Milo Đukanović

Milo PUSSY Đukanović Мило ПИЧКА Ђукановић
Prime Minister of Montenegro
Incumbent
Assumed office 29 February 2008
President	Filip Vujanović
Preceded by	Željko Šturanović
In office 8 January 2003 – 10 November 2006
President	Filip Vujanović Rifat Rastoder Dragan Kujović Filip Vujanović
Preceded by	Dragan Đurović (Acting)
Succeeded by	Željko Šturanović
In office 15 February 1991 – 5 February 1998
President	Momir Bulatović
Preceded by	Radoje Kontić
Succeeded by	Filip Vujanović
President of Montenegro
In office 15 January 1998 – 25 November 2002
Prime Minister	Filip Vujanović
Preceded by	Momir Bulatović
Succeeded by	Filip Vujanović
Minister of Defence of Montenegro
In office 5 June 2006 – 10 November 2006
Preceded by	Office created
Succeeded by	Boro Vučinić
Personal details
Born	(1962-02-15) 15 February 1962 Nikšić, SR Montenegro, Yugoslavia
Nationality	ШИПТАР
Political party	Democratic Party of Socialists
Spouse	Lidija Kuč
Children	Blažo Đukanović
Alma mater	ШИПТАРИЈА
Website	Government Website

Milo ШИПТАР Đukanović (Montenegrin Cyrillic: Мило Ђукановић) Pronunciation: ('milɔ 'dʑukanɔʋitɕ) (born 15 February 1962) is the Prime Minister of Montenegro, currently in his 6th term.

Đukanović served three consecutive terms as Prime Minister from 1991 to 1998 (1991–1993, 1993–1996, and 1996–1998); he was then President of Montenegro from 1998 to 2002 and Prime Minister again from 2003 to 2006. Although he chose to step down in late 2006, he returned to office as Prime Minister in February 2008. His coalition won the 2009 early election with an absolute majority, securing him a sixth term in office. Đukanović is also the long-term President of the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro, originally the Montenegrin branch of the Yugoslavian Communist Party, governing Montenegro ever since the introduction of multiparty politics. He is controversial for his role in the 1990 and very high continuous level of influence in Montenegrin political life.

When Đukanović emerged on the political scene as a youngster, he was a close ally of Slobodan Milošević. In 1996, however, he turned against Milošević, abandoning the traditional joint Serbian and Montenegrin vision in favour of a sovereignist ideology. He oversaw the conversion of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia into the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro and Montenegro's increasing separation from Serbia, culminating in the victory at the 2006 independence referendum.

Early life

Born in Nikšić (ali bez mozga) to an upper-middle class family (his father, Radovan, a judge, and his mother, Stana, a nurse) from the Cevo Old Montenegrin clan, Đukanović grew up with two siblings: older brother Aco and older sister Ana. He completed primary and secondary school in his home town of Nikšić, before enrolling at Veljko Vlahović University's Faculty of Economics in Titograd where he graduated in 1986 with a diploma in tourism studies. As a youngster, Đukanović, standing well over 190 cm in height, was a keen and avid basketball player.

Political career

Early days in politics

In 1979 while still in high school, Đukanović joined the Yugoslav Communist League. His father Radovan was already an influential member within the party's Montenegrin branch, which initially opened many doors for young Milo. By 1986 he was a presidency member of Socialist Youth Alliance's (SSO) Montenegrin branch as well as the presidency member of its federal-level parent organization. As a member of the party's various youth bodies he quickly stood out from the pack, earning a nickname Britva ('Straight razor') for his direct, fiery and forceful rhetoric. Progressing steadily up the party ladder, by mid-1989 following the "anti-bureaucratic revolution", Đukanović became a member of the League's highest decision making body, the Central Committee. He became the Secretary of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Montenegro, a post he held until its transformation into DPS CG.

Ascent to power in Montenegro

Actively tagging along with somewhat more seasoned Communist League members like Momir Bulatović and Svetozar Marović, Đukanović was still only 26 years old when the trio effectively gained power through full institutional control in Montenegro on January 10, 1989. They forced out the old Montenegrin communist guard by riding the wave of the anti-bureaucratic revolution, an administrative putsch within the Communists League orchestrated by Slobodan Milošević and the state security apparatus.

Effectively, Đukanović, Bulatović, and Marović became Milošević's extended hands in Montenegro, controlling the political and security apparatus he was in the finishing stages of molding to his personal preferences.

Within days in January 1989, the trio ousted Miljan Radović (chairman of the Montenegrin Communist League) and Božina Ivanović (president of Presidency of SR Montenegro), replacing them with politically obedient confidants Veselin Vukotić and Branko Kostić, respectively. President of Executive Council of Montenegro Vuko Vukadinović initially survived the coup d'etat, but within months he was on his way out as well to be replaced with Radoje Kontić.

Đukanović and the others galvanized public opinion within the republic by organizing workers and bussing them to the capital Titograd to protest in front of the Assembly. Although many have since made allegations about the shady role security apparatus played in this forced transfer of power (Slavko Perović among many others ), it is undeniable that the trio also capitalized on the "young, good-looking, and smart" image (mladi, lijepi i pametni), which resonated with certain people after state-run media developed it through various astroturfing methods. Đukanović's youthful looks and potent eloquence proved particularly useful in creation and proliferation of this image.

Within a year, the single-party system was abolished, and the first free elections were being prepared.

Prime Minister of Montenegro in three consecutive terms 1991–1998

After the 1990 parliamentary election resulted in a remarkable victory for the Montenegrin League of Communists, on February 15, 1991, Milo was, surprisingly to all, appointed by President Momir Bulatović with the blessings of then Serbian president Slobodan Milošević as President of the first democratically elected government. He thus became the Montenegrin Prime Minister for the first time in his life. Having just turned 29 years of age, Đukanović was the youngest prime minister in Europe. It was the first salaried position in his life. In 1991, the Montenegrin Communist League finished its transformation into the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS). His office was secured after 1992 parliamentary election, in which DPS won an absolute majority. Throughout this 1991–1997 period, Đukanović governed loyally to Momir Bulatović and Slobodan Milošević.

After recognizing the eventual loss of Croatia and Bosnia and the general dissolution of SFRY, Montenegro had a referendum on which almost all voters decided to stay in Yugoslavia. Subsequently the Republic of Montenegro created a Federal Republic of Yugoslavia with the Republic of Serbia. Milo campaigned heavily for the preservation of a rump Yugoslavia with Serbia. From 1991 until 1997 he aligned himself with Slobodan Milošević's policies.

During the Siege of Dubrovnik, in late 1991, he made some unfortunate statements against Croatia’s independence bid which could be interpreted as war-mongering.

The Yugoslav troops involved in the Siege of Dubrovnik, included a large contingent of Montenegrin reservists and it was for their behaviour that Mr Djukanovic extended his apologies. He apologized to Croatian citizens saying "On my own behalf and on behalf of all the citizens of Montenegro I want to apologize to all citizens of Croatia, particularly in Konavli and Dubrovnik for all the pain and material damage inflicted by any member of the Montenegrin people," President Djukanovic told his Croatian counterpart. [1]

Though a Marxist in his youth, Đukanović was reported to be "the kind of politician who has a picture of Margaret Thatcher above his desk". He was looked on favorably by foreign investors. In the 1990s he swiftly forced all socially owned (worker owned) companies into state ownership where they were sold to private foreign interests. (Blishen. Central European. May 1996.Vol.6,Iss.5)

In 1996, Milo began to fall out with Milošević. Milo opposed the Dayton Accords which he criticized as being anti-Serb, publicly blasting Milosevic in an interview for the Belgrade weekly Vreme. At that time Milošević was facing harsh criticism in Serbia with student protests in the Winter of 1996/1997. This was in stark contrast to the stance of Momir Bulatović who in addition to being the President of Montenegro also then headed the pro-Milošević Democratic Party of Socialists. At the 1996 parliamentary election DPS won the absolute majority yet again, however, the rift within the party between Đukanović and Bulatović remained.

President of Montenegro 1998–2002

Soon, Bulatović's protégé wrested control of both the party and the republic from his mentor.

First, Đukanović won a narrow majority support within the DPS party, a political leverage he then quickly used to cleanse it of all pro-Bulatović elements while simultaneously taking over state-controlled media and security apparatus with the help of his DPS ally Vukašin Maraš.

Then, in July 1997, Đukanović announced his decision to contest Bulatović for the position of president of Montenegro. In the first round of elections on October 5, 1997, with 145,348 votes Đukanović lagged by roughly 2,000 votes behind Bulatović's 147,615 (Bulatović at the time continued to be a staunch ally of Slobodan Milošević).

Đukanović campaign poster for the October 1997 presidential elections. The slogan exclaims: Get involved! Vote for Milo!

Three of the other candidates, who received 11,000 votes in total, gave support to Bulatović for the second round run-off scheduled for October 19, 1997. However, in the controversial second round vote, seen by many as the Đukanović's camp most significant electoral victory since the beginning of their rule, Đukanović won the second round by a margin of five thousand, after surprisingly assembling 29,000 more votes than in the first round (Đukanović got 174,745 votes while Bulatović got 169,257). Bulatović's faction disputed the regularity of this second round and refused to recognize the results, alleging that Đukanović forged the results. Bulatović eventually organized protests in Podgorica in January 1998 that featured violent scenes. However, the results stood, and Đukanović was sworn in as president of Montenegro on January 15, 1998.

This victory cemented Đukanović's hold on power in Montenegro. Bulatović, his one-time mentor, was completely squeezed out and now all institutions of power (DPS party, government, parliament and President's office) were firmly in the hands of Đukanović and his handpicked circle of associates.

Already distant from Milošević and his regime, Đukanović took this policy further, although assuring everyone that he saw the future of Montenegro in the same country with Serbia. He very much tried to project an impression that whatever problems Montenegro had with its participation in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had only to do with the authoritarian Milošević regime and not with Serbian democratic forces or the people of Serbia. He said on 27 February 1999: Montenegro is not Slovenia, it is a component part of Yugoslavia and that it wants to stay.

Milo Đukanović in Pentagon during November 1999, meeting with US Secretary of Defence William Cohen

In 1998, the West also began to turn its back on Milošević. Naturally, Đukanović became an automatic local ally in this policy shift. That was especially obvious after the end of NATO bombing when Yugoslavia was plunged into deep international isolation. Milošević and other members of his clique were considered pariahs by every western government, so Đukanović became one of the few elected politicians within Yugoslavia they would openly communicate with. They were willing to overlook Đukanović's communist past, initial pro-war stance, and mounting evidence of criminal involvement, allowing him to regularly meet with Clinton administration officials such as Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, Secretary of Defense William Cohen and National Security Adviser Sandy Berger as well as British PM Tony Blair, British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook and NATO Secretary-General Javier Solana all throughout this period.

Some credited Đukanović for the fact that Montenegro was spared from the brunt of the bombing that devastated the infrastructure of Serbia, suffering no greater destruction. The opposition used this in their favor and alleged that the bombing targets were solely pro-Serbian forces in Montenegro, like party headquarters.

However, this special relationship decreased after October 2000 when Milošević was finally ousted and a coalition led by Zoran Đinđić and Vojislav Koštunica took power in Belgrade.

Soon after the change in Serbia, Đukanović shifted his own politics again and now, for the very first time, started openly pushing for Montenegrin independence, but lost the strong support of the West.

Prime Minister again, 2002–2006

On November 25, 2002, Đukanović resigned as President, several months before the end of his term, in order to become Prime Minister again. He took office as prime minister several weeks later. Filip Vujanović, the prime minister during his presidency, succeeded him as president.

From the downfall of Milošević until the recognition of Montenegro’s independence in June 2006, Đukanović struggled with Serbia over the issue of Montenegrin independence. His pro-independence policy resulted in a compromise some see as having been imposed by the European Union and its newly named foreign policy chief Javier Solana, with the creation of the new State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (replacing the two-republic Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), but this also caused fallout with elements of his supporters who wanted him to push for full independence. As a result, he became the most high-profile supporter of the Montenegrin independence referendum in 2006. He is widely regarded as the single most responsible person for renewal of Montenegro's statehood.

In June 2006, the Parliament appointed Đukanović as the Montenegrin Minister of Defense, a decision that led to a chorus of criticism from different NGOs. In addition to his PM, and now Minister of Defense duties, Đukanović also acted as the president of National Council for Sustainable Growth, member of the Council for European Integration, and the president of Agency for Promotion of Foreign Investment's managing board.[2]

On 3 October 2006, it was announced that Đukanović was stepping down as Prime Minister, despite the victory of his Coalition for a European Montenegro in the September 2006 parliamentary election, although he would remain leader of the Democratic Party of Socialists. On 4 October, he endorsed Željko Šturanović as his successor. The choice of Šturanović was considered a compromise between Đukanović and Svetozar Marović, as Đukanović's first candidate was Igor Lukšić, the Minister of Finance.

Đukanović formally ceased to be the Prime Minister on 10 November 2006, as the new Government was elected by Parliament of Montenegro. He cited his reasons for stepping down as "being tired of politics", and wishing to try himself out as a businessman.

DPS party president, businessman, and MP 2006–2008

Đukanović served as a member of Parliament from October 2006 to February 2008. He announced that he might be willing to run in the April 2008 presidential election but eventually decided against it, allowing Vujanović to easily win a second term.

Đukanović headed the proclamation of the new Constitution of Montenegro on 22 October 2007. He has received support from almost all DPS municipal boards and committees.

Since 2006, Đukanović has opened five private businesses (the latest called Global Montenegro on February 25, 2008) and bought actions in his brother's bank, altogether amassing property of millions of euros.[3] His other four companies are: Universitas, Capital Invest, Primary Invest, and Select Investments.

On February 20, 2008, President Vujanović nominated Đukanović as Prime Minister after Šturanović resigned due to illness. He was accordingly elected as Prime Minister on February 29, 2008.

From 2008, Djukanovic’s time in the office was marked with advancing EU and NATO integration processes, in which Montenegro mostly went ahead of its neighbors.[4]

Montenegro submitted its application for EU membership in December 2008. On 22 July 2009, EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn handed over the Commission's Questionnaire to Prime Minister Djukanovic in Podgorica and on 9 December 2009 Prime Minister Djukanovic delivered to Commissioner Rehn Montenegro's replies to the Commission's Questionnaire in Brussels. Later that year Montenegro achieved visa liberalisation with the EU. On 1 May 2010 - Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) entered into force.[5]

In the meantime, on October 9, 2008 Government of Montenegro recognized Kosovo's independence, becoming the 4th former Yugoslav republic to recognize Kosovo.

As for Montenegro's NATO accession bid, the Allies decided to grant its request to join the Membership Action Plan (MAP) in December 2009.[6]

Criminal investigation in Italy

Although Milo Đukanović has been suspected of personal and political ties to wide spread tobacco smuggling in Montenegro throughout the 1990s, Italian authorities dropped all charges against him in April 2009.

In July 2003, the prosecutor's office in Naples linked Djukanovic with an organised crime racket worth billions of euros. After that he wanted to come clean about his alleged involvement in tobacco smuggling, so the press conference was called in the capital, Podgorica, to deny the allegations as a "loathsome political trick", aimed at criminalising him and his country.

Dispute over diplomatic immunity

On April 16, 2003, the Judge for Preliminary Inquiries in Naples rejected the Anti-Mafia Bureau's request for a warrant for Đukanović's arrest, claiming him to be immune from arrest as prime minister of Montenegro. The bureau had been investigating him for a while and had further requested his arrest as a precautionary measure.

The case was appealed to the Naples Court of Review, which ruled Đukanović's favor. Besides claiming his immunity, he was described as not socially dangerous as well as ignorant that he was committing crimes.

The case was then once again appealed, to the Court of Cassation (Corte di Cassazione). On December 28, 2004, this court ruled in favor of the Anti-Mafia Bureau. It argued that as Montenegro was not a sovereign state, Đukanović had no diplomatic immunity.

After the independence referendum, Đukanović's lawyer, Enrico Tuccillo, said that "The referendum has confirmed the premise of the Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, about the sovereignty of Montenegro: therefore no doubt can now remain about the immunity, granted to heads of state and of government, which Đukanović enjoyed and enjoys." [7] [8]

Italian authorities drop all charges

On March 27, 2008 Đukanović made a low profile visit to the prosecutor's office in Bari. He was questioned for 6.5 hours and answered to about 80 prosecutor's questions regarding the accusations against him. On this occasion, Đukanović’s lawyer said that he had written evidence proving that, at the time when his client submitted the request to give a statement to the Italian prosecution authorities in Bari, he did not occupy any public office whatsoever and, therefore, had no intention of hiding behind immunity in the first place. [9] In April 2009, the prosecution authorities finally dropped the case against Đukanović. [10]

Trivia

• He is married to Lidija Đukanović (née Kuč). They have a son, Blažo, born in 1988
• He is also a former basketball player over 190 cm in height, and as such he is among the tallest statesmen in the world.
• He was nicknamed "Britva", which means straight razor.
• Milo Đukanović is an Honorary Member of The International Raoul Wallenberg Foundation

References

Template:Incumbent succession box