Talk:François Grin: Difference between revisions
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In a randomly chosen audience of 20 such bilingual Europeans, the probability that at least one person will be excluded by use of one of the trio languages is 99.9%. In other words, it is nearly certain that at least one participant has a repertoire which, while conforming perfectly to the model of the privileged trio, does not include the language chosen for this meeting of 20 persons. |
In a randomly chosen audience of 20 such bilingual Europeans, the probability that at least one person will be excluded by use of one of the trio languages is 99.9%. In other words, it is nearly certain that at least one participant has a repertoire which, while conforming perfectly to the model of the privileged trio, does not include the language chosen for this meeting of 20 persons. |
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A further problem is the choice of languages for the trio (and the |
A further problem is the choice of languages for the trio (and the criterion for choosing them). Once that selection is adopted, the problem arises of the trio's stability when new States join the EU; if Russia or Arab states were to join, it would be politically difficult to exclude their languages from becoming official. |
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== Third scenario: Esperanto == |
== Third scenario: Esperanto == |
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That thing I've just collapsed is virtually the same content at the article [[Grin's Report]]. It was added at 08:28, 10 February 2014 by a user from the IP address 95.90.118.201. 'Grin's Report', on the other hand, was created at 21:07, 6 April 2014 by [[User:Alekso92]]. I don't know where the text came from – possibly [[Grin Report]], which was deleted per AfD on 30 September 2013 – but it seems unlikely that two authors could have written the same content. Perhaps Alekso92 forgot to log in, but it's likely there is some kind of copying going on here. [[User:Cnilep|Cnilep]] ([[User talk:Cnilep|talk]]) 08:49, 12 May 2014 (UTC) |
That thing I've just collapsed is virtually the same content at the article [[Grin's Report]]. It was added at 08:28, 10 February 2014 by a user from the IP address 95.90.118.201. 'Grin's Report', on the other hand, was created at 21:07, 6 April 2014 by [[User:Alekso92]]. I don't know where the text came from – possibly [[Grin Report]], which was deleted per AfD on 30 September 2013 – but it seems unlikely that two authors could have written the same content. Perhaps Alekso92 forgot to log in, but it's likely there is some kind of copying going on here. [[User:Cnilep|Cnilep]] ([[User talk:Cnilep|talk]]) 08:49, 12 May 2014 (UTC) |
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:That's not my IP. Yes, the text is a copy from the Speedy deleted [[Grin Report]]. The reasons I created a new Grin Report article under a different name are: I don't know how to reopen the "debate" in the original one (I'm quite new here). I read it when it was being deleted, and I think that can't be called a "debate". I can't get the register of that debate, but I remember it wasn't fair (too many wanting to delete it VS one that didn't want) and a linguistic professor in Germany made a mistake and wrote is opinion in the discussion thread (he wanted to keep the article), so his voice and arguments were not heard. The conclusion why this article was not worth keeping in Wikipedia was not the importance of such information but because someone didn't find enough theses on the internet about. Is that a real criterion or is it the report conclusion they do not like? I'm sure there's printed books (and unpublished thesis) that talk about it. I have in my room a book "El esperanto: lengua y cultura" (=language and culture) and I bet the author would mention this report if that book would have been published a year later (so in 2005). Should the Wikipedia community delete every single article that do not meet the criterion? I'm glad to read you propose something which doesn't cause the deletion of this piece of information. I would accept merging it with the author's article, but I'd like it would be link to the other language versions of "Grin Report" and to the links [[Grin Report]]. The source of this article is essentially the report itself, written in French. [[User:Alekso92|Alekso92]] ([[User talk:Alekso92|talk]]) 10:51, 12 May 2014 (UTC) |
Revision as of 10:51, 12 May 2014
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The Grin Report, formally Foreign language teaching as public policy, was written in 2005 by François Grin, economist and professor at the University of Geneva, answering a request by the Haut conseil de l'éducation. This document attempts to answer the following questions: "What foreign languages ought to be taught, for what reasons, and considering what context?"[1] It considers the economic costs of language policies, as well as their cultural and policy implications. (The report refers throughout to the French situation and to Europe, but it is neither a European report nor a report on the French situation.) It examines three scenarios: the choice of a single natural language, the choice of three natural languages and the choice of a constructed language, Esperanto. This report is known at the level of Europe and has been the subject of a written question to the European Parliament.[2] However, it has not resulted in real changes in the language policy of any State. First scenario : all-to-EnglishThe report analyzes the choice of English, although the analysis can be applied to any other national language chosen as lingua franca. The report (page 65) refers to this scenario in the following terms:
The report indicates that for the United Kingdom, one of the Member States where English is an official language, this represents a yearly saving of 17 to 18 billion euros (€290 per inhabitant, which is in total more than three times the UK rebate).[3] This savings would be strengthened with the choice of English as the only language. This figure does not include the additional benefits to native speakers of the only language chosen in a situation of conflict or negotiation occurring in that language. The report further states that the symbolic effects also have material and financial repercussions. According to the Grin Report, five points give rise to an unfair redistribution:
Second scenario: multilingualismThe trilingual scenario consists of requiring each European citizen to know two languages out of a chosen set of three, e.g. French, German and English. According to the report, this scenario does not change the costs of language teaching. The multilingual solution tends to reduce inequalities among speakers, but still imposes a burden on those whose first language is not among those chosen. In any case, trilingualism is not stable; it requires a series of accompanying measures without which it risks collapsing into adoption of a single language. In a Europe with 21 official languages (as of the date of the report), multilingual communication thus cannot be left to chance, and it is convenient to specify here how the multilingual scenario benefits by comparison with the two others. "Multilingualism" is thus defined as follows: each European resident must master two languages besides his or her native language, from a chosen set of three, in order to ensure that any two Europeans can communicate. Like the adoption of a single language, as discussed above, this gives a privileged status to certain languages. The multilingual scenario therefore is not perfectly egalitarian: in effect, even if every European does learn two foreign languages, two situations can be distinguished:
This asymmetry is not without consequences for comparison of the scenarios. Still, it must be noted that even this restriction does not ensure communication, as would the other two scenarios. In fact, if the multilingualism described here is to be truly distinguished from linguistic hegemony, it assumes that the member States will have taken genuine steps to encourage usage of several languages. If these measures are not effective, we fall back into the "all-to-English" scenario; but if they are effective one can, almost by definition, expect that those European citizens whose native language is not English, French or German will learn two of these languages in roughly equal proportions. Eventually, Europeans will belong to three large groups: those who speak English and French ("EF"), French and German ("FD") or German and English ("DE"). What intercommunication can we then expect? To simplify calculation, we assume that these three groups are equal in size. In a randomly chosen audience of 20 such bilingual Europeans, the probability that at least one person will be excluded by use of one of the trio languages is 99.9%. In other words, it is nearly certain that at least one participant has a repertoire which, while conforming perfectly to the model of the privileged trio, does not include the language chosen for this meeting of 20 persons. A further problem is the choice of languages for the trio (and the criterion for choosing them). Once that selection is adopted, the problem arises of the trio's stability when new States join the EU; if Russia or Arab states were to join, it would be politically difficult to exclude their languages from becoming official. Third scenario: EsperantoThe report argues that adoption of Esperanto would save the EU 25 billion euros a year (over €54 per inhabitant).[4] In February 2013 a petition was started at Avaaz.org [5] asking to use Esperanto in the EU following the report's recommendations. The report also notes:
One could think, at first sight, that it is only necessary to replace English with Esperanto, replacing "all-to-English" with "all-to-Esperanto". Despite this surface resemblance, the differences between these two linguistic environments are sizable:
TableThe comparison between the different scenarios is based on the following elements:
Scenarios 1 and 2 therefore have the same cost in terms of teaching foreign languages. Scenario 3, by contrast, has a lower cost, since achieving a certain level of proficiency in Esperanto is much faster than in any other language and the literature is unanimous in this regard.[9] In what follows, Grin opted for extreme caution in assuming a 3:1 advantage (rather than 10:1) in favor of Esperanto.
Some comments may help to interpret this table.
Mr. Grin wonders: If an audit shows the scenario "all-to-English" to be the most costly and least equitable of the three, how does it continue to gain such adherence? How to explain that a preferable alternative, in terms of efficiency and equity, is never seriously considered? What guidance can be envisaged in the short and long term, given the results so far? Scenario 1 ("all-to-English") presents a serious risk of standardization and can not prevent provincializing other European languages. Scenario 2 ("multilingualism") is certainly supported – at least at the level of general principles, and in a very a blurred version – by all the talk of European officialdom. However, besides having little apparent significance in practice, this scenario is credible only if it incorporates a tight regulation of communicative contexts. This requires a subtle engineering because it cannot work unless it turns to its advantage the double logic of usability and minimax (or at least neutralizes these forces where they favor English); the process is made more delicate by the perceived artificiality and constraint of such measures. Report conclusionGrin concludes that the best strategy among those studied in the long term for language teaching as public policy is to focus on Esperanto (scenario 3).[10] He has not studied other constructed languages. See alsoReferences
External links
[[Category:Language acquisition]] [[Category:Language policy of the European Union]] [[Category:Official documents]] [[Category:Esperanto]] [[fr:Rapport Grin]] |
That thing I've just collapsed is virtually the same content at the article Grin's Report. It was added at 08:28, 10 February 2014 by a user from the IP address 95.90.118.201. 'Grin's Report', on the other hand, was created at 21:07, 6 April 2014 by User:Alekso92. I don't know where the text came from – possibly Grin Report, which was deleted per AfD on 30 September 2013 – but it seems unlikely that two authors could have written the same content. Perhaps Alekso92 forgot to log in, but it's likely there is some kind of copying going on here. Cnilep (talk) 08:49, 12 May 2014 (UTC)
- That's not my IP. Yes, the text is a copy from the Speedy deleted Grin Report. The reasons I created a new Grin Report article under a different name are: I don't know how to reopen the "debate" in the original one (I'm quite new here). I read it when it was being deleted, and I think that can't be called a "debate". I can't get the register of that debate, but I remember it wasn't fair (too many wanting to delete it VS one that didn't want) and a linguistic professor in Germany made a mistake and wrote is opinion in the discussion thread (he wanted to keep the article), so his voice and arguments were not heard. The conclusion why this article was not worth keeping in Wikipedia was not the importance of such information but because someone didn't find enough theses on the internet about. Is that a real criterion or is it the report conclusion they do not like? I'm sure there's printed books (and unpublished thesis) that talk about it. I have in my room a book "El esperanto: lengua y cultura" (=language and culture) and I bet the author would mention this report if that book would have been published a year later (so in 2005). Should the Wikipedia community delete every single article that do not meet the criterion? I'm glad to read you propose something which doesn't cause the deletion of this piece of information. I would accept merging it with the author's article, but I'd like it would be link to the other language versions of "Grin Report" and to the links Grin Report. The source of this article is essentially the report itself, written in French. Alekso92 (talk) 10:51, 12 May 2014 (UTC)