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Abdulla Mohtadi

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Abdullah Mohtadi
File:Abdulla.muhtadi.komala.jpg
Secretary General of the reformed and mainstream Iranian Komala Party
Born1949
Bukan / Iran
NationalityKurdish
Other namesShirko
OccupationKomala Secretary General
Years active1966
Known forPolitic

Abdullah Mohtadi is a well-known political figure in Iran and Kurdistan whose political activity has lasted for more than 50 years. Abdullah is currently the Secretary of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, which has social democratic ideas. Komala calls for a “democratic secular pluralist federal Iran,” civil liberties, human rights, and tolerance but its ideology is social democracy. It has focused on regime change in Iran rather than establishing a Kurdish state. It has sought to form a united front of other minorities while mobilizing Iran’s Kurdish population.[1]

He was born in 1949 in the city of Bokan in the province of West Azerbaijan. His father moves to Tehran when the Republic of Kurdistan fails. Abdullah Mohtadi can get a bachelor's degree in business from the University of Tehran.[2] As a teenager, Mohtadi was very interested in poetry, but after a while he turned to politics and in a short time he became one of the political figures of Iran, especially in Kurdistan. In the late 1960s, a revolutionary movement was launched in Iranian Kurdistan by people like Suleiman Moini, Ismail Sharifzadeh, Mala Aware and Mohtadi's family was closely associated with the movement, especially his older brother, Solahadin. This movement had such a profound effect on the formation of Mohtadi's future that when it unfortunately failed, he decided to continue the movement in other ways with the help of like-minded friends. Mohtadi is one of the exponents of the left movement in Iranian Kurdistan, and in the 1960s and 1970s, he and his some friends, were able to create a leftist organization in Iranian Kurdistan and hide it from the Shah's security organization.[3] It participated in the 1979 revolution and established a political party in March 1979. Komala’s platform is socialist. It calls for a democratic, secular and federal Iran. Komala fought alongside the PDKI and other groups during the Kurdish rebellion in 1979 and 1980. The group went into exile in Iraq in 1983. It suspended attacks against Iran in the early 1990s.[4] He had serious criticisms of the Communist Party of Iran. He came to the conclusion that this party could not meet the demands of the Kurdish people, especially in Iranian Kurdistan, and that a new format with realistic standards had to be created for this party. For this reason, in 2000, he and a number of his party members reformed and armed the Komala Party and officially left the Communist Party of Iran. The group splintered again 2000. One branch, the Komala Social Democrat Party of Iran, which also calls itself Komala, is still Social Democrat. Its first and current leader is Secretary General Abdullah Mohtadi. A few years ago, Mohtadi took serious criticism of the policies of the Communist Party of Iran and again criticized the policies of this party.

Biography

Mohtadi is from a family long active in Kurdish politics. His father ( Haji Abdul Rahman aghai Ilkhanizadeh ) was a minister in the Kurdish Republic of Kurdistan in 1946; in the 1950s he having changed the family name to Mohtadi, teaching (Sunni) theology at the University of Tehran. There were in those days two Sunni theologians teaching at the university, both of them Kurds; the other was Molla Mahmud Mofti, Abdollah Mofti’s eldest son and Ahmad Moftizadeh’s father. The two men were close, and when Ahmad Moftizadeh followed his father to Tehran in 1958, he also developed close relations with the Mohtadi family and ended up marrying Abdul Rahman’s daughter Khadijah, thereby further cementing the ties between both families. Abdul Rahman’s sons Solahadin and Abdollah Mohtadi, who had grown up in Tehran, gradually turned away from religion to Marxism. They were to become leaders of the radical left Kurdish movement Komala, which in 1979 clashed with Moftizadeh.[5]

Abdullah Mohtadi was born in Bukan in 1949 and moved to Tehran as a child at the request of his father. Mohtadi's father was a member of the Komala J.K and had been active in the party for a long time. After the establishment of the Republic of Kurdistan in this newly established government in the city of Mahabad, he was elected Minister. After the defeat of the Republic of Kurdistan, they first moved to Tabriz, but after a while they moved to Tehran, where his father taught at the University of Tehran, Faculty of Theology. Abdullah Mohtadi also had a very kind and compassionate mother. He was never strict with Abdullah. He helped Abdullah in everything and wanted to make him a great man. He loved Abdullah more than any of his other children. Abdullah never remembered his mother abusing him.[6]

File:Haji.Rahman.jpg
Haji Abdul Rahman aghai Ilkhanizadeh

The Mohtadi family was visited by many people because they were famous in Kurdistan. Most of the people they visited were politicians, poets and writers from Iran and Kurdistan at the time.[7] During no part of this transformation was this family an average Kurdish family. The Mohtadi family, was an influential one with great wealth and stature.

Early life

Before Mohtadi was born, political activity in Iran and Kurdistan was highly inflamed. In Kurdistan, the Republic of Kurdistan was defeated. Qazi Muhammad, the leader of this republic, was executed. Political activity was quite disappointing. Most politicians were either executed or imprisoned. Few managed to escape to Iraqi Kurdistan and lived there. The Shah was able to take control of Kurdistan by the army. In the neighborhood of Kurdistan, the Republic of Azerbaijan suffered the same fate. [8]

The Mohtadi family was also heavily influenced by political activity at this time. Especially since his father was a member of the Komala J.K and was a minister in the Republic of Kurdistan. With Mossadegh in power, political activity became more open. Gradually, political activists were able to reach out to people working in Iraqi Kurdistan and revitalize their political activities. This process continued until the fall of Mossadegh's government. But after the fall of Mossadegh, political activity in Kurdistan was disrupted again. The king stood against the people with all his might.[9] Iranian parties such as the "Jebheye Meli" and the "Hezbe Toude" had disappeared. The country's security organization, called SAVAK, was set up and anyone involved in politics was arrested. This trend continued until the 1960s. [10]

education

Mohtadi was growing in this political period. Political activists came to their homes regularly, and by that time there was a lot of political debate in their homes. Mohtadi is in elementary school at Alborz School in Tehran. After graduating from high school, he went to the University of Tehran and studied business.

Kurdistan in 1960s

Political activity in Kurdistan was severely repressed in the 1960s. Again, most political activists had sought refuge in Iraqi Kurdistan. Most of them, along with Mullah Mustafa Barzani, continued their activities and contributed to Barzani's movement and struggles. Abdullah's older brother Solahedin was associated with most of these political activists in Kurdistan. Solahedin and his friends helped them in their struggle. After a while, a dispute broke out between these political activists in Kurdistan. These differences led a group of them to organize themselves in a new way to fight the Shah's regime again. The group chose the name "Revolutionary Committee of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran". This group included Suleiman Moini, Mullah Avara, Suleiman Sharifzadeh and ..., who had direct contact with the Mohtadi family, especially Solahedin.

In 1967, unfortunately, the group lost all its members and was killed in the struggle against the Shah's regime. In Tehran, as in Kurdistan, there was a lot of covert political activity, with most of them visiting the Mohtadi family in Tehran. In 1968, the Siahkal incident took place in northern Iran, and most of these guerrillas were defeated. These activities had a great impact on the formation of Abdullah. While studying at the University of Tehran, he and his friends decided to form a new party that could prepare itself to fight and use this experience of defeat. [11]

On the other hand، Mohtadi's father according to, often would tell the young Abdullah that he respected his intellect and integrity. Mohtedi family, know that by his third year in college, Abdullah's increasingly vocal expressinos of Marxist ideas were not just a matter of casual interest. Now as a young university student, Abdullah could engage somebody in his family on increasingly complex politieal subjects. Naturally, they debated the various facets of subjects like class struggle, tribal heritage and social advancement in Kurdistan, and the proper role of religion in society. However, cultural and familial tradition dictated that the tone of the conversation never truly resembled an adversarial debate.[12]

Together with a group of Mohtadi and six other Kurdish students who were living in Tehran such as such as Foad Mostafa Soltani, Mosleh Sheikh-alislam, Shoib Zakaryai, Sedigh Kamangar and Hama Husein Karimi, Mohtadi decided to risk his life for those ideas. On October 27, 1969, in a secret initiation meeting in Tehran, he narrates that he became a founding member of the Komala party. His membership and activities with Komala were completely underground and not shared outside of the small group of member-activists as he continued his studies at the university.[13]

Career

Mohtadi founded Komala with fellow students in Tehran in 1969. October, 1969 was the founding date of the Komala Party. From that day, Mohtadi and his friends in this new party tried their best to hide from SAVAK. They decided to cut off the extra communications that would lead to their arrest. They also decided to refrain from further discussions in political circles. Because the Mohtadi family was well-known, in Kurdistan and Tehran, their homes were always monitored by SAVAK. [14] Abdullah's older brother Solahedin is also arrested several times by SAVAK, and this makes Abdullah's young and passionate more careful not to take risks aimlessly. Mohtadi knew full well that the Shah's regime would deal severely with any political move. He also remembers well the lessons of the Kurdish movement in the 60's. He knew that in no way should he rush and take risks in the fight against the Shah's regime. He had to consider all aspects of his activities and those of his friends. They should try to bring this party into the people and the people should support this party, so that at the right time they can wage an armed struggle against the Shah's regime. [15]

Mohtadi in 1970s

In the 1970s, he was arrested three times and spent more than three years in jail for his activism against the shah. Although Abdullah Mohtadi was careful not to do anything that SAVAK suspected him, but they arrested him three times. SAVAK cannot find any evidence from Mohtadi that he is politically active against the Shah's regime. For this reason, Mohtadi was able to be released from prison each time.[16]

Mohtadi and his friends meet almost every week to discuss the progress of their political activities. They contacted many people but never directly asked them to help their party in political activities. They made this demand of new people when they were sure that the newcomer was ready to engage in political activity with them. [17]

File:Muhtadi.talabai.k.jpg
Mam Jalal & Abdulla Muhtadi

They decide to split their group into two. Some of them in Tabriz and some in Tehran are active among students, especially Kurdish students. A group with Abdullah Mohtadi, including Foad Mustafa Sultani, Hama Husein Karimi and Mosleh Sheikkhol-islami expanded their activities in Tehran. Through this process, Abdullah and his friends were able to attract many people for their own gain and to be able to keep their eyes off SAVAK.[18]

With the arrival of people like Jafar Shafiee, Khane Moini, Ibrahim Alizadeh, Faroq Babamiri, Omar Ilkhanizadeh, Abobakr Modaresi and ... the period of activity of Mohtadi and his friends enters a new phase. They can expand their political activity in other cities of Kurdistan and attract more people to themselves and their party aspirations. They were able to bring most of the elites of the cities of Kurdistan with them. Most of the people they brought with them were students, teachers, engineers, doctors and nurses in Kurdistan. Now there are active people in almost all cities of Kurdistan. But the challenge for Abdullah and his friends is how to position themselves among all classes of Kurdish society, especially the workers and peasants. They think that in order to understand the reality of life of this class of Kurdish society, they must be like them. That is, to work like them, to dress and to behave just like them in daily life. In this way, they understand the reality of this type of life in society, and on the other hand, they can gain their trust for the struggle and political activity against the Shah's regime. [19]

Mohtadi and his friends are pursuing exactly the same policy, and each is working as a worker and peasant in different villages and cities of Kurdistan. In this way, they were able to communicate with the working class and peasants of Kurdistan. This enabled them to create large networks of people inside Kurdistan. Mohtadi said in interviews that most of his friends were involved in construction, agriculture and even baking. Especially in the village, a group went to the aid of the villagers and helped them to harvest their produce.[20] In this way, they were able to communicate with the working class and peasants of Kurdistan. This enabled them to create large networks of people inside Kurdistan. Mohtadi said in interviews that most of his friends were involved in construction, agriculture and even baking. Especially in the village, a group went to the aid of the villagers and helped them to harvest their produce.[21]

Mohtadi is arrested by SAVAK for the third time in 1974. At this time, Kak Foad is also arrested. Abdullah Mohtadi is sentenced to tree years in prison. SAVAK could not obtain any information from Mohtadi about the Komala organization. He is in prison with Kak Foad and Khane Moini and they are in prison together. However, this does not mean that they cannot continue their political activities inside the prison. In prison, they continue to maintain contact with organizations outside the prison.[22]

At this time, events are taking place in Iraqi Kurdistan that affect the political activity of Mohtadi and his friends. In 1975, the Algerian treaty is signed between the Shah and Saddam Hussein. The Shah stops supporting Barzani. Barzani is forced to come to Tehran and settle in Karaj. A year later, in 1976, Mam Jalal led another uprising against Saddam Hussein and started a guerrilla war with Saddam.[23] Mam Jalal desperately needed help, but the king did not support them and they were in a lot of trouble. Saddam also had complete control over Iraqi Kurdistan, and in practice Mam Jalal could not have hoped for much help from the people of Iraqi Kurdistan. [24] Mam Jalal and his friends were disappointed after a while, because the Peshmerga had lost several times in the fight against Saddam. Ways to help the Peshmerga were also blocked. Their ammunition and tastes were running out. In this difficult situation, they were just taking care of themselves.[25]

Through Solahedin Mohtadi, Abdullah's older brother, Abdullah realizes the situation of Mam Jalal and his friends in Iraqi Kurdistan. Solahedin tells Abdullah and his friends to help Mam Jalal's peshmerga in the current situation. Abdullah Mohtadi talks to Kak Foad about this. Kak Foad was accepted by everyone because he was older than the rest of his contemporaries. In other words, Kak Foad was the unofficial leader of their organization. Kak Foad also talks to the rest of their friends and explains to them the situation of Mam Jalal and his Peshmerga. They agree to help the movement in Iraqi Kurdistan. They want their organizations in the cities of Kurdistan to gather with the help of the people. As Mohtadi explains, they were able to raise a lot of donations for Mam Jalal and his Peshmerge. These donations are sent to Mam Jalal by Jafar Shafi'i and Sa'ad Watandost.[26] In this way, they prevented the defeat of the Iraqi Kurdish movement and saved it. This was a very useful experience for Abdullah and his friends. Now they are closely acquainted with the experience of the Iraqi Kurdish movement. This experience helped them a lot in continuing their journey in Iranian Kurdistan. Then in 1977 and 1978 Mohtadi and his friends reorganized Komalah.[27] In the autumn of 1978, when Kak Foad was released from prison, Mohtadi and his friends decided to reorganize their organization. Therefore, they will meet in the fall in Sanandaj. This is not the end of their discussion about their organization. For their own security, they are forced to continue their visit to the city of Naqdah. When their discussions are over, they elect three members of their organization as the leaders of their organization, namely Foad Mustafa Soltani, Abdulla Mohtadi and Sa'ed Watandost. This will be the first congress of Komala.[28]

"Jamiyat"s in Kurdistan

In the years closest to the 1979 revolution, the Shah's regime arrested many political activistsPolitical activities had become difficult, but still in universities, students occasionally demonstrated and protested against the Shah's policies.[29] Abdullah Mohtadi, Kak Foad and Khane Moini were released from prison. kak Foad, Abdullah Mohtadi and their friends decided to expand their organization under the name of "Jamiyat". For this reason, they set up "Jamiyat"s in all cities of Kurdistan. Sometimes several "Jamiyat"s were set up in a city. [30] The first camp in Sanandaj started under the name of "Jamyat-e- Defa az Azadi va Enqlab". In English it means: The union for the Defense of Freedom and Revolution. They were able to organize the "Jamiyat"s well and provide a platform for it. The "Jamiyat" had a coordination council. The members of this council consisted of representatives of each "Jamiyat". The council also elected an executive group. This board had tree members: Abdullah Mohtadi, Farouq Babamiri and Saddiq Kamangar. Saddiq Kamangar also wrote an autonomy plan for Kurdistan here when he represented the "Jamiyat".[31]

Iran revolution 1979

In the absence of the Democratic Party among the people of Kurdistan, Abdullah Mohtadi and his friends were able to expand their organization. Most of the demonstrations against the Shah's regime were organized by Komala. Those who were able to communicate with the people in all cities, villages and neighborhoods of Kurdistan under the name of the "Jamiyat" could easily organize demonstrations. In one of the anti-regime demonstrations in Saqqez, a prominent member of the organization named Hama Husein Karimi, in which he took an active part, was wounded by the forces of the Shah's regime. A few days after this incident, on February 17, 1979, he died in hospital due to the depth of his wounds. Abdullah Mohtadi and his friends decide that they should no longer be in hiding. On the same day that they return Hama Husein's body to Saqqez, they reveal their organization. From now on, they officially continue their political activities under the name of Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan.[32]

File:Mohtadi22.jpg
Abdulla Muhtadi (1981)

Hama Husein Karimi was from a famous family in Saqqez. He had a bachelor in electronics from the University of Tabriz. He was in charge of the Saqez "Jamiyat". Hama Husein Karimi was working as a builder in Sardasht under the pseudonym of "Wasta Saleh". He was one of the most active political figures in Kurdistan. Immediately after the revolution, the Komala found much support among young, educated urban people attracted by its radicalism. It was at this time that Khomeini had returned from exile in central Iran, Tehran. The Shah's regime had fallen, and most of the Shah's men had either been imprisoned or had escaped. Many political parties and groups were formed. Most of these groups and parties supported Khomeini and rallied around Khomeini. The revolution had won and the king had fled. Almost all the provinces of Iran were associated with Khomeini. Among them were only Kurdish cities that viewed Khomeini and his policies with skepticism.[33] Kurdish parties and political activists in Kurdistan have decided to demand autonomy for Kurdistan from the newly established Khomeini-led government in Iran. Khomeini did not accept this request for pain and strongly rejected it. Khomeini called on Kurds and Kurdish parties to accept his leadership and renounce autonomy for Kurdistan. [34] Now Abdullah and his friends, who worked under the name of Komala, had to make a decision. Komala and other Kurdish political parties did not accept Khomeini's request and did not participate in the constitutional referendum. Khomeini ordered jihad against the Kurdish people in Kurdistan. The Khomeini regime poured into Kurdistan with all its armed forces. Komala and other Kurdish parties were deeply upset by Khomeini's move. They decided to resist the armed forces of the Khomeini regime. In the first stage, the armed forces of the Khomeini regime were defeated. The Khomeini regime, under the pretext that we want to negotiate, delayed for several months so that they could reorganize their forces. When they were able to organize their armed forces, they attacked Kurdistan again.[35]

Unfortunately, on September 30, 1979, Kak Foad was killed in a war with the Khomeini regime. He was killed by the Islamic regime's armed forces between Saqqez and Marivan. The killing of Kak Foad has a very bad effect on Abdullah. Abdullah had lost his best friend. Kak Foad, who had been with Abdullah Mohtadi since the founding of the Komala in 1969, had now been assassinated. The killing of Kak Foad had a bad effect on all the Komala organizations. Komala had lost one of his best leaders.[36]

During 1979-1980, Komala fought alongside another principal Iranian Kurdish armed group, the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI).a The uprising was a response to the wave of Kurdish nationalism following the Iranian Revolution, a perceived opportunity to gain increased autonomy not available under the Shah, the relative disorganization and chaos surrounding the establishment of the Islamic Republic, as well as other armed uprisings against the Mullahs. The Kurds had been effectively excluded from the new constitution with no provision for autonomy. The uprising started in March 1979 when Kurds seized police and military barracks in the towns of Sanandaj, Paveh, Divandarreh, Saqqez, and Mahabad. It then morphed into a wide-scale uprising across northwestern Kurdish majority areas of Iran, which resulted in the brutal suppression and deaths of approximately 6,200 Kurds.[37]

In 1983, Komala decides, with the left parties and groups in Iran, the Iranian Communist Party to establish. One of the most prominent people they invited was Mansour Hikmat. After many meetings and conferences, they were able to establish the Communist Party of Iran. Abdullah Muhtadi, Komala’s leader, became its secretary-general. He became the leader of the Communist Party of Iran. In this way, they wanted to find allies in Iran for Komala. [38]

In 1988, Abdullah Mohtadi and his friends came to the conclusion that the establishment of the Communist Party had failed to achieve its targets. They wanted to fundamentally reconsider the Communist Party. At this time, Abdullah was criticizing the Communist Party.

Komala Party

The group splintered again 2000. One branch, the Komala Social Democrat Party of Iran, which also calls itself Komala, is still Social Democrat. A few years ago, Mohtadi took serious criticism of the policies of the Communist Party of Iran and again criticized the policies of this party. Unfortunately, these criticisms were not viewed positively in the Communist Party, which led to sharp divisions within the party. After many and long talks, Mohtadi and his associates were forced to leave the Communist Party of Iran and revive Komala with the slogan of rebuilding Komala.[39] From this date, Abdullah and his friends in the reconstruction of Komala, tried to take a realistic path by criticizing their own past. Therefore, reforms in the party began, they were able in a very short time, many people inside and outside Kurdistan with them.

Komala has clashed with Iranian forces, but since the 1990s it has primarily used its Peshmerga fighters to defend training camps and Kurdish settlements in Iraq. Some of its fighters joined the fight against ISIS in Iraq in 2014.[40]

For the past few years, Mohtadi and his Party (Iranian Kurdistan's Komala Party) has taken the lead in trying to unify these different groups behind the idea of replacing Iran's clerical regime with a decentralized federal government whose constitution will safeguard the rights of the country's ethnic minorities.[41]

Komala of Iran, which also calls itself Komala, describes itself as a party closer to the ideals of the Social Democrats.

posts

File:Mohtadi3.jpg
Abdulla Muhtadi، Secretary General of Komala

Originator of the Komala Party (1969)

Central Committee of Komala (1979)

Secretary General of Komala (1980)

Secretary General of the Communist Party (1983)

Secretary General of Komala (2000)

Secretary of the Transitional Council_Iran (2019)

See also

Book

1. مقدمه ­ای بر گسست و گذار

2. شۆرش لە سەردەمی نوێدا

References

  1. ^ Secretary General
  2. ^ کۆمەلەی شۆرشگێر
  3. ^ Vali, Abbas (2020). The Forgotten Years of Kurdish Nationalism in Iran. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 238. ISBN 978-3-030-16069-2.
  4. ^ Iran’s Troubled Provinces: Kurdistan
  5. ^ Islam and politics in Iranian Kurdistan
  6. ^ Saedi, Bahman (2010). ٥سال لە گەل عەبدوللای مەهتەدی. asoyroj.
  7. ^ Saedi, Bahman (2010). ٥سال لە گەل عەبدوللای مەهتەدی. asoyroj.
  8. ^ Eagleton, Jr., William (1963). The Kurdish Republic of 1946. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780905906508.
  9. ^ Meiselas, Susan (October 28, 1997). Kurdistan: In the Shadow of History. Random House. p. 388. ISBN 978-0679423898.
  10. ^ Rahnema, Ali (September 1, 2016). Behind the 1953 Coup in Iran. Cambridge University Press. p. 348. ISBN 978-1107429758.
  11. ^ ADAMSON, DAVID (1965). THE KURDISH WAR. Ferederick A. Peraeger. p. 215.
  12. ^ Ezzatyar, Ali (September 17, 2016). The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 261. ISBN 978-1137565259.
  13. ^ Ezzatyar, Ali (September 17, 2016). The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 261. ISBN 978-1137565259.
  14. ^ SOCIO-POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF BIRTH OF KOMALA
  15. ^ Saedi, Bahman (2010). ٥سال لە گەل عەبدوللای مەهتەدی. asoyroj.
  16. ^ Iran’s Troubled Provinces: Kurdistan
  17. ^ spoke to Abdullah Mohtadi
  18. ^ Saedi, Bahman (2010). ٥سال لە گەل عەبدوللای مەهتەدی. asoyroj.
  19. ^ Nammi, Diana (July 14, 2020). Girl with a Gun. Unbound. p. 320. ISBN 978-1783528721.
  20. ^ زمینه های اجتماعی و تاریخی شکل گیری کومه له
  21. ^ Saedi, Bahman (2010). ٥سال لە گەل عەبدوللای مەهتەدی. asoyroj.
  22. ^ Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan
  23. ^ 1975 algiers agreement
  24. ^ Entessar, Nader (1992). Kurdish Ethnonationalism. Lynn Rienner Publishers. pp. 145–146. ISBN 978-1-55587-250-2.
  25. ^ Bidwell (2012-10-12). Dictionary Of Modern Arab Histor. Routledge. p. 407. ISBN 978-1-136-16298-5.
  26. ^ Saedi, Bahman (2010). ٥سال لە گەل عەبدوللای مەهتەدی. asoyroj.
  27. ^ Meet Iran’s Revolutionary Liberals
  28. ^ Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan
  29. ^ William J. Daugherty (2001-01-10). In the Shadow of the Ayatollah. Naval Inst Pr. p. 280. ISBN 978-1557501691.
  30. ^ به یاد کاک فواد مصطفی سلطانی
  31. ^ McBrewster, John (2011). Foad Mostafa Soltani. VDM. p. 108. ISBN 9786134253208.
  32. ^ از فعالیت زیر زمینی تا بازسازی کومه له
  33. ^ Shah flees Iran
  34. ^ Yildiz, Kerim (March 27, 2007). The Kurds in Iran: The Past, Present and Future. Pluto Press. p. 144. ISBN 978-0745326696.
  35. ^ IRANIAN KURDS: A CONTINUING REVOLT AGAINST THE REVOLUTION
  36. ^ McBrewster, John (2011). Foad Mostafa Soltani. VDM. p. 108. ISBN 9786134253208.
  37. ^ McDowall, David (January 15, 1996). A Modern History of the Kurds. I. B. Tauris. p. 504. ISBN 978-1850436539.
  38. ^ Major Kurdish Organizations in Iran
  39. ^ SOCIO-POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF BIRTH OF KOMALA
  40. ^ Iran’s Troubled Provinces: Kurdistan
  41. ^ Iran's Opposition Groups are Preparing for the Regime's Collapse. Is Anyone Ready?
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