further aggressions and plunders from SPLA in the Madiland. The meeting was chaired by Mr. Ruben Surur, then the chief of Lukai. The council unanimously selected Mr. Poliodoro Draru to lead the Madi people in the fight against the aggressors. The meeting was concluded by a traditional Madi ritual, during which Surur gave his ajugo (the biggest spear of a warrior) to Draru.

The choice of the council of elders who selected Draru as an ajugo, was not an accident of history. It was rather based on Draru’s track-record in leadership. Moreover, both Surur and Draru came from the Lukai royal family. In fact Draru was the protégée of His Majesty Alimu Dengu. Draru was supposed to succeed Alimu Dengu, but for several reasons, he did not, so Alimu Dengu became the last King of the Madi people.

Years later, when General Joseph Lagu started the Anyanya movement, Draru wanted to be in the frontline. But General Lagu appointed Draru as intelligence officer. He worked hand in hand with [Mr. Angelo Vuga] (who was also an intelligence officer), in managing the logistics of Anyanya I, and also helped in recruiting young fighters - some of whom had to go to Israel for training.

Now as fate had, Draru had to be in the frontline. To prepare for the future battles, Draru and his chief advisor, Jino Gama Agnasi consulted General Peter Cirilo (of the Sudanese Army, then the governor of Eastern Equatoria) about the situation in Madiland who then gave his blessing for the Madi people to defend themselves. Thus a Madi militia was formed, led by Draru.

As the Madi militia was being was formed, in the meantime the geopolitical situation in the Sudan was changing so fast. The SPLA was becoming stronger as it captured more territories, not least, in Eastern Equatoria region. Moreover, some Madi people decided to join SPLA. Some of the Madi people who were first to join SPLA were Dr Anne Itto (who previously worked as a lecturer at the University of Juba), Mr. John Andruga, and Mr. Martin Teresio Kenyi. These people were later to hold high position in SPLA.

By joining SPLA, first Madi people in the movement thought to turn the SPLA from being the enemy of the people to the liberator of the people. But such as a tactical ploy was not bear the expected fruits. Instead, the Madi people became polarized. One group took side with Draru, the other group stood with SPLA. For example in Moli clan, two brothers (Mr. Tibi and Tombe Celestino) took opposite sides in the war. Whereas Tibi joined SPLA, Mr. Celestino went with Draru.

The polarization of the Madi society was to bring the Madi society to conflicts in which the Madi people paid so heavily; many with their own lives. Only within a matter of three years (between 1986-1988), the Madiland which was very peaceful, became a war zone – a place of great tragedies. For example in Moli area alone, very many innocent people were murdered at river Liro, in resulting battles led by the two brothers: Mr. Tibi and Mr. Celestino. Initially Acholi-Madi clan also took side with the SPLA.

In 1988, realizing that the Madi and Acholi-Madi people had been taken in by the calamity brought by the polarization in the society, in order to stop further tragedies, the Madi and Acholi elders decided that the warring parties reach out to each other.

Consequently Draru’s group met his counterpart. Talks and negotiations were then followed by some sort of agreement. However, it seemed that the agreement between the two groups did not change the dynamics of things very much. On a national scale, the SPLA continued to become stronger, as the Sudanese government and the militias it supported were losing ground. In 1988, SPLA captured several strategic towns in Eastern Equatoria: Magwi, Obbo, etc. When it finally captured Torit, the capital city of Eastern equatorial, it became apparent that it was only matter of weeks, it will also capture Nimule.

So early in 1989, An army of SPLA soldiers made its way to Nimule. However two days before it arrived Nimule, General Peter Cirilo, sent an urgent message to Mr Draru. He wrote, "It is over, please don't fight and destroy your people for the sake of Pyrrhic victory!" Draru listened to the senior General and didn't risk the lives of his soldiers and many Madi people. So Nimule fell to SPLA – without a big battle.

With the fall of Nimule, the militia led by Draru and even the ordinary Madi people fearing revenge from the SPLA soldiers, escaped to [Uganda]. The fear of the people was not to be unfounded; upon their arrival in Nimule, some SPLA soldiers murdered several civilians in cold-blood. However, as the SPLA established itself in Nimule, it leadership started to appeal to the Madi people who escaped to Uganda and elsewhere to come back home. Some of the Madi people listened to the appeal and came back. Others waited until the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Sudanese government and SPLA was signed before repatriating. Yet many Madi people decided to remain in Uganda, even after the CPA. Thus the second civil war, diminished the population of the Madi people in Sudan very considerably.

Religion

Ori – the spirits of the reincarnated ancestors

Before the coming of Christianity and Islam to Madi, the predominant religion of Madi people was all about the belief in, and the worship of ancestors who were believed to survive death in form of spirits known as ori. It was believed that the ori could intervene directly in human affairs. Thus the Madi attribute every misfortune to the anger of a spirit and in the event of a misfortune or sickness, they would immediately consult an odzo or odzogo (spirit-medium) to find out which ancestor was behind the ordeal. Sacrifices were then offered to the particular spirit in order to avert its malign influence on the living. The powerful families among the Madi were believed to have powerful ancestral spirits to help them however with conversion of majority of Madi people to Christianity, and some to Islam, Rubanga - the Christian God and the Allah of Islam, took the places and roles which once belonged to the ori. Nonetheless, today in the age where most Madi people have converted to the foreign religions, still some believers in the traditional Madi religion try to build a bridge between Rubanga and Ori. Today some Madi people still keep miniature altars called Kidori, were sacrifices are offered to the ancestral spirits in both in good and bad times as a way to approach God. Often at harvest time, the first harvest must be offered to the spirits to thank them for successfully interceding to God on behalf of the living.

Animism – Jomboloko and the other deities

Besides the belief in ori, the Madi people also believe in creatures, which are not the spirits of the reincarnated ancestors, but they are deities in their own right. Some of these deities are sacred trees, hills, rivers, snakes, etc. For example among the Moli clan, Jomboloko (a tortoise who is believed to be living in a hill around Moli Tokuru hill), is well known deity. Lots of stories have been told about Jomoloko. Some Moli people still believe in Jomboloko. In the pre-Christian age, it was common practice for a group of people believe in more than one deity. In that sense, some Madi people were polytheistic in their belief. However today, belief in those creatures diminished considerably.

Christianity

Christianity was first introduced to the Sudan, i.e Nobatia (northern Sudan and part of Dongola), by a missionary sent by Byzantine empress Theodora in 540 AD. The second wave of Christianity to the Sudan came during the time of the European Colonialism. In 1892, the Belgian expediters took parts of southern Sudan that came to be named Lado Enclave (i.e the western bank of Upper Nile region which is today the southeast Sudan and northwest Uganda).

After the death of king Leopold II on 10 June 1910, the Lado Enclave, became the province of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, with its capital city at Rajaf. In 1912 the southern part of Lado Enclave become part of northern Uganda, which was also the British Colony. It was during that time the Madi people were divided into the Sudanese and Ugandan Madi. Christianity to the northern part of Lado Enclave was brought via Uganda at about the same time - as Colonialism always went hand in with Christianization

The notion God and the Madi word for it Rubanga, have very recent history. They came with Christianity. For example in the Roman Cathotic Catechesis in Madi language, when asked Rubanga ido oluka adu nga (How old is God), we're expected to answer Rubanga ido oluka ku (God has no beginning). And when asked Adi obi nyi ni oba nyi vu dri ni (who has created you and put you on the Earth), you are expected to answer Rubanga obi mani obama vu dri ni (God has created me and put me on Earth). And we are also asked to believe ta Rubanga abi le ati ri anjeli (the first things God created were angels).

Moving away from the Christian paradigm, if you are to go back the in time, you reach beroniga. Before that there was nothing; the notions like time and space are void of meaning and content. Thus vu(space-time) came along with beronigo and all events and creation came after beroniga.

Now without the context of Christianity, in Madi cosmogony there is no say Rubanga obi vu ni. That cannot be the case since Rubanga came to Madi with Christianity, while vu (space-time) came about since beroniga. It is also erroneous to give the quality of godness to vu since it hasn't any. Vu has always been at the mercy of the ori (the spirit gods). The ori, both good and bad often have their manifestations in trees, snakes, rivers, hills or the souls of departed parents and relatives. While tree-god may die, river-god may dry up, the ori which gave those entities the qualities of godness, never die - they reincarnate! It was at the kidori (stone alters) the Madi people worship ori. In Madi worship is called kirodi di ka (or sometimes vu di ka). When the ori are happy with the people they bless vu, and vu becomes friendly to the inhabitants.

Islam

The majority of the Madi are now Christians, while some are Muslim. Most Christian Ma'dis are Catholics with some Anglicans. However a plethora of new churches are springing up daily in the area.

There is also a sizeable Moslem community, mostly of Nubi (in Uganda), especially in trading areas like Adjumani, Dzaipi and Nimule. See Juma Oris and Moses Ali. However, even the so called 'people of the books' often revert to traditional beliefs and practices at traumatic moments. In addition some modern people continue to believe in traditional African religions.

The socio-political and cultural system

Governance

The social and political set-up of the Madi is closely interwoven with spirituality and this forms their attitudes and traditions. The society is organized in chiefdoms headed by a hereditary chief known as the Opi. The Opi exercised both political and religious powers. The rain-makers, land chiefs – vudipi (who exercises an important influence over the land) and the chiefs are believed to retain similar powers even after their deaths. There was a hierarchy of spirits corresponding exactly to the hierarchy of authority as it existed in the society. The Opi (Chief/King) is the highest Authority in Madi, he is followed in rank by the community of elders who are responsible for resolving disputes, in the clans/villages. Historically the office an opi has always been held by a man. There is no record of a female opi.

Livelihood

When Madi gods cursed the soil
Legend has it that in the past, a person only needed a seed of grain to pound to provide a meal for a whole family. One day, when the farming population had gone to their farms and the blacksmiths as usual were left all alone at home, greed took hold of them. They wanted more than the single seed the farming community gave them for their services. So on this fateful day, they stole and pounded a mortarful of grain. The gods reacted swiftly and harshly to this disobedience; a single grain seed was never again to be enough. Human beings had to (toil harder for an ever decreasing yield per grain seed. When twins are born, the first of the pair is called opt 'chief (or the related form opia for a female) and the second of the pair is eremugo 'blacksmith' (or muja for a female second twin). The blacksmith is there to provide for the chief.

The main economic activity that the Ma'di have traditionally engaged in is agriculture. The prevalence of tsetse fly depleted the livestock population at the end of the nineteenth century. Almost the whole population live off the land planting and growing mostly seasonal food crops like sesame, groundnuts, cassava, sweet potatoes, maize, millet and sorghum. Most of these are for personal consumption; only the excess is sold for cash. The main cash crops grown are cotton in Uganda and tobacco in the Sudan.

Those who live close by the Nile do some fishing for commercial purposes. The main fishing grounds are Laropi (Uganda) and Nimule (South Sudan). Most of the fish caught in Nimule is smoke dried and transported to be sold in Juba, the capital of South Sudan. An important seasonal activity used to be hunting. This has dwindled in importance partly because of curbing of hunting by governments, and partly because Nimule is designated as a National Park, making it illegal to hum in or around it. The hunting season used to be the dry season when most of the agricultural activities for the year have been completed and the grass is dry enough to be burned.

Blacksmiths have a particular significance in regard to the Ma'di. The Ma'di were at one time associated with the 'Ma'di hoc', which was once used as currency in marriages by both the Ma'di and the neighbouring tribes like the Acholi. who call it kweri ma'di 'Ma'di hoe. This was made by the blacksmiths (eremu). However, the Ma'di have low opinions of the blacksmiths, despite the important economic role they play in the society. They are thought to be a lazy lot who spend the whole day in the shed while the rest are toiling in the hot sun. They are also blamed for the fall of mankind from grace.

Social customs

The Madi society is established on the notions of clans and kinship under traditional rulers which all the subjects in the same geographical area pay their allegiance. There are clan and village leaders and family units who ensure that law and order within communities are kept and maintained socially, people do not worry within close relations, communal field work, feasts, hunting and funerals take place which brings about consolidation of unity, cooperation and peace. Marriages normally take place in churches, in homes of bridegrooms and in the government Administrators office. Traditional shrines are respected. Hereditary rulers and their spouses are buried in those sacred places (rudu).

Dances

  • Mure -- the dance of celebration and mourning. It is often danced during celebration (of events such: a victory in war, the birth of a king, etc.) and mourning (the death of king, lost of land during war, etc.). Mure is often danced to the tune of the sounds of wooden trumpets (ture, odiri), animal horns (pbere), mbiri (dancing bells), and drums (leri). At mure dance, men sporadically utter bellows (cira soka). Every cira is unique and carries coded message. A cira is normally used as sign of identification and authority. Women (often the wives of the men who utter cira) would answer with their own bellow (mbilili) as sign of recognition and reverence. During mure, war songs (jeyi) are often sung - specially when the Madi people at war.
    Jeyi could even be sung during the time of battles, accompanied by the sounds of cira, ture and pkere, by Madi warriors to encourage themselves and to threaten the enemies to surrender or escape.
  • Gayi -- a youth flirtation dance similar to flamingo.
  • Kore -- a graceful dance
  • Kejua -- mostly danced by women

The Madi Settlements in Present-day Uganda

Moyo District

The Present day Moyo and Adjumani District made up the former Madi District. Moyo District was created in 1980 and in 1977, on one of its counties Adjumani was elevated to District status. Moyo borders the districts of Adjumani in the east and south, Arua in the west and the republic of Sudan in the north. It is a beautiful part of Uganda where the mountains of the southern Sudan can be seen in the distance out against the flat landscape all around. The district has over 199,912 people, majority of which are the Madi people.

Adjumani

File:Adjumanimap.png
Map of Adjumani
File:Adjumani.png
Downtown Adjumani

It is composed of East Moyo county which together with West Moyo County previously made up Moyo District. At Independence in 1962, it was known as Madi district. Adjumani and Moyo Districts are separated by the Albert Nile. Adjumani District is bordered by the Republic of Sudan to the North, Gulu to the east and south and Arua, Moyo and Yumbe District in the west. The district has over 201,493 people.

Odrupele

Odrupele (also Dufilé, Duffli, Duffle, or Dufli) is a very important name for Madi people for its history. It is Madi district, where the ruins of the famous forte of Dufile is stands. The forte was originally a fort built by Emin Pasha, the Governor of Equatoria, in 1879; it's located on the Albert Nile just inside Uganda, close to a site chosen in 1874 by then-Colonel Charles George Gordon to assemble steamers that were carried there overland. Emin and A.J. Mounteney Jephson were confined in the fort during a mutiny in 1888. There followed the Battle of Dufile when the former mutineers, after releasing Emin and Jephson, rallied to fight Mahdist forces. Abandoned by Emin's people in January 1889, Dufile, was later reoccupied and reconstructed by Belgian forces from 1902 to 1907. The fort, where a ditch and bank enclose an area of 12 acres (4.8 hectares), can be reached by road or boat from Laropi. Emin's old harbour is now the departure point for passenger ferries to Nimule in the Southern Sudan.

The Madi in present-day Sudan

Mugali

The word Mugali comes from the clause ‘aga ali’ (I reject or avoided problems). People moved to Mugali around 1938-1946 from Mua because Mugali land was (virgin) fertile, accessible by good road and Mua was infected with tsetse-flies.

Within Mugali one can identify subdivisions like Aseyi, Masindi, Luzira, Kurero, Ganzi and Palongwa. One may still subdivide the subdivisions into clans like Odupkwee/Opi, (easily identified with Alimu Dengu), Palongwa, Paselo, Pucheri (also identified with Alimu Achari), Paika, Bari (Munna and Mujunaka are names easily identified with the Bari/Metu), Alu, Paloyi, Patibi, etc. The Pucheri, Paika and Alu moved a bit later and are mainly found at Kurero with the Bari. Some notable people expected to move, but remained and found on southern part of Iriya at Orobe are Itchoko (father of Abele, and Driver Kolonya- of Orobe clan) Graciano (father of Arika, Dina, etc.) & brothers from Urugu and Olli (father to late Jonathan Draga - Odupkwee). Itchoko likely did not move because he was responsible for the fishing camp “Apala”. He collected royalties from Apala and it was a good source of income for his family.

Nimule

File:Nimule.jpg
Downtown Nimule, 2007
File:Nimule2.jpg
Downtown Nimule, 2007

Nimule grew as a port for the steamers coming to Sudan from Uganda. It was a vital link for travellers to Khartoum by steamers from Juba. The Ugandan steamers carried passengers to and from Sudan and vital essential commodities like sugar to Sudan. This port ceased to function due to flooding in the sixties and because of the Anya-nya war. Nimule was also an important location for monitoring the level of the Nile water by Egypt. Late Yakobo Yanga (father to Retd General Joseph Lagu,) at Nimule and late Donato Fuli at Aswa (father of late Adelino Fuli, Gabriel Oliri, Ajjeo Fulli, Racheal Fuli etc. ) were monitors of the Nile waters. Nimule is subdivided into Longoa, Jeleyi, Anzara, Reyi and Abila/Olikwi.

Loa

Loa has been the traditional administrative seat of Ma’di. While Cirino lived at Robijo, the “B” Court was located at around what one may call Iriya. This is where the first market ‘Atidrira’ in Ma’diland is located. People in Loa do identify themselves with the following places: Atcha/Orobe, Iriya, Melekwe, Ongoro, Mission/Choyi, Robijo, Eyietchako, Nyangiri, Iluma, and Wanchore.

Pageri/Arapi

Pageri is located at the Nimule-Juba and Pageri-Torit junction. Pageri became famous because of Itto Kafiri, father to Hajer Kebir and Galdino Mojolo in Khartoum. Pageri includes places like Adravo, Pageri, Agaduma and Nyongwa.

Bori/Opari

Ma’di and Kuku were administered from Kajokeji. The British then decided to establish another administrative seat in Ma’diland. Nimule was rejected because of being a border town. Loa, where the chief is located, failed to qualify because of lack of water and perhaps because Loa was predominately Catholic. Then Opari became the obvious choice for the Crown. This is why there is CMS, the Religion of the crown is common in Opari. Unfortunately, Opari also sometimes becomes dry. The colonial government then moved to Magwi, where is Ayi river. Bori is made up of Opari, Patibi, Nyongwagwere, Owingkibul, Winyalwo’nga, and Liyokwe.

Kerepi

Kerepi has been famous for the Army camp and later the tobacco industry. This is why one finds some traces of coloured people in the area. Kerepi and Moli are also famous for the lulu oil (awa adu). Kerepi is made up of Kerepi/Mtala, Lon’gayo, Gbulukujo and Ikwa.

Moli

The northern border of Ma’di with outsiders is at Moli- precisely at Nyolo River. At this point, one meets the Acholi, Lolubo and Bari. Moli has the following subdivisions: Tokuro, Auefuni, Moliangwa and Kit areas.

Musicians

Some of the most well known Ma'di musicians are:
Ma'di Homa Boyz, who rap.
Pawa Boyz, who are into easy listening music.
Of the older generation there is James Iyu who plays a traditional harp [o'di] Jima Oyuru who plays guitar, in country fashion.

Notable Ma'di Individuals

Felix Onoma, Defence Minister, Obote 1 regime (Uganda). Deceased.
Roland Bata (Dr), Minister of Labour, Museveni Government (Uganda) Deceased.
Moses Apiliga (Dr), Minister of Trade and Supply, and MP currently, Obote ii, (Uganda)
Moses Ali (General), Minister of Finance (Amin's Govt) and Deputy V Premiere (Museveni)
Juma Orisi (Brigadier), Minister of Foreign Affairs, (Amin). Deceased.
Caesar Asili, Bishop of Lira (Uganda). Deceased.
Joseph Lagu (Lt Gen), Vice President (Sudan), Leader of Anyanya
Martin Terensio Kenyi (Brigadier General), an army officer (Sudan), former leader of Equatoria Defense Force
Paride Taban, Bishop of Torit, Sudan. Retired.
Angelo Voga, Former Sudanese Ambassador to Zimbabwe
Ann Itto (Dr), SPLM Deputy Sec Gen Southern Sector (Sudan) and academic
Redento Onzi, Speaker of National Assembly, Khartoum, in 1950s.Deceased.
Siricio Iro, Member of the Joint Presidency in 1950s, Khartoum, Sudan. deceased.
Andrea Vuni, Bishop African Inland Church, Sudan. deceased.
Nichlaus Olal, Bishop, revival church, Sudan
Giovani Kisso, Bishop, Apostolic Church, Sudan.
Dr. Yakobo Moyini, First madi to get a PhD,University of British Columbia.Former Director of Uganda wildlife Authority. Deceased
Rev. Alba Limio, First madi lady to be ordained as a Reverend. Current Reverend of moyo C.O.U.

Important tourist attractions

In Uganda there are substantial earthworks of a fort at Dufile which was built in 1879 by Emin Pasha close to a site selected by Charles George Gordon in 1874; Dufile was originally used as a port for steamers and is today passenger ferries link it to Nimule. In the Sudan, there is the Nimule national park, and the Fulla Rapids, which may become a major provider of hydro-electricity for the whole region.

References

  • A'babiku, Rose 'A Key History of Ma'di
  • Blackings, M and Fabb N (2003) A Grammar of Ma'di: Mouton
  • Blackings, M (2000) Ma'di English - English Ma'di Dictionary. Lincom Europa.
  • Fuli, Severino (2002) Shaping a Free Southern Sudan: Memoirs of our struggle. Loa Parish.
  • Gurtong Peace Project - South Sudanese Communities
  • Moorehead Alan, No Room in the Ark, Penguin, Middlesex, 1962.
  • The Discovery of the Source of the Nile, by John Hanning Speke
  • Ismailia, by Sir Samuel White Baker
  • The Albert N'Yanza, Great Basin of the Nile and Explorations of the Nile Sources, by Sir Samuel White Baker
  • In the Heart of Africa, by Sir Samuel White Baker
  • The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia and the Sword Hunters of the Hamran Arabs, by Sir Samuel White Baker
  • Crabites, Pierre. Gordon, The Sudan and Slavery Greenwood Press, 1970. ISBN 0-8371-1764-X
  • Northrup, David. Beyond the Bend in the River: African Labor in Eastern Zaire, 1865-1940 Ohio University Center for International Studies, 1988. ISBN 0-89680-151-9
  • Udal, John O. The Nile in darkness: conquest and exploration, 1504-1862 Michael Russell Publishing, 1998. ISBN 0-85955-238-1