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The '''Institute of National Remembrance''' – '''Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation''' ({{lang-pl|Instytut Pamięci Narodowej – Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu}}; '''IPN''') is a [[Polish government]] institution in charge of [[prosecution]], archives, education, and, since 2007, [[lustration]], in relation to crimes against the Polish nation.<ref name="Goddeeris"/> The IPN investigates [[Nazism|Nazi]] and [[communist crime]]s committed between 1917 and 1990, documents its findings, and disseminates them to the public.<ref name="resinst">{{Cite web |url=http://bazy.opi.org.pl/raporty/opisy/instyt/6000/i6575.htm |title=Nauka polska: Instytucje naukowe – identyfikator rekordu: i6575 |access-date=22 April 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070516153339/http://bazy.opi.org.pl/raporty/opisy/instyt/6000/i6575.htm |archive-date=16 May 2007 |url-status=dead}}</ref>
The '''Institute of National Remembrance''' – '''Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation''' ({{lang-pl|Instytut Pamięci Narodowej – Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu}}; '''IPN''') is a [[Poland|Polish]] state research institute in charge of education and archives with investigative and lustration powers. Since 2020, the headquarters of Institute of National Remembrance is located at Postępu 18 Street in [[Warsaw]]. The institute has also eleven branches in others cities and seven delegation offices in additional towns.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Remembrance|first=Institute of National|title=Branch Offices and Delegations|url=https://ipn.gov.pl/en/about-the-ipn/structure/branch-offices-and-dele/825,Branch-Offices-and-Delegations.html|access-date=2021-03-06|website=Institute of National Remembrance|language=en-us}}</ref>

In 2018, the institution's mission statement was amended to include "protecting the reputation of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation".<ref name="The Times of Israel">{{Cite news|date=2018-02-01|title=Full text of Poland's controversial Holocaust legislation|language=en-US|work=The Times of Israel|url=https://www.timesofisrael.com/full-text-of-polands-controversial-holocaust-legislation/|access-date=2019-10-04}}</ref> The IPN investigates [[Nazism|Nazi]] and [[communist crime]]s committed between 1917 and 1990, documents its findings, and disseminates them to the public.<ref name="resinst">{{Cite web |url=http://bazy.opi.org.pl/raporty/opisy/instyt/6000/i6575.htm |title=Nauka polska: Instytucje naukowe – identyfikator rekordu: i6575 |access-date=22 April 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070516153339/http://bazy.opi.org.pl/raporty/opisy/instyt/6000/i6575.htm |archive-date=16 May 2007 |url-status=dead}}</ref>


The institute was [[Act on the Institute of National Remembrance|established]] by the Polish Parliament on 18 December 1998<ref name="IPNabout"/> and incorporated the earlier, 1991-established '''Main Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation''' (which had replaced a 1945-established body on Nazi crimes).<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oOkVDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA243|title=Remembrance, History, and Justice: Coming to Terms with Traumatic Pasts in Democratic Societies|last1=Tismaneanu|first1=Vladimir|last2=Iacob|first2=Bogdan|date=2015|publisher=Central European University Press|isbn=978-9-63386-092-2|pages=243|language=en}}</ref> It began its activities on 1 July 2000.<ref>{{cite web |author=Instytut Pamięci Narodowej |title=15 lat Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej w liczbach |work=Komunikaty |url=http://ipn.gov.pl/wydzial-prasowy/komunikaty/briefing-prezesa-ipn-dr.-lukasza-kaminskiego-w-zwiazku-z-15-leciem-dzialalnosci-instytutu-pamieci-narodowej-warszawa,-12-czerwca-2015 |date=12 June 2015 |access-date=28 June 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160622210338/http://ipn.gov.pl/wydzial-prasowy/komunikaty/briefing-prezesa-ipn-dr.-lukasza-kaminskiego-w-zwiazku-z-15-leciem-dzialalnosci-instytutu-pamieci-narodowej-warszawa,-12-czerwca-2015 |archive-date=22 June 2016 |url-status=dead}}</ref> The IPN is a founding member of the [[Platform of European Memory and Conscience]].<ref name="Platform">{{cite web |url=http://www.memoryandconscience.eu/2011/10/20/czech-prime-minister-petr-necas-the-years-of-totalitarianism-were-years-of-struggle-for-liberty/ |title=The years of totalitarianism were years of struggle for liberty |author=Czech Prime minister [[Petr Nečas]] |date=14 October 2011 |publisher=[[Platform of European Memory and Conscience]] |access-date=14 October 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120330062517/http://www.memoryandconscience.eu/2011/10/20/czech-prime-minister-petr-necas-the-years-of-totalitarianism-were-years-of-struggle-for-liberty/ |archive-date=30 March 2012 |url-status=dead }}</ref>
The institute was [[Act on the Institute of National Remembrance|established]] by the Polish Parliament on 18 December 1998<ref name="IPNabout"/> and incorporated the earlier, 1991-established '''Main Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation''' (which had replaced a 1945-established body on Nazi crimes).<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oOkVDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA243|title=Remembrance, History, and Justice: Coming to Terms with Traumatic Pasts in Democratic Societies|last1=Tismaneanu|first1=Vladimir|last2=Iacob|first2=Bogdan|date=2015|publisher=Central European University Press|isbn=978-9-63386-092-2|pages=243|language=en}}</ref> It began its activities on 1 July 2000.<ref>{{cite web |author=Instytut Pamięci Narodowej |title=15 lat Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej w liczbach |work=Komunikaty |url=http://ipn.gov.pl/wydzial-prasowy/komunikaty/briefing-prezesa-ipn-dr.-lukasza-kaminskiego-w-zwiazku-z-15-leciem-dzialalnosci-instytutu-pamieci-narodowej-warszawa,-12-czerwca-2015 |date=12 June 2015 |access-date=28 June 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160622210338/http://ipn.gov.pl/wydzial-prasowy/komunikaty/briefing-prezesa-ipn-dr.-lukasza-kaminskiego-w-zwiazku-z-15-leciem-dzialalnosci-instytutu-pamieci-narodowej-warszawa,-12-czerwca-2015 |archive-date=22 June 2016 |url-status=dead}}</ref> The IPN is a founding member of the [[Platform of European Memory and Conscience]].<ref name="Platform">{{cite web |url=http://www.memoryandconscience.eu/2011/10/20/czech-prime-minister-petr-necas-the-years-of-totalitarianism-were-years-of-struggle-for-liberty/ |title=The years of totalitarianism were years of struggle for liberty |author=Czech Prime minister [[Petr Nečas]] |date=14 October 2011 |publisher=[[Platform of European Memory and Conscience]] |access-date=14 October 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120330062517/http://www.memoryandconscience.eu/2011/10/20/czech-prime-minister-petr-necas-the-years-of-totalitarianism-were-years-of-struggle-for-liberty/ |archive-date=30 March 2012 |url-status=dead }}</ref>


Several scholars have criticized the IPN for politicization and functioning as a "ministry of memory" rather than an objective historical research institute, especially under [[Law and Justice]] governments.<ref name="Ambrosewicz-Jacobs">[https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17504902.2019.1567668 Ambrosewicz-Jacobs, Jolanta. "The uses and the abuses of education about the Holocaust in Poland after 1989."], Holocaust Studies 25.3 (2019): 329-350.</ref><ref name="Haaretz 2019-10-03">{{Cite news |url=https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium.MAGAZINE-the-fake-nazi-death-camp-wikipedia-s-longest-hoax-exposed-1.7942233 |title=The Fake Nazi Death Camp: Wikipedia's Longest Hoax, Exposed |last=Benjakob |first=Omer |date=2019-10-03 |work=Haaretz |access-date=2019-10-03 |language=en}}</ref><ref name="ורדי">{{Cite AV media |url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aAPIn8oBVzU |title=העולם היום - 06.10.19 |date=2019-10-06 |time=5:28 |last=ורדי |first=מואב}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Stola |first1=Dariusz |editor1-last=Miller |editor1-first=Alekse? I. |editor2-last=Lipman |editor2-first=Marii?a? |title=The Convolutions of Historical Politics |publisher=Central European University Press |isbn=978-615-5225-15-4 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SXHIAAAAQBAJ&q=Institute+of+National+Remembrance&pg=PA45 |language=en |chapter=Poland's Institute of National Remembrance: A Ministry of Memory?|date=January 2012 }}</ref><ref>Rewriting the History of Polish-Jewish Relations from a Nationalist Perspective: The Recent Publications of the Institute of National Remembrance
Some scholars have criticized the IPN for politicization, especially under [[Law and Justice]] governments.<ref name="Ambrosewicz-Jacobs">[https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17504902.2019.1567668 Ambrosewicz-Jacobs, Jolanta. "The uses and the abuses of education about the Holocaust in Poland after 1989."], Holocaust Studies 25.3 (2019): 329-350.</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Goddeeris |first1=Idesbald |title=The Palgrave Handbook of State-Sponsored History After 1945 |date=2018 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK |isbn=978-1-349-95306-6 |pages=255–269 |language=en |chapter=History Riding on the Waves of Government Coalitions: The First Fifteen Years of the Institute of National Remembrance in Poland (2001–2016)}}</ref>
J Grabowski - Yad Vashem Studies, 2008</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Goddeeris |first1=Idesbald |title=The Palgrave Handbook of State-Sponsored History After 1945 |date=2018 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK |isbn=978-1-349-95306-6 |pages=255–269 |language=en |chapter=History Riding on the Waves of Government Coalitions: The First Fifteen Years of the Institute of National Remembrance in Poland (2001–2016)}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Stryjek |first1=Tomasz |title=The Hypertrophy of Polish Remembrance Policy after 2015: Trends and Outcomes |journal=Zoon Politikon |date=2018 |volume=1 |issue=9 |pages=43–66 |url=https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=776836 |publisher=[[Collegium Civitas]] |doi=10.4467/2543408XZOP.18.003.10059 |language=en |issn=2082-7806|doi-access=free }}</ref> In 2018, the institution's mission statement was changed to include "protecting the reputation of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation".<ref name="The Times of Israel">{{Cite news |url=https://www.timesofisrael.com/full-text-of-polands-controversial-holocaust-legislation/ |title=Full text of Poland's controversial Holocaust legislation |date=2018-02-01 |work=The Times of Israel|access-date=2019-10-04 |language=en-US}}</ref>


==Purpose==
==Purpose==
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and educate the public about recent [[history of Poland]].<ref name="resinst"/> IPN collects, organises and archives all documents about the Polish communist security apparatus active from 22 July 1944 to 31 December 1989.<ref name="IPNabout"/>
and educate the public about recent [[history of Poland]].<ref name="resinst"/> IPN collects, organises and archives all documents about the Polish communist security apparatus active from 22 July 1944 to 31 December 1989.<ref name="IPNabout"/>


Following the election of the [[Law and Justice]] party, the nationalist government formulated in 2016 a new IPN law. The 2016 law stipulates that the IPN should oppose publications that dishonor or harm the Polish nation and that history should be popularized as "an element of patriotic education". The new law also removed the influence of academia and the judiciary on the IPN, and four Law and Justice candidates were appointed to the IPN kolegium replacing the former independent members.<ref name="Goddeeris"/> According to Polish sociologist {{ill|Piotr Żuk|pl}}, in practice, the educational mission of the IPN "means building up a picture of the past only from the point of view of a conservative-nationalist position".<ref name=Zuk>{{cite journal |last1=Żuk |first1=Piotr |title=Nation, national remembrance, and education – Polish schools as factories of nationalism and prejudice |journal=Nationalities Papers |date=2018 |volume=46 |issue=6 |pages=1046–1062 |doi=10.1080/00905992.2017.1381079|s2cid=158161859 }}</ref>
Following the election of the [[Law and Justice]] party, the government formulated in 2016 a new IPN law. The 2016 law stipulated that the IPN should oppose publications of false information that dishonors or harms the Polish nation. It also called for popularizing history as part of "an element of patriotic education". The new law also removed the influence of academia and the judiciary on the IPN.<ref name="Goddeeris"/>


A [[Amendment to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance|2018 amendment to the law]],<ref name="Hackmann">[https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14623528.2018.1528742 Hackmann, Jörg. "Defending the “Good Name” of the Polish Nation: Politics of History as a Battlefield in Poland, 2015–18." Journal of Genocide Research 20.4 (2018): 587-606.]</ref> added an article 55a that attempts to defend the "good name" of Poland and its people against any accusation of complicity in the Holocaust.<ref name="George2019">[https://muse.jhu.edu/article/721653/summary Soroka, George, and Félix Krawatzek. "Nationalism, Democracy, and Memory Laws." Journal of Democracy 30.2 (2019): 157-171.]</ref> Initially conceived as a criminal offense (3 years of jail) with an exemption for arts and research, following an international outcry, the article was modified to a civil offense that may be tried in civil courts and the exemption was deleted.<ref name="Hackmann"/> Defamation charges under the act may be made by the IPN as well as by accredited NGOs such as the [[Polish League Against Defamation]].<ref name="Hackmann"/> By the same law, the institution's mission statement was changed to include "protecting the reputation of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation".<ref name="The Times of Israel"/>
A [[Amendment to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance|2018 amendment to the law]],<ref name="Hackmann">{{Cite journal|url=https://doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2018.1528742|title=Defending the “Good Name” of the Polish Nation: Politics of History as a Battlefield in Poland, 2015–18|first=Jörg|last=Hackmann|date=2 October 2018|journal=Journal of Genocide Research|volume=20|issue=4|pages=587–606|via=Taylor and Francis+NEJM|doi=10.1080/14623528.2018.1528742}}</ref> added article 55a that attempts to defend the "good name" of Poland.<ref name="George2019">{{Cite journal|url=https://muse.jhu.edu/article/721653|title=Nationalism, Democracy, and Memory Laws|first1=George|last1=Soroka|first2=Félix|last2=Krawatzek|date=13 April 2019|journal=Journal of Democracy|volume=30|issue=2|pages=157–171|via=Project MUSE|doi=10.1353/jod.2019.0032}}</ref> Initially conceived as a criminal offense (3 years of jail) with an exemption for arts and research, following an international outcry, the article was modified to a civil offense that may be tried in civil courts and the exemption was deleted.<ref name="Hackmann"/> Defamation charges under the act may be made by the IPN as well as by accredited NGOs such as the [[Polish League Against Defamation]].<ref name="Hackmann"/> By the same law, the institution's mission statement was changed to include "protecting the reputation of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation".<ref name="The Times of Israel"/>


==Organisation==
==Organisation==
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==== Leon Kieres ====
==== Leon Kieres ====
[[File:Leon Kieres VII kadencja Kancelaria Senatu.jpg|thumb|142x142px|Leon Kieres]]
The first director of the IPN was [[Leon Kieres]], elected by the [[Sejm]] for five years on 8 June 2000 (term 30 June 2000 – 29 December 2005). The IPN granted some 6,500 people the "victim of communism" status and gathered significant archive material. The institute faced difficulties since it was new and also since the [[Democratic Left Alliance]] (containing former communists) attempted to close the institute. The publication of [[Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland]] by [[Jan T. Gross]], proved to be a lifeline for the IPN as Polish president [[Aleksander Kwaśniewski]] intervened to save the IPN since he deemed the IPN's research to be important as part of Jewish-Polish reconciliation and "apology diplomacy".<ref name="Mink2017"/>
The first director of the IPN was [[Leon Kieres]], elected by the [[Sejm]] for five years on 8 June 2000 (term 30 June 2000 – 29 December 2005). The IPN granted some 6,500 people the "victim of communism" status and gathered significant archive material. The institute faced difficulties since it was new and also since the [[Democratic Left Alliance]] (containing former communists) attempted to close the institute. The publication of [[Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland]] by [[Jan T. Gross]], proved to be a lifeline for the IPN as Polish president [[Aleksander Kwaśniewski]] intervened to save the IPN since he deemed the IPN's research to be important as part of Jewish-Polish reconciliation and "apology diplomacy".<ref name="Mink2017"/>


==== Janusz Kurtyka ====
==== Janusz Kurtyka ====
[[File:Kurtyka Janusz.jpg|thumb|146x146px|Janusz Kurtyka]]
The second director was [[Janusz Kurtyka]], elected on 9 December 2005 with a term that started 29 December 2005 until his death in the [[2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash|Smolensk airplane crash]] on 10 April 2010. The elections were controversial, as during the elections a leak against [[Andrzej Przewoźnik]] accusing him of collaboration with [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa]] caused him to withdraw his candidacy.<ref name="Mink2017"/><ref name="PAPKP"/> Przewoźnik was cleared of the accusations only after he had lost the election.<ref name="PAPKP">{{in lang|pl}} [https://archive.today/20130416112710/http://wiadomosci.wp.pl/kat,1342,statp,cG93aWF6YW5l,wid,8120626,wiadomosc.html ''Olejniczak: Kurtyka powinien zrezygnować''], [[Polish Press Agency]], 13 December 2005, last accessed on 28 April 2007</ref>
The second director was [[Janusz Kurtyka]], elected on 9 December 2005 with a term that started 29 December 2005 until his death in the [[2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash|Smolensk airplane crash]] on 10 April 2010. The elections were controversial, as during the elections a leak against [[Andrzej Przewoźnik]] accusing him of collaboration with [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa]] caused him to withdraw his candidacy.<ref name="Mink2017"/><ref name="PAPKP"/> Przewoźnik was cleared of the accusations only after he had lost the election.<ref name="PAPKP">{{in lang|pl}} [https://archive.today/20130416112710/http://wiadomosci.wp.pl/kat,1342,statp,cG93aWF6YW5l,wid,8120626,wiadomosc.html ''Olejniczak: Kurtyka powinien zrezygnować''], [[Polish Press Agency]], 13 December 2005, last accessed on 28 April 2007</ref>


In 2006, the IPN opened a "Lustration Bureau" that increased the director's power. The bureau was assigned the task of examining the past of all candidates to public office. Kurtyka widened archive access to the public, and shifted focus from compensating victims to researching collaboration.<ref name="Mink2017"/>
In 2006, the IPN opened a "Lustration Bureau" that increased the director's power. The bureau was assigned the task of examining the past of all candidates to public office. Kurtyka widened archive access to the public, and shifted focus from compensating victims to researching collaboration.<ref name="Mink2017"/>



[[Franciszek Gryciuk]] was acting director from 2010 to 2011.{{citation needed|date=August 2019}}
'''Franciszek Gryciuk'''
[[File:Franciszek Gryciuk, 15.06.2010.jpg|thumb|165x165px|Franciszek Gryciuk]]
In 1999, Franciszek Gryciuk was appointed to the Collegium of the IPN, which he chaired 2003–2004. From June 2008 to June 2011, he was Vice President of the IPN. He was acting director 2010–2011, between the death of the IPN's second President, [[Janusz Kurtyka]], in the [[2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash]] and the election of [[Łukasz Kamiński]] by the Polish [[Sejm]] as the third director.


==== Łukasz Kamiński ====
==== Łukasz Kamiński ====
[[File:Łukasz Kamiński Sejm 2016.JPG|thumb|144x144px|Łukasz Kamiński]]
[[Łukasz Kamiński]], was elected by the Sejm in 2011 following the death of his predecessor. Kamiński headed the Wroclaw Regional Bureau of Public Education prior to his election. During his term the IPN faced a wide array of criticism calling for an overhaul or even replacement. Critics founds fault in the IPN being a state institution, the lack of historical knowledge of its prosecutors, a relatively high number of microhistories with a debatable methodology, overuse of the martyrology motif, research methodology, and isolationism from the wider research community. In response, Kamiński implemented several changes, including organizing public debates with outside historians to counter the charge of isolationism and has suggested refocusing on victims as opposed to agents.<ref name="Mink2017"/>
[[Łukasz Kamiński]], was elected by the Sejm in 2011 following the death of his predecessor. Kamiński headed the Wroclaw Regional Bureau of Public Education prior to his election. During his term the IPN faced a wide array of criticism calling for an overhaul or even replacement. Critics founds fault in the IPN being a state institution, the lack of historical knowledge of its prosecutors, a relatively high number of microhistories with a debatable methodology, overuse of the martyrology motif, research methodology, and isolationism from the wider research community. In response, Kamiński implemented several changes, including organizing public debates with outside historians to counter the charge of isolationism and has suggested refocusing on victims as opposed to agents.<ref name="Mink2017"/>


==== Jarosław Szarek ====
==== Jarosław Szarek ====
[[File:Jarosław Szarek 1(cropped).jpg|thumb|128x128px|Jarosław Szarek]]
[[Jarosław Szarek]] was appointed to head the IPN on 22 July 2016.<ref>[https://www.pap.pl/aktualnosci/news,568375,dr-jaroslaw-szarek-zlozyl-przed-sejmem-slubowanie-na-prezesa-ipn.html Senat zgodził się na wybór Jarosława Szarka na prezesa IPN], PAP, 22 July 2016</ref> Szarek is affiliated with PiS, and in his campaign to be elected said that "Germans were the executors of the Jedwabne crime and that they had coerced a small group of Poles to become involved". Following his appointment, Szarek dismissed Krzysztof Persak who was the coauthor of the two-volume 2002 IPN study on the [[Jedwabne pogrom]]. In subsequent months, the IPN was featured in media headlines for releasing controversial documents, additional Wałęsa documents, memory politics in schools and efforts to change communist street names, and legislation efforts.<ref name="Goddeeris"/> According to historian Idesbald Goddeeris, this marks a return of politics to the IPN.<ref name="Goddeeris"/>
On 22 July 2016 [[Jarosław Szarek]] was appointed to head IPN.<ref>[https://www.pap.pl/aktualnosci/news,568375,dr-jaroslaw-szarek-zlozyl-przed-sejmem-slubowanie-na-prezesa-ipn.html Senat zgodził się na wybór Jarosława Szarka na prezesa IPN], PAP, 22 July 2016</ref> He dismissed Krzysztof Persak, co-author of the 2002 two-volume IPN study on the [[Jedwabne pogrom]]. In subsequent months, IPN featured in media headlines for releasing controversial documents, including some relating to [[Lech Wałęsa]], for memory politics conducted in schools, for efforts to change communist street names, and for legislation efforts.<ref name="Goddeeris"/> According to historian Idesbald Goddeeris, this marks a return of politics to the IPN.<ref name="Goddeeris"/>


==Activities==
==Activities==
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===Research===
===Research===
[[Image:Akta Instytut Pamięci Narodowej 05.JPG|thumb|Archive at the former IPN headquarters at 28 Towarowa Street in Warsaw]]
[[Image:Akta Instytut Pamięci Narodowej 05.JPG|thumb|Archive at the former IPN headquarters at 28 Towarowa Street in Warsaw]]
According to Valentin Behr, IPN research into the communist era is valuable, noting that "the resources at its disposal have made it unrivalled as a research centre in the academic world"; at the same time he noted that the research is mostly focused on the era's negative aspects, and that it "is far from producing a critical approach to history, one that asks its own questions and is methodologically pluralistic." He also noted that in recent years that problem is being ameliorated as the Institute work "has somewhat diversified as its administration has taken note of criticism on the part of academics."<ref name=vb>{{Cite journal|last=Behr|first=Valentin|date=2017-01-02|title=Historical policy-making in post-1989 Poland: a sociological approach to the narratives of communism|url=https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2016.1269447|journal=European Politics and Society|volume=18|issue=1|pages=81–95|doi=10.1080/23745118.2016.1269447|issn=2374-5118}}</ref>
Following the public debate on Jan T. Gross's book ''Neighbors'', the IPN conducted an in-depth investigation into the [[Jedwabne pogrom]]. The investigation was politicized, and the IPN's director was involved in defending Poland's good name outside of Poland during the investigation.<ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ewa_Ochman/publication/236788294_Collective_Remembrance_in_Jedwabne_Unsettled_Memory_of_World_War_II_in_Postcommunist_Poland/links/59ed32910f7e9bfdeb71add5/Collective-Remembrance-in-Jedwabne-Unsettled-Memory-of-World-War-II-in-Postcommunist-Poland.pdf Wolentarska-Ochman, Ewa. "Collective remembrance in Jedwabne: Unsettled memory of World War II in postcommunist Poland."], History & Memory 18.1 (2006): 152-178.</ref>


===Education===
===Education===
The IPN's Public Education Office (BEP) vaguely defined role in the IPN act is to inform society of communist and Nazi crimes and institutions. This vaguely defined role allowed [[Paweł Machcewicz]], BEP's director in 2000, freedom to create a wide range of activities.<ref name="Goddeeris"/>
The IPN's Public Education Office (BEP) vaguely defined role in the IPN act is to inform society of communist and Nazi crimes and institutions. This vaguely defined role allowed [[Paweł Machcewicz]], BEP's director in 2000, freedom to create a wide range of activities.<ref name="Goddeeris"/>


Researchers at the IPN conduct not only research, but are required to take part in public outreach.<ref name="Behr2016"/> BEP has published music CDs,<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=lKSLAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA38 The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots], [[Rafał Pankowski]], page 38</ref> DVDs, and serials. It has founded "historical clubs" for debates and lectures. It has also organized outdoor historical fairs, picnic, and games.<ref name="Goddeeris">[https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/978-1-349-95306-6_13 Goddeeris, Idesbald. "History Riding on the Waves of Government Coalitions: The First Fifteen Years of the Institute of National Remembrance in Poland (2001–2016)."] The Palgrave Handbook of State-Sponsored History After 1945. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2018. 255-269.</ref>
Researchers at the IPN conduct not only research, but are required to take part in public outreach.<ref name="vb"/> BEP has published music CDs,<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=lKSLAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA38 The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots], [[Rafał Pankowski]], page 38</ref> DVDs, and serials. It has founded "historical clubs" for debates and lectures. It has also organized outdoor historical fairs, picnic, and games.<ref name="Goddeeris">[https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/978-1-349-95306-6_13 Goddeeris, Idesbald. "History Riding on the Waves of Government Coalitions: The First Fifteen Years of the Institute of National Remembrance in Poland (2001–2016)."] The Palgrave Handbook of State-Sponsored History After 1945. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2018. 255-269.</ref>


The ''IPN Bulletin'' ({{lang-pl|Biuletyn IPN}}) is a high circulation popular-scientific journal,<ref name="Transformation172"/> intended for lay readers and youth.<ref name="Behr2016"/> Some 12,000 of 15,000 copies of the ''Bulletin'' are distributed free of charge to secondary schools in Poland, and the rest are sold in bookstores.<ref name="Transformation172">[https://books.google.com/books?id=bd8VQ5-BC-MC&pg=PT184 The Post-communist Condition: Public and Private Discourses of Transformation], John Benjamins Publishing Company, page 172, chapter by Marta Kurkowska-Budzan</ref> The ''Bulletin'' contains: popular-scientific and academic articles, polemics, manifestos, appeals to readers, promotional material on the IPN and BEP, denials and commentary on reports in the news, as well as multimedia supplements.<ref name="Transformation172"/>
The ''IPN Bulletin'' ({{lang-pl|Biuletyn IPN}}) is a high circulation popular-scientific journal,<ref name="Transformation172"/> intended for lay readers and youth.<ref name="vb"/> Some 12,000 of 15,000 copies of the ''Bulletin'' are distributed free of charge to secondary schools in Poland, and the rest are sold in bookstores.<ref name="Transformation172">[https://books.google.com/books?id=bd8VQ5-BC-MC&pg=PT184 The Post-communist Condition: Public and Private Discourses of Transformation], John Benjamins Publishing Company, page 172, chapter by Marta Kurkowska-Budzan</ref> The ''Bulletin'' contains: popular-scientific and academic articles, polemics, manifestos, appeals to readers, promotional material on the IPN and BEP, denials and commentary on reports in the news, as well as multimedia supplements.<ref name="Transformation172"/>


The IPN also publishes the ''Remembrance and Justice'' ({{lang-pl|Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość}}) scientific journal.<ref name="Transformation172"/>
The IPN also publishes the ''Remembrance and Justice'' ({{lang-pl|Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość}}) scientific journal.<ref name="Transformation172"/>


The Institution of National Remembrance has issued several board games to help educate people about recent Polish history:
====Board games====
The Institution of National Remembrance has created several board games to help educate people about recent Polish history:
* ''303'' – a game about the [[Battle of Britain]] that focuses on the [[No. 303 Polish Fighter Squadron|Polish 303 Squadron]].
* ''303'' – a game about the [[Battle of Britain]] that focuses on the [[No. 303 Polish Fighter Squadron|Polish 303 Squadron]].
* ''[[Kolejka (game)|Kolejka]]'' – a game about being forced to queue for basic household products during the Communist era.
* ''[[Kolejka (game)|Kolejka]]'' – a game about being forced to queue for basic household products during the Communist era.


===Lustration===
===Lustration===
{{POV section|date=September 2019}}
{{details|Lustration in Poland}}
{{details|Lustration in Poland}}
One of the most controversial aspects of IPN is a by-product of its role in collecting and publishing previously secret archives from the Polish communist security apparatus, the [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa]]: revealing secret agents and collaborators (a process called ''[[lustration]]'').<ref name="ChicTrib">Tom Hundley, [http://www.popmatters.com/pm/news/article/8307/poland-looks-back-in-anger/ Poland looks back in anger], 1 December 2006, ''[[Chicago Tribune]]''</ref> Following the election of a Law and Justice government in 2005, in a series of legislative amendments during 2006 and the beginning of 2007 file access and lustration powers were radically expanded.<ref name="Szczerbiak2016"/> However, several articles of the 2006-7 amendments were judged unconstitutional by Poland's Constitutional Court on 11 May 2007.<ref name="BBClust">{{cite news | url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6648435.stm | title=Polish court strikes down spy law | work=[[BBC News]] | date= 11 May 2007 | access-date=5 June 2018}}</ref> Following the court ruling the IPN's lustration power was still wider in relation to the original 1997 law, and include loss of position for those who submitted false lustration declarations as well as a lustration process of candidates for senior office as well as .<ref name="Szczerbiak2016"/>
One of the most controversial aspects of IPN is a by-product of its role in collecting and publishing previously secret archives from the Polish communist security apparatus, the [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa]]: revealing secret agents and collaborators (a process called ''[[lustration]]'').<ref name="ChicTrib">Tom Hundley, [http://www.popmatters.com/pm/news/article/8307/poland-looks-back-in-anger/ Poland looks back in anger], 1 December 2006, ''[[Chicago Tribune]]''</ref> Following the election of a Law and Justice government in 2005, in a series of legislative amendments during 2006 and the beginning of 2007 file access and lustration powers were radically expanded.<ref name="Szczerbiak2016"/> However, several articles of the 2006-7 amendments were judged unconstitutional by Poland's Constitutional Court on 11 May 2007.<ref name="BBClust">{{cite news | url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6648435.stm | title=Polish court strikes down spy law | work=[[BBC News]] | date= 11 May 2007 | access-date=5 June 2018}}</ref> Following the court ruling the IPN's lustration power was still wider in relation to the original 1997 law, and include loss of position for those who submitted false lustration declarations as well as a lustration process of candidates for senior office as well as .<ref name="Szczerbiak2016"/>


An incident which caused controversy involved the "[[Wildstein list]]", a partial list of persons who allegedly worked for the communist-era Polish intelligence service, copied in 2004 from IPN archives (without IPN permission) by journalist [[Bronisław Wildstein]] and published on the Internet in 2005. The list gained much attention in Polish media and politics, and IPN security procedures and handling of the matter came under criticism.<ref name="Wild">Wojciech Czuchnowski, ''[https://archive.today/20130416131410/http://serwisy.gazeta.pl/wyborcza/1,68586,3339691.html Bronisław Wildstein: człowiek z listą]'', [[Gazeta Wyborcza]], last accessed on 12 May 2006</ref><ref name="Szczerbiak2016">[http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63436/1/EastEuropeanPolitics-Accepted%20Manuscript.pdf Szczerbiak, Aleks. "Deepening democratisation? Exploring the declared motives for “late” lustration in Poland." East European Politics 32.4 (2016): 426-445.]</ref>
An incident which caused controversy involved the "[[Wildstein list]]", a partial list of persons who allegedly worked for the communist-era Polish intelligence service, copied in 2004 from IPN archives (without IPN permission) by journalist [[Bronisław Wildstein]] and published on the Internet in 2005. The list gained much attention in Polish media and politics, and IPN security procedures and handling of the matter came under criticism.<ref name="Wild">Wojciech Czuchnowski, ''[https://archive.today/20130416131410/http://serwisy.gazeta.pl/wyborcza/1,68586,3339691.html Bronisław Wildstein: człowiek z listą]'', [[Gazeta Wyborcza]], last accessed on 12 May 2006</ref><ref name="Szczerbiak2016">{{Cite web|url=http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63436/1/EastEuropeanPolitics-Accepted%20Manuscript.pdf|title=Szczerbiak, Aleks. "Deepening democratisation? Exploring the declared motives for “late” lustration in Poland." East European Politics 32.4 (2016): 426-445.}}</ref>

Individuals opposed by neo-''Endeks'' (modern-day adherents of [[National Democracy]] principles), such as liberal clergy, independent journalists, [[Jacek Kuroń]], and [[Zygmunt Bauman]], have been targeted with "leaks" from the IPN archives about their alleged past communist ties.<ref>Grabowski, Jan, "Rewriting the History of Polish-Jewish Relations from a Nationalist Perspective: The Recent Publications of the Institute of National Remembrance", Yad Vashem Studies 36 (2008).</ref>


In 2008 two IPN employees, [[Sławomir Cenckiewicz]] and [[Piotr Gontarczyk]], published a book, ''SB a Lech Wałęsa. Przyczynek do biografii'' (The Security Service and Lech Wałęsa: A Contribution to a Biography) which caused a major controversy.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ktcvDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA406&dq=Gontarczyk&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj4kM3zw5LbAhXPmLQKHYY9DScQ6AEIQTAD#v=onepage&q=Gontarczyk&f=false Totalitarian Societies and Democratic Transition: Essays in memory of Victor Zaslavsky], pages 406-7, Vladislav Zubok, CEU Press</ref> The book's premise was that in the 1970s the [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]] leader and later President of Poland [[Lech Wałęsa]] was a secret [[informant]] of the Polish communist [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa|Security Service]].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/poland/2126507/Lech-Walesa-was-Communist-spy,-claims-book.html|title=Lech Walesa was Communist spy, claims book|work=The Daily Telegraph|date=14 June 2008|access-date=4 October 2008|author=Harry de Quetteville|place=Berlin}}</ref> Michael Szporer writes that the book should have been more nuanced in its judgment of anti-communist leaders, and that it unfairly singled out Wałęsa.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ke0MMyghGr8C&pg=PA283&dq=%22Piotr+Gontarczyk%22&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjUucCT_5bbAhXECOwKHcs7CO44ChDoAQgmMAA#v=onepage&q=Gontarczyk&f=false Solidarity: The Great Workers Strike of 1980], Michael Szporer, Lexington Books, 2012, p. 286.</ref>
In 2008 two IPN employees, [[Sławomir Cenckiewicz]] and [[Piotr Gontarczyk]], published a book, ''SB a Lech Wałęsa. Przyczynek do biografii'' (The Security Service and Lech Wałęsa: A Contribution to a Biography) which caused a major controversy.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ktcvDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA406&dq=Gontarczyk&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj4kM3zw5LbAhXPmLQKHYY9DScQ6AEIQTAD#v=onepage&q=Gontarczyk&f=false Totalitarian Societies and Democratic Transition: Essays in memory of Victor Zaslavsky], pages 406-7, Vladislav Zubok, CEU Press</ref> The book's premise was that in the 1970s the [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]] leader and later President of Poland [[Lech Wałęsa]] was a secret [[informant]] of the Polish communist [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa|Security Service]].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/poland/2126507/Lech-Walesa-was-Communist-spy,-claims-book.html|title=Lech Walesa was Communist spy, claims book|work=The Daily Telegraph|date=14 June 2008|access-date=4 October 2008|author=Harry de Quetteville|place=Berlin}}</ref> Michael Szporer writes that the book should have been more nuanced in its judgment of anti-communist leaders, and that it unfairly singled out Wałęsa.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ke0MMyghGr8C&pg=PA283&dq=%22Piotr+Gontarczyk%22&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjUucCT_5bbAhXECOwKHcs7CO44ChDoAQgmMAA#v=onepage&q=Gontarczyk&f=false Solidarity: The Great Workers Strike of 1980], Michael Szporer, Lexington Books, 2012, p. 286.</ref>

As of 2012 some 10% of IPN's personnel (215 workers of which 26 are prosecutors) work in the Lustration office. Between 2007 and 2012, prepared four internet catalogs of: former Communist officials, security officers, those targeted by Security, and of people presently holding public office. In the same period, the IPN handled nearly 150,000 "vetting declaration.<ref name="Stola 2012"/>


==Criticism==
==Criticism==
According to {{ill|Georges Mink|fr|Georges Mink}}, common criticisms of the IPN include: its dominance in the Polish research field, which is guaranteed by a budget that far supersedes that of any similar academic institution; the low quality of its research, and its emphasis on "quantity over quality"; its focus on "[[Hagiography|martyrology]]"; and various criticisms of methodology and ethics.<ref name="Mink2017" /> Some of these criticisms have been addressed by Director [[Łukasz Kamiński]] during his tenure; however according to Mink, the changes to the electoral process and the election of [[Jarosław Szarek]] as director virtually guarantee the politicization of the institute.<ref name="Mink2017" />
According to {{ill|Georges Mink|fr|Georges Mink}}, common criticisms of the IPN include: its dominance in the Polish research field, which is guaranteed by a budget that far supersedes that of any similar academic institution; the "thematic monotony... of micro-historical studies... of no real scientific interest" of its research; its focus on "[[Hagiography|martyrology]]"; and various criticisms of methodology and ethics.<ref name="Mink2017" /> Some of these criticisms have been addressed by Director [[Łukasz Kamiński]] during his tenure and who according to Mink "has made significant changes"; however, Minsk, writing in 2017, was also concerned with the recent administrative and personnel changes in IPN, including the election of [[Jarosław Szarek]] as director, which he posits are likely to result in further the politicization of the institute.<ref name="Mink2017" />
In 2019, [[Jan Grabowski]] said that the institute should be abolished because of its "nationalist triumphalism" and "primitive and simplistic vision of our own history".<ref>{{cite news |last1=Leszczyński |first1=Adam |title=Prof. Grabowski: IPN trwale uszkadza polską świadomość historyczną. Należy go po prostu zamknąć |url=https://oko.press/prof-grabowski-ipn-trwale-uszkadza-polska-swiadomosc-historyczna-nalezy-go-po-prostu-zamknac/ |access-date=2 October 2020 |work=oko.press |date=16 September 2019}}</ref>


===Politicization===
===Politicization===
In 2005, after [[Law and Justice]]'s (''PiS'') electoral victory, the ''IPN'' focused on crimes against the Polish nation.<ref name="Ambrosewicz-Jacobs"/> Part of PiS's platform was [[Historical policy of the Law and Justice party|its ''historical policy'']] on the national and international level to promote the Polish point of view. During PiS's control of the government between 2005 and 2007, the ''IPN'' was the focus of heated public controversies, in particular in regard to the past of [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]] leader [[Lech Wałęsa]]. As a result, in scholarly literature the ''IPN'' has been referred to as a "Ministry of Memory" or as an institution involved in "memory games".<ref name="Behr2016">[https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/23745118.2016.1269447 Behr, Valentin. "Historical policy-making in post-1989 Poland: a sociological approach to the narratives of communism." European Politics and Society 18.1 (2017): 81-95.]</ref> IPN's budget is five times higher than that of the [[Polish Academy of Sciences]].<ref>{{cite news |title=Polish Memory Law: When history becomes a source of mistrust |url=https://neweasterneurope.eu/2018/02/19/polish-memory-law-history-becomes-source-mistrust/ |access-date=20 October 2020 |work=New Eastern Europe - A bimonthly news magazine dedicated to Central and Eastern European affairs |date=19 February 2018}}</ref>
In 2005, after [[Law and Justice]]'s (''PiS'') electoral victory, the ''IPN'' focused on crimes against the Polish nation.<ref name="Ambrosewicz-Jacobs"/> During PiS's control of the government between 2005 and 2007, the ''IPN'' was the focus of heated public controversies, in particular in regard to the past of [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]] leader [[Lech Wałęsa]]. As a result, in scholarly literature the ''IPN'' has been referred to as a "Ministry of Memory" or as an institution involved in "memory games".<ref name=vb/> Several scholars{{who|date=March 2021}} have criticized the ''IPN'' for turning in recent years{{when|date=March 2021}}, with the rise of the [[Law and Justice#In majority government: 2015–present|Law and Justice government]] and the [[Amendment to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance|2018 amendment to the IPN law]], from objective historical research towards [[historical revisionism]].<ref name="Ambrosewicz-Jacobs" />

Several scholars have criticized the ''IPN'' for turning in recent years, with the rise of the [[Law and Justice#In majority government: 2015–present|Law and Justice government]] and the [[Amendment to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance|2018 amendment to the IPN law]], from objective historical research towards [[historical revisionism]].<ref name="Ambrosewicz-Jacobs"/><ref name="Haaretz 2019-10-03"/><ref name="ורדי"/>

Following the disruption of the 2019 [[New Polish School of Holocaust Scholarship (conference)|New Polish School of Holocaust Scholarship conference]] in Paris,<ref name="BehrIPN2019">{{Cite journal|language=fr|url=https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02177454/document|last=Behr|first=Valentin|title=Entre histoire et propagande. Les contributions de l'Institut polonais de la mémoire nationale à la mise en récit de la Seconde Guerre mondiale|journal=Allemagne d'Aujourd'hui|issue=228|doi=10.3917/all.228.0082|date=2019|pages=82–92}}</ref> the ''IPN'' was criticized by French higher-education minister [[Frédérique Vidal]],<ref name="BehrIPN2019"/><ref name="lemonde20190304">{{cite news|url=https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/03/04/tensions-entre-la-pologne-et-la-france-apres-l-incident-de-l-ehess_5431359_3210.html|title=La Pologne minimise les incidents lors d'un colloque sur la Shoah à Paris|author=Jakub Iwaniuk|newspaper=[[Le Monde]]|date=4 March 2019|language=fr}}</ref> who said the disturbances had been "highly regrettable" and "anti-Semitic", and that the disturbances organized by ''[[Gazeta Polska]]'' activists appeared to have been condoned by the ''IPN'', whose representative did not condemn the disruption and which criticized the conference in social-media remarks that were re-tweeted by the [[Embassy of Poland, Paris|Polish Embassy in Paris]].<ref>[http://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/2019/03/01/97001-20190301FILWWW00147-colloque-sur-la-shoah-a-paris-la-france-proteste-aupres-de-la-pologne.php Colloquium on the Shoah in Paris: France protests with Poland], [[Le Figaro]], 1 March 2019</ref>

Even though homosexuals were persecuted by the Communist regime (see [[Operation Hyacinth]]) the IPN refused to give them the status of a persecuted group, because "police actions against homosexuals were preventive measures and it is difficult to regard them as unlawful".<ref name="Zuk" />


===Organizational and methodological concerns===
===Organizational and methodological concerns===
Valentin Behr writes that the IPN is most "concerned with the production of an official narrative about Poland’s recent past" and therefore it lacks innovation in its research, nothing however that situation is being remedied under recent leadership. He observes that IPN "has mainly taken in historians from the fringes of the academic field" who were either unable to obtain a prominent academic position or ideologically drawn to the IPN's approach, and noted that "in the academic field, being an ‘IPN historian’ can be a stigma". He explains this by pointing to a generational divide in Polish academia, visible when comparing IPN to other Polish research outlets, and observing that "Hiring young historians was done deliberately to give the Institute greater autonomy from the academic world, considered as too leftist to describe the dark sides of the communist regime". He praises IPN for creating hiring opportunities for many history specialists who can carry dedicated research there without the need for an appointment at another institution, and for training young historians, noting that "the IPN is now the leading employer of young PhD students and PhDs in history specialized in contemporary history, ahead of [Polish] universities". He finally observes a contradiction in that the young historians at IPN are torn between deferring to their seniors and exploring new approaches and ideas.<ref name=vb/>
Concerns have been raised with the institution's approach to historical research, which tends towards [[Positivism#In historiography|historical positivism]] and a claim of objectivity.<ref name="Traba 2016">{{Cite journal |last=Traba |first=Robert |date=2016 |title=Two Dimensions of History: An Opening Sketch |url=http://rcin.org.pl/Content/64236/WA248_83643_P-I-2524_traba-two_o.pdf |journal=Teksty Drugie |volume=1 |pages=36–81}}</ref> According to [[Wiktoria Śliwowska]], the IPN's [[Historiography|historiographic]] approach is more broadly concerned with assigning blame than with understanding of historical processes.<ref name="Traba 2016" /> Valentin Behr writes that the IPN is most "concerned with the production of an official narrative about Poland’s recent past" and therefore it lacks innovation in its research. Behr adds that the IPN "has mainly taken in historians from the fringes of the academic field" who were either unable to obtain an academic position or ideologically drawn to the IPN's approach.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Behr |first1=Valentin |title=Historical policy-making in post-1989 Poland: a sociological approach to the narratives of communism |journal=European Politics and Society |date=2017 |volume=18 |issue=1 |pages=81–95 |doi=10.1080/23745118.2016.1269447|s2cid=150353378 }}</ref>

Historian [[Dariusz Stola]] concludes that the ''IPN'' is a "Ministry of Memory", but bureaucratic in nature rather than [[Orwellian]]. This combination of traits limits the pluralism and quality of research the institute can produce. Stola notes that IPN is a "regular continental European bureaucracy, with usual deficiencies of its kind", and concludes that in this aspect the IPN resembles the communist institutions it is supposed to deal with, equally "bureaucratic, centralist, heavy, inclined to extensive growth and quantity rather than quality of production".<ref name="Stola 2012">Stola, Dariusz. "Poland’s Institute of National Remembrance: A Ministry of Memory?." The convolutions of historical politics (2012), pp. 54-55.</ref> Stola also suggests that the IPN shows a "tendency for a questionable vision of interpretations of the past", and that its treatment of Poland's Communist history is meant to give "an orientation to the authors and the readers, probably a moral orientation they desire."<ref name="Stola 2012" />

=== Relations with Ukrainians ===
In March 1944, the Armia Krajowa and Peasant Battalion units attacked the Ukrainian-populated village [[Sahryn]]; hundreds of Ukrainian civilians were killed in the subsequent [[Sahryń massacre]]. Historian Mariusz Zajączkowski said that the massacre could be described as a war crime or perhaps a [[crime against humanity]]. The IPN investigation on this matter was discontinued in 2010, and the IPN found that there was no crime in Sahryń. A Ukrainian request to reopen the investigation was refused.<ref>{{cite news |title=Polsko - ukraiński spór o zbrodnię |url=https://www.rp.pl/Historia/305119972-Polsko---ukrainski-spor-o-zbrodnie.html |access-date=2 October 2020 |work=rp.pl |language=pl}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://natemat.pl/263521,wpadka-ipn-kompromitujaco-uzyli-zdjecia-ze-zbrodni-polakow-w-sahryniu|title=W IPN są na bakier z historią. Pomylili zdjęcia w zaproszeniu na ważną uroczystość|website=naTemat.pl|language=PL-pl|access-date=2020-01-23}}</ref>

===Employee incidents===
In September 2017, a historian in charge of education in [[Lublin]] for the IPN, wrote in a column in ''[[Gazeta Polska]]'' that "after the aggression of Germany into Poland, the situation of the Jews did not look very bad" and "although the [Nazi] occupation authorities took over, they ordered the wearing of armbands with the star of David, charged them heavy taxes, began to designate Jews-only zones only for the Jews, but at the same time permitted the creation of [[Judenrat]], that is, organs of self-government."<ref name="JTA20171024"/> In 2014, the same historian said in an expert opinion to a Polish court that the Nazi party was a leftist party and that the [[swastika]] is an ambiguous symbol.<ref name="JTA20171024"/> These statements were widely criticized by other historians including [[Dariusz Libionka]], and the IPN issued a statement saying that the "In connection with the thesis in the article by Tomasz Panfil in the Gazeta Polska, the Institute of National Remembrance declares that position presented there is in no way compatible with the historical knowledge about the situation of the Jewish population in Poland after 1 September 1939." and that it expects the historian "will, in his scientific and journalistic activities, show diligence and respect to the principles of historical and research reliability."<ref>[https://www.timesofisrael.com/polish-institute-rebuffs-historian-who-said-nazi-invasion-not-that-bad-for-jews/ Polish institute rebuffs historian who said Nazi invasion not that bad for Jews], ''[[Times of Israel]]'' (JTA), 5 October 2017</ref> In October 2017, education minister [[Anna Zalewska]] presented the historian with a medal for "special merits for education".<ref name="JTA20171024">[https://www.timesofisrael.com/poland-honors-historian-who-said-nazi-invasion-wasnt-so-bad-for-jews/ Poland honors historian who said Nazi invasion wasn’t so bad for Jews], Times of Israel (JTA), 24 October 2017</ref>

In October 2017, the [[Simon Wiesenthal Center]] urged the IPN to fire the deputy director of its publishing office because he had published several books by [[Holocaust denier]] [[David Irving]]. The IPN responded that the official "is not a Holocaust denier himself so there is no reason to dismiss him".<ref>[https://www.apnews.com/28bf4c4b4faf4fea87eb8989896c8b84/Poland-urged-to-fire-publisher-of-works-by-Holocaust-denier Poland urged to fire publisher of works by Holocaust denier], AP, 3 October 2017</ref><ref>[http://jewishnews.timesofisrael.com/polish-body-urged-to-sack-official-who-published-david-irvings-books/ Polish body urged to sack official who published David Irving’s books], Jewish News, 3 October 2017</ref>

In 2018, the institute was the subject of controversy after removing [[Adam Puławski]] from his position doing research on Polish–Jewish relations during World War II; 130 historians from Poland and abroad criticized the decision in an open letter.<ref name=March>{{cite news |last1=Leszczyński |first1=Adam |title=Nowe fakty w sprawie historyka odsuniętego od badań naukowych przez IPN. Ukarany za niesłuszne wyniki |url=https://oko.press/nowe-fakty-sprawie-historyka-odsunietego-badan-naukowych-ipn-ukarany-za-niesluszne-wyniki/ |access-date=1 October 2020 |work=oko.press |date=16 March 2018}}</ref>


Historian [[Dariusz Stola]] states that the IPN is very bureaucratic in nature, comparing it to a "regular continental European bureaucracy, with usual deficiencies of its kind", and concludes that in this aspect the IPN resembles the former communist institutions it is supposed to deal with, equally "bureaucratic, centralist, heavy, inclined to extensive growth and quantity rather than quality of production".<ref name="Stola 2012">Stola, Dariusz. "Poland’s Institute of National Remembrance: A Ministry of Memory?." The convolutions of historical politics (2012), pp. 54-55.</ref>
In 2021, far-right historian and [[National Radical Camp]] activist Tomasz Greniuch was appointed to lead the institute's [[Wrocław]] branch. Greniuch was pictured giving what appears to be a [[Nazi salute]]<ref name="TimesIsrael 2021-02-22" /> on a number of occasions.<ref name=":0">{{Cite web|last=Wilczek|first=Maria|date=2021-02-12|title=Israel protests appointment of former far-right activist to head Polish state history body|url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2021/02/12/israel-protests-appointment-of-former-far-right-activist-to-head-polish-state-history-body/|access-date=2021-02-19|website=Notes From Poland|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Wyborcza.pl|url=https://krakow.wyborcza.pl/krakow/7,44425,26804072,wyplynelo-kolejne-zdjecie-heilujacego-szefa-wroclawskiego-ipn.html?disableRedirects=true|access-date=2021-02-19|website=krakow.wyborcza.pl}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Wyborcza.pl|url=https://wroclaw.wyborcza.pl/wroclaw/7,35771,26806130,no-pasaran-nacjonalista-i-antysemita-w-ipn-obcy-duchowi-wroclawia.html?disableRedirects=true|access-date=2021-02-19|website=wroclaw.wyborcza.pl}}</ref> He's also known to have organized, among others, a commemoration event to [[Adam Doboszyński]], who in 1936 attacked Jewish businesses in the town of [[Myślenice]], and attempted to burn down the local synagogue.<ref name=":0" /> Greniuch is also a recipient of the Polish [[Cross of Merit (Poland)|Bronze Cross of Merit]].<ref name=":0" /><ref name="TimesIsrael 2021-02-22" /> Following intense criticism, Greniuch has resigned.<ref name="TimesIsrael 2021-02-22">{{Cite news |last=Gera |first=Vanessa |date=2021-02-22 |title=Polish state historian resigns after far-right past revealed |language=en-US |work=Times of Israel |url=https://www.timesofisrael.com/polish-state-historian-resigns-after-far-right-past-revealed/ |access-date=2021-02-23}}</ref>


==See also==
==See also==

Revision as of 22:38, 6 March 2021

Institute of National Remembrance
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej
AbbreviationIPN
Formation18 December 1998 (25 years ago) (1998-12-18)
Dissolvedn/a
PurposeEducation, research, archive, and identification. Commemorating the Struggle and Martyrdom. Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation.[1]
HeadquartersWarsaw, Poland
Location
  • 7 Wołoska Street
Region served
Republic of Poland
Membership
Staff
Official language
Polish
President
Jarosław Szarek
Main organ
Council
Affiliations
Staff
Several hundred
Websitewww.ipn.gov.pl
RemarksThe IPN Headquarters in Warsaw co-ordinates the operations of eleven Branch Offices and their Delegations

The Institute of National RemembranceCommission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation (Polish: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej – Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu; IPN) is a Polish state research institute in charge of education and archives with investigative and lustration powers. Since 2020, the headquarters of Institute of National Remembrance is located at Postępu 18 Street in Warsaw. The institute has also eleven branches in others cities and seven delegation offices in additional towns.[3]

In 2018, the institution's mission statement was amended to include "protecting the reputation of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation".[4] The IPN investigates Nazi and communist crimes committed between 1917 and 1990, documents its findings, and disseminates them to the public.[5]

The institute was established by the Polish Parliament on 18 December 1998[6] and incorporated the earlier, 1991-established Main Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation (which had replaced a 1945-established body on Nazi crimes).[7] It began its activities on 1 July 2000.[8] The IPN is a founding member of the Platform of European Memory and Conscience.[9]

Some scholars have criticized the IPN for politicization, especially under Law and Justice governments.[10][11]

Purpose

IPN's main areas of activity,[5] in line with its original mission statement,[6] include researching and documenting the losses which were suffered by the Polish Nation as a result of World War II and during the post-war totalitarian period.[6] The Institute informs about the patriotic traditions of resistance against the occupational forces,[6] and the Polish citizens' fight for sovereignty of the nation, including their efforts in defence of freedom and human dignity in general.[6] IPN investigates crimes committed on Polish soil against Polish citizens as well as people of other citizenships wronged in the country. War crimes which are not affected by statute of limitations according to Polish law include:[5]

  1. crimes of the Soviet and Polish communist regimes committed in the country from 17 September 1939 until fall of communism on 31 December 1989,[5]
  2. deportations to the Soviet Union of Polish soldiers of Armia Krajowa,[5] and other Polish resistance organizations as well as Polish inhabitants of the former Polish eastern territories,
  3. pacifications of Polish communities between Vistula and Bug Rivers in the years 1944 to 1947 by UB-NKVD,[5]
  4. crimes committed by the law enforcement agencies of the Polish People's Republic, particularly Ministry of Public Security of Poland and Main Directorate of Information of the Polish Army,[5]
  5. crimes under the category of war crimes and crimes against humanity.[5]

It is the IPN's duty to prosecute crimes against peace and humanity, as much as war crimes.[6] Its mission includes the need to compensate for damages which were suffered by the repressed and harmed people at a time when human rights were disobeyed by the state,[6] and educate the public about recent history of Poland.[5] IPN collects, organises and archives all documents about the Polish communist security apparatus active from 22 July 1944 to 31 December 1989.[6]

Following the election of the Law and Justice party, the government formulated in 2016 a new IPN law. The 2016 law stipulated that the IPN should oppose publications of false information that dishonors or harms the Polish nation. It also called for popularizing history as part of "an element of patriotic education". The new law also removed the influence of academia and the judiciary on the IPN.[12]

A 2018 amendment to the law,[13] added article 55a that attempts to defend the "good name" of Poland.[14] Initially conceived as a criminal offense (3 years of jail) with an exemption for arts and research, following an international outcry, the article was modified to a civil offense that may be tried in civil courts and the exemption was deleted.[13] Defamation charges under the act may be made by the IPN as well as by accredited NGOs such as the Polish League Against Defamation.[13] By the same law, the institution's mission statement was changed to include "protecting the reputation of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation".[4]

Organisation

Main entrance

IPN was created by special legislation on 18 December 1998.[6] The IPN is divided into:[15][6][16]

  • Main Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation (Główna Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni Przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu)
  • Bureau of Provision and Archivization of Documents (Biuro Udostępniania i Archiwizacji Dokumentów)
  • Bureau of Public Education (or Public Education Office, Biuro Edukacji Publicznej)
  • Lustration Bureau (Biuro Lustracyjne) (new bureau, since October 2006)[15]
  • local chapters.

On 29 April 2010, acting president Bronislaw Komorowski signed into law a parliamentary act that reformed the Institute of National Remembrance.[17]

Director

IPN is governed by the director, who has a sovereign position that is independent of the Polish state hierarchy. The director may not be dismissed during his term, unless he commits a harmful act. Prior to 2016, the election of the director was a complex procedure, which involves the selection of a panel of candidates by the IPN Collegium (members appointed by the Polish Parliament and judiciary). The Polish Parliament (Sejm) then elects one of the candidates, with a required supermajority (60%). The director has a 5-year term of office.[18] Following 2016 legislation in the PiS controlled parliament, the former pluralist Collegium was replaced with a nine-member Collegium composed of PiS supporters, and the Sejm appoints the director after consulting with the College without an election between candidates.[18]

Leon Kieres

Leon Kieres

The first director of the IPN was Leon Kieres, elected by the Sejm for five years on 8 June 2000 (term 30 June 2000 – 29 December 2005). The IPN granted some 6,500 people the "victim of communism" status and gathered significant archive material. The institute faced difficulties since it was new and also since the Democratic Left Alliance (containing former communists) attempted to close the institute. The publication of Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland by Jan T. Gross, proved to be a lifeline for the IPN as Polish president Aleksander Kwaśniewski intervened to save the IPN since he deemed the IPN's research to be important as part of Jewish-Polish reconciliation and "apology diplomacy".[18]

Janusz Kurtyka

Janusz Kurtyka

The second director was Janusz Kurtyka, elected on 9 December 2005 with a term that started 29 December 2005 until his death in the Smolensk airplane crash on 10 April 2010. The elections were controversial, as during the elections a leak against Andrzej Przewoźnik accusing him of collaboration with Służba Bezpieczeństwa caused him to withdraw his candidacy.[18][19] Przewoźnik was cleared of the accusations only after he had lost the election.[19]

In 2006, the IPN opened a "Lustration Bureau" that increased the director's power. The bureau was assigned the task of examining the past of all candidates to public office. Kurtyka widened archive access to the public, and shifted focus from compensating victims to researching collaboration.[18]


Franciszek Gryciuk

Franciszek Gryciuk

In 1999, Franciszek Gryciuk was appointed to the Collegium of the IPN, which he chaired 2003–2004. From June 2008 to June 2011, he was Vice President of the IPN. He was acting director 2010–2011, between the death of the IPN's second President, Janusz Kurtyka, in the 2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash and the election of Łukasz Kamiński by the Polish Sejm as the third director.

Łukasz Kamiński

Łukasz Kamiński

Łukasz Kamiński, was elected by the Sejm in 2011 following the death of his predecessor. Kamiński headed the Wroclaw Regional Bureau of Public Education prior to his election. During his term the IPN faced a wide array of criticism calling for an overhaul or even replacement. Critics founds fault in the IPN being a state institution, the lack of historical knowledge of its prosecutors, a relatively high number of microhistories with a debatable methodology, overuse of the martyrology motif, research methodology, and isolationism from the wider research community. In response, Kamiński implemented several changes, including organizing public debates with outside historians to counter the charge of isolationism and has suggested refocusing on victims as opposed to agents.[18]

Jarosław Szarek

Jarosław Szarek

On 22 July 2016 Jarosław Szarek was appointed to head IPN.[20] He dismissed Krzysztof Persak, co-author of the 2002 two-volume IPN study on the Jedwabne pogrom. In subsequent months, IPN featured in media headlines for releasing controversial documents, including some relating to Lech Wałęsa, for memory politics conducted in schools, for efforts to change communist street names, and for legislation efforts.[12] According to historian Idesbald Goddeeris, this marks a return of politics to the IPN.[12]

Activities

Research

Archive at the former IPN headquarters at 28 Towarowa Street in Warsaw

According to Valentin Behr, IPN research into the communist era is valuable, noting that "the resources at its disposal have made it unrivalled as a research centre in the academic world"; at the same time he noted that the research is mostly focused on the era's negative aspects, and that it "is far from producing a critical approach to history, one that asks its own questions and is methodologically pluralistic." He also noted that in recent years that problem is being ameliorated as the Institute work "has somewhat diversified as its administration has taken note of criticism on the part of academics."[21]

Education

The IPN's Public Education Office (BEP) vaguely defined role in the IPN act is to inform society of communist and Nazi crimes and institutions. This vaguely defined role allowed Paweł Machcewicz, BEP's director in 2000, freedom to create a wide range of activities.[12]

Researchers at the IPN conduct not only research, but are required to take part in public outreach.[21] BEP has published music CDs,[22] DVDs, and serials. It has founded "historical clubs" for debates and lectures. It has also organized outdoor historical fairs, picnic, and games.[12]

The IPN Bulletin (Polish: Biuletyn IPN) is a high circulation popular-scientific journal,[23] intended for lay readers and youth.[21] Some 12,000 of 15,000 copies of the Bulletin are distributed free of charge to secondary schools in Poland, and the rest are sold in bookstores.[23] The Bulletin contains: popular-scientific and academic articles, polemics, manifestos, appeals to readers, promotional material on the IPN and BEP, denials and commentary on reports in the news, as well as multimedia supplements.[23]

The IPN also publishes the Remembrance and Justice (Polish: Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość) scientific journal.[23]

The Institution of National Remembrance has issued several board games to help educate people about recent Polish history:

Lustration

One of the most controversial aspects of IPN is a by-product of its role in collecting and publishing previously secret archives from the Polish communist security apparatus, the Służba Bezpieczeństwa: revealing secret agents and collaborators (a process called lustration).[24] Following the election of a Law and Justice government in 2005, in a series of legislative amendments during 2006 and the beginning of 2007 file access and lustration powers were radically expanded.[25] However, several articles of the 2006-7 amendments were judged unconstitutional by Poland's Constitutional Court on 11 May 2007.[26] Following the court ruling the IPN's lustration power was still wider in relation to the original 1997 law, and include loss of position for those who submitted false lustration declarations as well as a lustration process of candidates for senior office as well as .[25]

An incident which caused controversy involved the "Wildstein list", a partial list of persons who allegedly worked for the communist-era Polish intelligence service, copied in 2004 from IPN archives (without IPN permission) by journalist Bronisław Wildstein and published on the Internet in 2005. The list gained much attention in Polish media and politics, and IPN security procedures and handling of the matter came under criticism.[27][25]

In 2008 two IPN employees, Sławomir Cenckiewicz and Piotr Gontarczyk, published a book, SB a Lech Wałęsa. Przyczynek do biografii (The Security Service and Lech Wałęsa: A Contribution to a Biography) which caused a major controversy.[28] The book's premise was that in the 1970s the Solidarity leader and later President of Poland Lech Wałęsa was a secret informant of the Polish communist Security Service.[29] Michael Szporer writes that the book should have been more nuanced in its judgment of anti-communist leaders, and that it unfairly singled out Wałęsa.[30]

Criticism

According to Georges Mink [fr], common criticisms of the IPN include: its dominance in the Polish research field, which is guaranteed by a budget that far supersedes that of any similar academic institution; the "thematic monotony... of micro-historical studies... of no real scientific interest" of its research; its focus on "martyrology"; and various criticisms of methodology and ethics.[18] Some of these criticisms have been addressed by Director Łukasz Kamiński during his tenure and who according to Mink "has made significant changes"; however, Minsk, writing in 2017, was also concerned with the recent administrative and personnel changes in IPN, including the election of Jarosław Szarek as director, which he posits are likely to result in further the politicization of the institute.[18]

Politicization

In 2005, after Law and Justice's (PiS) electoral victory, the IPN focused on crimes against the Polish nation.[10] During PiS's control of the government between 2005 and 2007, the IPN was the focus of heated public controversies, in particular in regard to the past of Solidarity leader Lech Wałęsa. As a result, in scholarly literature the IPN has been referred to as a "Ministry of Memory" or as an institution involved in "memory games".[21] Several scholars[who?] have criticized the IPN for turning in recent years[when?], with the rise of the Law and Justice government and the 2018 amendment to the IPN law, from objective historical research towards historical revisionism.[10]

Organizational and methodological concerns

Valentin Behr writes that the IPN is most "concerned with the production of an official narrative about Poland’s recent past" and therefore it lacks innovation in its research, nothing however that situation is being remedied under recent leadership. He observes that IPN "has mainly taken in historians from the fringes of the academic field" who were either unable to obtain a prominent academic position or ideologically drawn to the IPN's approach, and noted that "in the academic field, being an ‘IPN historian’ can be a stigma". He explains this by pointing to a generational divide in Polish academia, visible when comparing IPN to other Polish research outlets, and observing that "Hiring young historians was done deliberately to give the Institute greater autonomy from the academic world, considered as too leftist to describe the dark sides of the communist regime". He praises IPN for creating hiring opportunities for many history specialists who can carry dedicated research there without the need for an appointment at another institution, and for training young historians, noting that "the IPN is now the leading employer of young PhD students and PhDs in history specialized in contemporary history, ahead of [Polish] universities". He finally observes a contradiction in that the young historians at IPN are torn between deferring to their seniors and exploring new approaches and ideas.[21]

Historian Dariusz Stola states that the IPN is very bureaucratic in nature, comparing it to a "regular continental European bureaucracy, with usual deficiencies of its kind", and concludes that in this aspect the IPN resembles the former communist institutions it is supposed to deal with, equally "bureaucratic, centralist, heavy, inclined to extensive growth and quantity rather than quality of production".[31]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Remembrance, Institute of National. "Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation". Institute of National Remembrance. Retrieved 28 January 2020.
  2. ^ The Institute of National Remembrance Guide, Warsaw 2009 Archived 12 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine (PDF 3.4 MB)
  3. ^ Remembrance, Institute of National. "Branch Offices and Delegations". Institute of National Remembrance. Retrieved 6 March 2021.
  4. ^ a b "Full text of Poland's controversial Holocaust legislation". The Times of Israel. 1 February 2018. Retrieved 4 October 2019.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i "Nauka polska: Instytucje naukowe – identyfikator rekordu: i6575". Archived from the original on 16 May 2007. Retrieved 22 April 2007.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j About the Institute From IPN English website. Last accessed on 20 April 2007
  7. ^ Tismaneanu, Vladimir; Iacob, Bogdan (2015). Remembrance, History, and Justice: Coming to Terms with Traumatic Pasts in Democratic Societies. Central European University Press. p. 243. ISBN 978-9-63386-092-2.
  8. ^ Instytut Pamięci Narodowej (12 June 2015). "15 lat Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej w liczbach". Komunikaty. Archived from the original on 22 June 2016. Retrieved 28 June 2016.
  9. ^ Czech Prime minister Petr Nečas (14 October 2011). "The years of totalitarianism were years of struggle for liberty". Platform of European Memory and Conscience. Archived from the original on 30 March 2012. Retrieved 14 October 2011.
  10. ^ a b c Ambrosewicz-Jacobs, Jolanta. "The uses and the abuses of education about the Holocaust in Poland after 1989.", Holocaust Studies 25.3 (2019): 329-350.
  11. ^ Goddeeris, Idesbald (2018). "History Riding on the Waves of Government Coalitions: The First Fifteen Years of the Institute of National Remembrance in Poland (2001–2016)". The Palgrave Handbook of State-Sponsored History After 1945. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 255–269. ISBN 978-1-349-95306-6.
  12. ^ a b c d e Goddeeris, Idesbald. "History Riding on the Waves of Government Coalitions: The First Fifteen Years of the Institute of National Remembrance in Poland (2001–2016)." The Palgrave Handbook of State-Sponsored History After 1945. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2018. 255-269.
  13. ^ a b c Hackmann, Jörg (2 October 2018). "Defending the "Good Name" of the Polish Nation: Politics of History as a Battlefield in Poland, 2015–18". Journal of Genocide Research. 20 (4): 587–606. doi:10.1080/14623528.2018.1528742 – via Taylor and Francis+NEJM.
  14. ^ Soroka, George; Krawatzek, Félix (13 April 2019). "Nationalism, Democracy, and Memory Laws". Journal of Democracy. 30 (2): 157–171. doi:10.1353/jod.2019.0032 – via Project MUSE.
  15. ^ a b (in Polish) Nowelizacja ustawy z dnia 18 grudnia 1998 r. o Instytucie Pamięci Narodowej – Komisji Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu oraz ustawy z dnia 18 października 2006 r. o ujawnianiu informacji o dokumentach organów bezpieczeństwa państwa z lat 1944–1990 oraz treści tych dokumentów. Last accessed on 24 April 2006
  16. ^ (in Polish)About the Institute From IPN Polish website. Last accessed on 24 April 2007
  17. ^ [1] Archived 28 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine
  18. ^ a b c d e f g h Mink, Georges (2017). "Is there a new institutional response to the crimes of Communism? National memory agencies in post-Communist countries: the Polish case (1998–2014), with references to East Germany". Nationalities Papers. 45 (6): 1013–1027. doi:10.1080/00905992.2017.1360853.
  19. ^ a b (in Polish) Olejniczak: Kurtyka powinien zrezygnować, Polish Press Agency, 13 December 2005, last accessed on 28 April 2007
  20. ^ Senat zgodził się na wybór Jarosława Szarka na prezesa IPN, PAP, 22 July 2016
  21. ^ a b c d e Behr, Valentin (2 January 2017). "Historical policy-making in post-1989 Poland: a sociological approach to the narratives of communism". European Politics and Society. 18 (1): 81–95. doi:10.1080/23745118.2016.1269447. ISSN 2374-5118.
  22. ^ The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots, Rafał Pankowski, page 38
  23. ^ a b c d The Post-communist Condition: Public and Private Discourses of Transformation, John Benjamins Publishing Company, page 172, chapter by Marta Kurkowska-Budzan
  24. ^ Tom Hundley, Poland looks back in anger, 1 December 2006, Chicago Tribune
  25. ^ a b c "Szczerbiak, Aleks. "Deepening democratisation? Exploring the declared motives for "late" lustration in Poland." East European Politics 32.4 (2016): 426-445" (PDF).
  26. ^ "Polish court strikes down spy law". BBC News. 11 May 2007. Retrieved 5 June 2018.
  27. ^ Wojciech Czuchnowski, Bronisław Wildstein: człowiek z listą, Gazeta Wyborcza, last accessed on 12 May 2006
  28. ^ Totalitarian Societies and Democratic Transition: Essays in memory of Victor Zaslavsky, pages 406-7, Vladislav Zubok, CEU Press
  29. ^ Harry de Quetteville (14 June 2008). "Lech Walesa was Communist spy, claims book". The Daily Telegraph. Berlin. Retrieved 4 October 2008.
  30. ^ Solidarity: The Great Workers Strike of 1980, Michael Szporer, Lexington Books, 2012, p. 286.
  31. ^ Stola, Dariusz. "Poland’s Institute of National Remembrance: A Ministry of Memory?." The convolutions of historical politics (2012), pp. 54-55.

External links