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[[Image:Sebastião Gomes grave.jpg|right|thumb|250px|The Dili massacre occurred during a funeral procession to the grave of Sebastião Gomes.]]
[[Image:Sebastião Gomes grave.jpg|thumb|right|The [[Santa Cruz massacre]] took place during a 1991 funeral [[procession]] to the grave of Sebastião Gomes.]]


The '''Santa Cruz massacre''' (also known as the '''Dili massacre''') was the shooting of [[East Timor]]ese pro-independence demonstrators in the [[Santa Cruz cemetery]] in the capital, [[Dili]], on [[12 November]] [[1991]], during the [[Indonesian occupation of East Timor]].
{{Refimprove|date=July 2007}}
==Background==
In October 1991 a delegation to East Timor consisting of members from the [[Portuguese Parliament]] and twelve journalists was planned during a visit from UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights on Torture [[Pieter Kooijmans]].<ref>Krieger, p. 257.</ref> The Indonesian Government objected to the inclusion in the delegation of Jill Joliffe, an [[Australia]]n journalist whom it regarded as supportive of the [[Fretilin]] independence movement,<ref>Alatas, p. 53.</ref><ref name=ign>Hyland, Tom: [http://www.hamline.edu/apakabar/basisdata/1991/10/28/0003.html "Jakarta 'sabotage Timor visit'"], ''[[The Age]]'', [[28 October]] [[1991]]. Read at ''Hamline University Apakabar Site''. URL Accessed [[26 August]] [[2006]].</ref> and Portugal subsequently canceled the delegation. The cancellation demoralised independence activists in East Timor, who had hoped to use the visit to raise the international profile of their cause.<ref>Pinto, p. 183; Alatas, p. 57.</ref> Tensions between Indonesian authorities and East Timorese youths rose in the days after Portugal's cancellation. On [[28 October]], Indonesian troops had located a group of resistance members in Dili's [[Motael Church]]. A confrontation ensued between pro-integration activists and those in the church; when it was over, one man on each side was dead. Sebastião Gomes, a supporter of independence for East Timor, was taken out of the church and shot by Indonesian troops; conversely, integration activist Afonso Henriques was stabbed and killed during the fight.<ref>Singh, pp. 155–156; Pinto, pp. 183–184; Carey, p. 49; Alatas, p. 57. Alatas and Singh do not mention the presence of Indonesian troops at the church. Carey describes Henriques as "a Timorese member of a ''ninja'' (masked killer) unit which had broken into the Motael Church&nbsp; ... to harass the sheltering students". Pinto describes him as "working for Indonesian intelligence".</ref>


A number of foreigners had come to East Timor to observe the Portuguese delegation, including independent US journalists [[Amy Goodman]] and [[Allan Nairn]], and British cameraman Max Stahl. They attended a memorial service for Gomes on [[12 November]], during which several thousand men, women, and children walked from the Motael Church to the nearby Santa Cruz cemetery. Along the way, members of the group pulled out protest banners and East Timorese flags, chanted slogans, and taunted Indonesian soldiers and police officers.<ref>Carey, p. 50; Jardine, p. 15; Alatas, p. 58.</ref> Organizers of the protest maintained order during the protest; although it was loud, the crowd was peaceful and orderly, by most accounts.<ref>Anderson, p. 146; Carey, p. 50; Singh, p. 157; Alatas, pp. 57–58; Amnesty (1991), p. 1. Alatas describes a peaceful procession "taken over by a small group of agitators", whose provocations included "the display of FRETILIN flags and banners" and "the shouting of anti-integration slogans".</ref> It was the largest and most visible demonstration against the Indonesian occupation since 1975.<ref>Pinto and Jardine, p. 190.</ref>
The '''Santa Cruz massacre''' (also known as the '''Dili massacre''') was the shooting of [[East Timor]]ese protesters in the [[Santa Cruz cemetery]] in the capital, [[Dili]], on [[12 November]] [[1991]].


==The massacre==
==Events of the Massacre==
In a brief confrontation between Indonesian troops and protesters, Major Gerhan Lantara was stabbed.<ref>Krieger, pp. 257–258.</ref> Stahl claims Lantara had attacked a girl carrying the flag of East Timor, and FRETILIN activist [[Constâncio Pinto]] reports eyewitness accounts of beatings from Indonesian soldiers and police.<ref>Kubiak, W. David. [http://www.nancho.net/fdlap/maxstahl.html "20 Years of Terror: Indonesia in Timor – An Angry Education with Max Stahl"]. ''Kyoto Journal''. 28. Reprinted at [http://www.nancho.net/fdlap/ The Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific]. Retrieved on [[14 February]] [[2008]].</ref><ref>Pinto and Jardine, p. 191.</ref> When the procession reached the cemetery, the leading section of the procession entered the cemetery while many continued their protests before the cemetery wall, waving flags and chanting pro-independence slogans. Indonesian troops had been standing by during this time, then a new group of 200 Indonesian soldiers appeared and began shooting.<ref>Carey, p. 50; Pinto and Jardine, p. 191; Anderson, pp. 149–150; Alatas, p. 58; Singh, pp. 157–159. Pinto insists that "there was no provocation", while Anderson discusses in detail the lack of orders to disperse or warning shots. Amnesty (1991) confirms these claims via eyewitness testimony.</ref> Fleeing people ran through the main entrance and deeper into the cemetery and were pursued by the soldiers.


The massacre was witnessed by two [[United States|American]] journalists&mdash;[[Amy Goodman]] and [[Allan Nairn]] (who were also attacked)&mdash;and caught on videotape by Max Stahl, who was filming undercover for [[Yorkshire Television]] in the [[United Kingdom|UK]]. As Stahl filmed the massacre, Goodman and Nairn tried to "serve as a shield for the Timorese" by standing between them and the Indonesian soldiers. The soldiers began beating Goodman, and when Nairn moved to protect her, they beat him with their weapons, fracturing his skull.<ref>Goodman, Amy and Allan Nairn. [http://www.democracynow.org/2008/1/28/massacre_the_story_of_east_timor "Massacre: The Story of East Timor"]. 1992. Excerpted at ''[[Democracy Now]]'', [[28 January]] [[2008]]. Retrieved on [[14 February]] [[2008]].</ref> The camera crew managed to smuggle the video footage to [[Australia]]. They gave it to Saskia Kouwenberg, a [[Netherlands|Dutch]] journalist to avoid it being seized and confiscated by the Australian authorities, who had been tipped off by Indonesia and subjected the camera crew to a strip-search when they arrived in [[Darwin, Northern Territory|Darwin]]. The video footage was used in the ''First Tuesday'' documentary ''In Cold Blood: The Massacre of East Timor'', shown on [[ITV]] in the UK in January [[1992]], as well as numerous other, more recent documentaries. Stahl's footage, combined with the testimony of Nairn and Goodman and others, caused outrage around the world.<ref>Jardine, pp. 16–17; Carey, pp. 52–53.</ref>
The protesters, mainly students, launched their protest against [[Indonesia]]n rule following a memorial Mass at Dili's Motael Church for Sebastião Gomes, who had been shot dead outside the church by Indonesian troops on 28 October.


At least 250 East Timorese were killed in the massacre.<ref>Carey, p. 51; Jardine, p. 16. The Portuguese solidarity group ''A Paz é Possível em Timor Leste'' compiled [http://www.etan.org/timor/SntaCRUZ.htm a careful survey] of the massacre's victims, listing 271 killed, 278 wounded, and 270 "disappeared".</ref> [[John Pilger]] cites a total of 400 killed and missing as a result of the protest killings and an alleged second massacre the next day.<ref>John Pilger's documentary [http://video.google.ca/videoplay?docid=-9118496582943064758&q=death+of+a+nation Death of a Nation: The Timor Conspiracy]</ref> One of the dead was a [[New Zealand]]er, [[Kamal Bamadhaj]], a political science student and [[human rights]] [[activism|activist]] based in [[Australia]]. Although Indonesian authorities described the incident as a spontaneous reaction to violence from the protesters or a "misunderstanding",<ref>Brigadier General Warouw in Amnesty (1991), p. 4</ref> two factors cast doubt on their characterization. One was the documented history of mass violence committed by Indonesian troops in places such as Quelicai, Lacluta, and Kraras.<ref>Carey, p. 51.</ref> The other factor was a series of statements from politicians and officers in Indonesia, justifying the military's violence. Try Sustrino, Commander-in-Chief for the Indonesian forces, said two days after the massacre: "The army cannot be underestimated. Finally we had to shoot them. Delinquents like these agitators must be shot, and they will be...."<ref>Quoted in Carey, p. 52. A slightly different wording ("...and we will shoot them") is quoted in Jardine, p. 17.</ref>
The students had been anticipating the arrival of a [[parliament]]ary delegation from [[Portugal]], which was still legally recognised by the [[United Nations]] as the administering power. This had been cancelled after [[Jakarta]] objected to the inclusion in the delegation of Jill Joliffe, an [[Australia]]n journalist whom it regarded as supportive of the [[Fretilin]] independence movement. <ref name=ign>Hyland, Tom: [http://www.hamline.edu/apakabar/basisdata/1991/10/28/0003.html "Jakarta 'sabotage Timor visit'"], ''[[The Age]]'', [[28 October]] [[1991]]. Read at ''Hamline University Apakabar Site''. URL Accessed [[26 August]] [[2006]].</ref>


==Aftermath==
The protest began as a procession from the Motael church through the centre of Dili to the Santa Cruz Cemetery to conduct prayers and burn candles at the grave of Sebastião Gomes. As the procession moved off, students unfurled banners calling for [[self-determination]] and independence, displaying pictures of the independence leader [[Xanana Gusmão]]. After the leading section of the procession had entered the cemetery, many continued their protest on the street before the cemetery wall, the top of which was lined with agitated protesters. Indonesian troops had been standing by during this time, then a newly-arrived group of soldiers opened fire. Fleeing people ran through the main entrance and deeper into the cemetery and were pursued by the soldiers.
In response to the massacre, activists around the world organized in solidarity with the East Timorese. Although a small network of individuals and groups had been working for human rights and self-determination in East Timor since the occupation began, their activity took on a new urgency after the 1991 massacre.<ref name="JarSol">Jardine, pp. 67–69.</ref> [[TAPOL]], a British organization formed in 1973 to advocate for democracy in Indonesia, increased its work around East Timor. In the United States, the [[East Timor Action Network]] was founded and soon had chapters in ten cities around the country.<ref>[http://etan.org/etan/default.htm "About ETAN"]. East Timor Action Network. Retrieved on [[18 February]] [[2008]].</ref> Other solidarity groups appeared in Portugal, Australia, Japan, Germany, Malaysia, Ireland, and Brazil.


The television pictures of the massacre were shown worldwide, causing the Indonesian government considerable embarrassment. The coverage was a vivid example of how growth of new media in Indonesia was making it increasingly difficult for the "New Order" to control information flow in and out of Indonesia, and that in the post-Cold War 1990s, the government was coming under increasing international scrutiny. Copies of the Santa Cruz footage were distributed back into Indonesia allowing more Indonesians to see the actions of their government uncensored.<ref>Vickers (2005), pp. 200-201</ref> A number of pro-democracy student groups and their magazines began to openly and critically discuss not just East Timor, but also the "New Order" and the broader history and future of Indonesia.<ref name="JarSol"/><ref>CIIR, pp. 62–63; Dunn, p. 311.</ref><ref>Vickers (2005), pp. 200-201</ref>
Reports vary on casualty numbers. [[John Pilger]] for example cites a total of 400 killed and missing as a result of the protest killings and an alleged second massacre the next day.<ref>John Pilger's documentary [http://video.google.ca/videoplay?docid=-9118496582943064758&q=death+of+a+nation Death of a Nation: The Timor Conspiracy]</ref> One of the dead was a [[New Zealand]]er, [[Kamal Bamadhaj]], a political science student and [[human rights]] [[activism|activist]] based in [[Australia]].


[[Image:Re-enactment Santa Cruz massacre.jpg|thumb|A re-enactment of the Santa Cruz massacre, November 1998.]]
The massacre was witnessed by two [[United States|American]] journalists&mdash;[[Amy Goodman]] and [[Allan Nairn]] (who were also attacked)&mdash;and caught on videotape by Max Stahl, who was filming undercover for [[Yorkshire Television]] in the [[United Kingdom|UK]]. The camera crew managed to smuggle the video footage to [[Australia]]. They gave it to Saskia Kouwenberg, a [[Netherlands|Dutch]] journalist to avoid it being seized and confiscated by the Australian authorities, who had been tipped off by Indonesia and subjected the camera crew to a strip-search when they arrived in [[Darwin, Northern Territory|Darwin]]. The video footage was used in the ''First Tuesday'' documentary ''In Cold Blood: The Massacre of East Timor'', shown on [[ITV]] in the UK in January [[1992]], as well as numerous other, more recent documentaries.


The US Congress voted to cut off funding for IMET training of Indonesian military personnel. However, arms sales continued from the US to TNI.<ref name = "ETAN01">[http://etan.org/timor/uspolicy.htm ETAN: U.S. Policy toward East Timor], [http://etan.org/ East Timor and Indonesia Action Network].</ref> President [[Bill Clinton|Clinton]] cut off all US military ties with the Indonesian military in 1999.<ref name = "ETAN02">[http://etan.org/news/2002a/05back.htm ETAN Backgrounder for May 20 Independence], [http://etan.org/ East Timor and Indonesia Action Network].</ref>
==Aftermath==
[[Image:Re-enactment Santa Cruz massacre.jpg|thumb|250px|A re-enactment of the Dili massacre, November 1998.]]
The television pictures of the massacre were shown worldwide, causing the Indonesian government considerable embarrassment. In [[Portugal]] and [[Australia]], both of which had sizeable East Timorese communities, there was a public outcry.


The massacre prompted the Portuguese government to increase its diplomatic campaign. Portugal unsuccessfully tried to apply international pressure by raising the issue with its fellow [[European Union]] members in their dealings with [[Indonesia]]. However, other EU countries like the UK had close economic relations with Indonesia, including arms sales, and saw no advantage in forcefully raising the issue.{{Fact|date=February 2008}}
Many Portuguese felt bad about their country's effective abandonment of the former colony in [[1975]], and were moved by the footage of people shouting and praying in [[Portuguese language|Portuguese]]. Similarly, many Australians felt ashamed at their government's support for the repressive [[Suharto]] regime in Indonesia, and what they saw as the betrayal of a people who had fought with Australian troops against the [[Japan]]ese in the [[Second World War]].


In [[Australia]], there was criticism of the federal government's recognition of Jakarta's sovereignty over East Timor. The government had been promoting increased ties with the Indonesian military at the time of the massacre, but in 1999 would cut off military ties in response to the violence after that year's independence referendum.<ref name = "Reuters">[http://www.etan.org/et2004/november/01-07/04adf.htm "Australia should avoid ties with Indonesia military: Study"]. ''[[Reuters]]''. Retrieved on [[August 16]] [[2007]].</ref> Australian foreign minister [[Gareth Evans (politician)|Gareth Evans]], described the killings as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'.
Although it prompted the Portuguese government to step up its diplomatic campaign, for the Australian government, the killings were, in the words of foreign minister [[Gareth Evans (politician)|Gareth Evans]], 'an aberration'.

The massacre (also called the '''Dili Incident''' by the Indonesian government) was likened to the [[Sharpeville massacre]] in [[South Africa]] in [[1960]], in which unarmed protesters were also shot dead, and which saw the [[apartheid]] regime subjected to international condemnation.


Commemorated as a [[public holiday]] in now independent East Timor, [[12 November]] is remembered by the East Timorese as one of the bloodiest days in their history, one which drew international attention to their fight for independence.
Commemorated as a [[public holiday]] in now independent East Timor, [[12 November]] is remembered by the East Timorese as one of the bloodiest days in their history, one which drew international attention to their fight for independence.

==See also==
* [[History of East Timor]]


==References==
==References==
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[[Category:Conflicts in 1991]]
[[Category:Conflicts in 1991]]
[[Category:History of East Timor]]
[[Category:Indonesian occupation of East Timor]]]
[[Category:New Order (Indonesia)]]


[[de:Santa-Cruz-Massaker]]
[[de:Santa-Cruz-Massaker]]

Revision as of 00:42, 26 February 2008

The Santa Cruz massacre took place during a 1991 funeral procession to the grave of Sebastião Gomes.

The Santa Cruz massacre (also known as the Dili massacre) was the shooting of East Timorese pro-independence demonstrators in the Santa Cruz cemetery in the capital, Dili, on 12 November 1991, during the Indonesian occupation of East Timor.

Background

In October 1991 a delegation to East Timor consisting of members from the Portuguese Parliament and twelve journalists was planned during a visit from UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights on Torture Pieter Kooijmans.[1] The Indonesian Government objected to the inclusion in the delegation of Jill Joliffe, an Australian journalist whom it regarded as supportive of the Fretilin independence movement,[2][3] and Portugal subsequently canceled the delegation. The cancellation demoralised independence activists in East Timor, who had hoped to use the visit to raise the international profile of their cause.[4] Tensions between Indonesian authorities and East Timorese youths rose in the days after Portugal's cancellation. On 28 October, Indonesian troops had located a group of resistance members in Dili's Motael Church. A confrontation ensued between pro-integration activists and those in the church; when it was over, one man on each side was dead. Sebastião Gomes, a supporter of independence for East Timor, was taken out of the church and shot by Indonesian troops; conversely, integration activist Afonso Henriques was stabbed and killed during the fight.[5]

A number of foreigners had come to East Timor to observe the Portuguese delegation, including independent US journalists Amy Goodman and Allan Nairn, and British cameraman Max Stahl. They attended a memorial service for Gomes on 12 November, during which several thousand men, women, and children walked from the Motael Church to the nearby Santa Cruz cemetery. Along the way, members of the group pulled out protest banners and East Timorese flags, chanted slogans, and taunted Indonesian soldiers and police officers.[6] Organizers of the protest maintained order during the protest; although it was loud, the crowd was peaceful and orderly, by most accounts.[7] It was the largest and most visible demonstration against the Indonesian occupation since 1975.[8]

The massacre

In a brief confrontation between Indonesian troops and protesters, Major Gerhan Lantara was stabbed.[9] Stahl claims Lantara had attacked a girl carrying the flag of East Timor, and FRETILIN activist Constâncio Pinto reports eyewitness accounts of beatings from Indonesian soldiers and police.[10][11] When the procession reached the cemetery, the leading section of the procession entered the cemetery while many continued their protests before the cemetery wall, waving flags and chanting pro-independence slogans. Indonesian troops had been standing by during this time, then a new group of 200 Indonesian soldiers appeared and began shooting.[12] Fleeing people ran through the main entrance and deeper into the cemetery and were pursued by the soldiers.

The massacre was witnessed by two American journalists—Amy Goodman and Allan Nairn (who were also attacked)—and caught on videotape by Max Stahl, who was filming undercover for Yorkshire Television in the UK. As Stahl filmed the massacre, Goodman and Nairn tried to "serve as a shield for the Timorese" by standing between them and the Indonesian soldiers. The soldiers began beating Goodman, and when Nairn moved to protect her, they beat him with their weapons, fracturing his skull.[13] The camera crew managed to smuggle the video footage to Australia. They gave it to Saskia Kouwenberg, a Dutch journalist to avoid it being seized and confiscated by the Australian authorities, who had been tipped off by Indonesia and subjected the camera crew to a strip-search when they arrived in Darwin. The video footage was used in the First Tuesday documentary In Cold Blood: The Massacre of East Timor, shown on ITV in the UK in January 1992, as well as numerous other, more recent documentaries. Stahl's footage, combined with the testimony of Nairn and Goodman and others, caused outrage around the world.[14]

At least 250 East Timorese were killed in the massacre.[15] John Pilger cites a total of 400 killed and missing as a result of the protest killings and an alleged second massacre the next day.[16] One of the dead was a New Zealander, Kamal Bamadhaj, a political science student and human rights activist based in Australia. Although Indonesian authorities described the incident as a spontaneous reaction to violence from the protesters or a "misunderstanding",[17] two factors cast doubt on their characterization. One was the documented history of mass violence committed by Indonesian troops in places such as Quelicai, Lacluta, and Kraras.[18] The other factor was a series of statements from politicians and officers in Indonesia, justifying the military's violence. Try Sustrino, Commander-in-Chief for the Indonesian forces, said two days after the massacre: "The army cannot be underestimated. Finally we had to shoot them. Delinquents like these agitators must be shot, and they will be...."[19]

Aftermath

In response to the massacre, activists around the world organized in solidarity with the East Timorese. Although a small network of individuals and groups had been working for human rights and self-determination in East Timor since the occupation began, their activity took on a new urgency after the 1991 massacre.[20] TAPOL, a British organization formed in 1973 to advocate for democracy in Indonesia, increased its work around East Timor. In the United States, the East Timor Action Network was founded and soon had chapters in ten cities around the country.[21] Other solidarity groups appeared in Portugal, Australia, Japan, Germany, Malaysia, Ireland, and Brazil.

The television pictures of the massacre were shown worldwide, causing the Indonesian government considerable embarrassment. The coverage was a vivid example of how growth of new media in Indonesia was making it increasingly difficult for the "New Order" to control information flow in and out of Indonesia, and that in the post-Cold War 1990s, the government was coming under increasing international scrutiny. Copies of the Santa Cruz footage were distributed back into Indonesia allowing more Indonesians to see the actions of their government uncensored.[22] A number of pro-democracy student groups and their magazines began to openly and critically discuss not just East Timor, but also the "New Order" and the broader history and future of Indonesia.[20][23][24]

A re-enactment of the Santa Cruz massacre, November 1998.

The US Congress voted to cut off funding for IMET training of Indonesian military personnel. However, arms sales continued from the US to TNI.[25] President Clinton cut off all US military ties with the Indonesian military in 1999.[26]

The massacre prompted the Portuguese government to increase its diplomatic campaign. Portugal unsuccessfully tried to apply international pressure by raising the issue with its fellow European Union members in their dealings with Indonesia. However, other EU countries like the UK had close economic relations with Indonesia, including arms sales, and saw no advantage in forcefully raising the issue.[citation needed]

In Australia, there was criticism of the federal government's recognition of Jakarta's sovereignty over East Timor. The government had been promoting increased ties with the Indonesian military at the time of the massacre, but in 1999 would cut off military ties in response to the violence after that year's independence referendum.[27] Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans, described the killings as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'.

Commemorated as a public holiday in now independent East Timor, 12 November is remembered by the East Timorese as one of the bloodiest days in their history, one which drew international attention to their fight for independence.

See also

References

  1. ^ Krieger, p. 257.
  2. ^ Alatas, p. 53.
  3. ^ Hyland, Tom: "Jakarta 'sabotage Timor visit'", The Age, 28 October 1991. Read at Hamline University Apakabar Site. URL Accessed 26 August 2006.
  4. ^ Pinto, p. 183; Alatas, p. 57.
  5. ^ Singh, pp. 155–156; Pinto, pp. 183–184; Carey, p. 49; Alatas, p. 57. Alatas and Singh do not mention the presence of Indonesian troops at the church. Carey describes Henriques as "a Timorese member of a ninja (masked killer) unit which had broken into the Motael Church  ... to harass the sheltering students". Pinto describes him as "working for Indonesian intelligence".
  6. ^ Carey, p. 50; Jardine, p. 15; Alatas, p. 58.
  7. ^ Anderson, p. 146; Carey, p. 50; Singh, p. 157; Alatas, pp. 57–58; Amnesty (1991), p. 1. Alatas describes a peaceful procession "taken over by a small group of agitators", whose provocations included "the display of FRETILIN flags and banners" and "the shouting of anti-integration slogans".
  8. ^ Pinto and Jardine, p. 190.
  9. ^ Krieger, pp. 257–258.
  10. ^ Kubiak, W. David. "20 Years of Terror: Indonesia in Timor – An Angry Education with Max Stahl". Kyoto Journal. 28. Reprinted at The Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific. Retrieved on 14 February 2008.
  11. ^ Pinto and Jardine, p. 191.
  12. ^ Carey, p. 50; Pinto and Jardine, p. 191; Anderson, pp. 149–150; Alatas, p. 58; Singh, pp. 157–159. Pinto insists that "there was no provocation", while Anderson discusses in detail the lack of orders to disperse or warning shots. Amnesty (1991) confirms these claims via eyewitness testimony.
  13. ^ Goodman, Amy and Allan Nairn. "Massacre: The Story of East Timor". 1992. Excerpted at Democracy Now, 28 January 2008. Retrieved on 14 February 2008.
  14. ^ Jardine, pp. 16–17; Carey, pp. 52–53.
  15. ^ Carey, p. 51; Jardine, p. 16. The Portuguese solidarity group A Paz é Possível em Timor Leste compiled a careful survey of the massacre's victims, listing 271 killed, 278 wounded, and 270 "disappeared".
  16. ^ John Pilger's documentary Death of a Nation: The Timor Conspiracy
  17. ^ Brigadier General Warouw in Amnesty (1991), p. 4
  18. ^ Carey, p. 51.
  19. ^ Quoted in Carey, p. 52. A slightly different wording ("...and we will shoot them") is quoted in Jardine, p. 17.
  20. ^ a b Jardine, pp. 67–69.
  21. ^ "About ETAN". East Timor Action Network. Retrieved on 18 February 2008.
  22. ^ Vickers (2005), pp. 200-201
  23. ^ CIIR, pp. 62–63; Dunn, p. 311.
  24. ^ Vickers (2005), pp. 200-201
  25. ^ ETAN: U.S. Policy toward East Timor, East Timor and Indonesia Action Network.
  26. ^ ETAN Backgrounder for May 20 Independence, East Timor and Indonesia Action Network.
  27. ^ "Australia should avoid ties with Indonesia military: Study". Reuters. Retrieved on August 16 2007.

External links