Abyei

This article is about the area in Sudan. For the former, larger district, see Abyei (district). For the town within the area and district, see Abyei (town).

File:Abyei from helicopter.jpg

Aerial view of Abyei town

Abyei (Template:Lang-ar) is an area in Sudan accorded "special administrative status" by the 2004 Protocol on the resolution of the Abyei conflict in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended the Second Sudanese Civil War. Considered a historical bridge between northern and Southern Sudan, the territory had previously been considered part of the larger district of Abyei within the now-abolished state of West Kurdufan. Under the terms of the Protocol, the Abyei area has been declared, on an interim basis, to be simultaneously part of the states of South Kurdufan and Bahr el Ghazal.

In contrast to the borders of the former district, the Protocol defined the territory as “the area of the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms transferred to Kordofan in 1905”. A multinational border commission subsequently established this to be those portions of Kordofan south of 10°22′30″ N. However, following continued disputes that erupted into violence and threatened the CPA, an international arbitration process redrew Abyei's boundaries in 2009 to make it significantly smaller, extending no further north than 10°10′00" N. This revised border has been since endorsed by all parties to the dispute.

History

The Abyei district in the former state of West Kurdufan, after the 1905 redistricting

It is claimed that the Dajo people were located in the region of Abyei prior to the seventeenth century, before being displaced by new migrants. From at least the eighteenth century Abyei was inhabited by the agro-pastoralist Ngok Dinka, kin to the Dinka of Southern Sudan. The Messiria, a nomadic people, grazed their cattle through Abyei in an annual cycle. The Messiria base is Muglad, where the Messiria spend much of the year, though they are forced to move south to the Bahr river basin in Abyei during the dry season. Records from this time state that the Ngok Dinka and Messiria had amicable relations. At the establishment of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, the Messiria were predominantly located in the province of Kordofan (considered “northern”), while the Ngok Dinka were located in Bahr el Ghazal (considered “southern”). However, in 1905 the British redistricted the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms into Kordofan.

The two peoples began to take separate paths with the onset of the First Sudanese Civil War (1956–1972), in particular the 1965 massacre of 72 Ngok Dinka in the Misseriya town of Babanusa. The Ngok Dinka were thus drawn to the Anyanya, while the Messiria were favored by the Khartoum-based government and became firmly associated with the north. The 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement that ended the war included a clause that provided for a referendum allowing Abyei to choose to remain in the north or join the autonomous South. This referendum was never held and continued attacks against Ngok Dinka led to the creation of Ngok Dinka unit in the small Anyanya II rebellion, which began in Upper Nile in 1975. The discovery of oil in the area, among other north-south border regions, led President Gaafar Nimeiry to try the first of many initiatives to redistrict oil rich areas into northern administration.

The Ngok Dinka unit of Anyanya II formed one of the foundations of the rebel movement at the beginning of the Second Civil War in 1983. Many Ngok Dinka joined the rebels upon the outbreak of hostilities. Partially as a result of their early entry into the war, many Ngok Dinka rose to leadership positions in the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), becoming closely associated with John Garang. In contrast, the Messiria joined the hostilities on the side of the government in the mid-1980s. They formed frontline units as well as Murahleen, mounted raiders that attacked southern villages to loot valuables and slaves. By the end of the war the intense fighting had displaced most Ngok Dinka out of Abyei, which the Misseriya state as justification for ownership of the area.

Oil reserves and production

Abyei is situated within the Muglad Basin, a large rift basin which contains a number of hydrocarbon accumulations. Oil exploration was undertaken in Sudan in the 1970s and 1980s. A period of significant investment in Sudan’s oil industry occurred in the 1990s and Abyei became a target for this investment. By 2003 Abyei contributed more than one quarter of Sudan’s total crude oil output. Production volumes have since declined and reports suggest that Abyei’s reserves are nearing depletion. An important oil pipeline, the Greater Nile Oil Pipeline, travels through the Abyei area from the Heglig and Unity oil fields to Port Sudan on the Red Sea via Khartoum. The pipeline is vital to Sudan’s oil exports which have boomed since the pipeline commenced operation in 1999.

Status dispute

Abyei Protocol in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement

  North Sudan

  Darfur

  Eastern Front, area of operations July 2006

  South Sudan (to hold referendum in 2011

  Abyei (to hold referendum in 2011)

  Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile (to hold "popular consultations" in 2011)

The status of Abyei was one of the most contentious issues in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The first protocol signed, the 2002 Machakos Protocol, defined Southern Sudan as the area as of independence in 1956. It thus excluded the SPLA strongholds in Abyei, the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile, known collectively during the talks as the Three Areas. The SPLA negotiators then spent several years attempting to give these regions the right to a referendum in which they could decide if they want to be under the administrative control of the north or south. This would potentially mean that these regions would become part of a nation of South Sudan after the 2011 independence referendum. The government blocked these attempts, stating that the Machakos Protocol had already delineated the border for the Three Areas in favor of the north.

The deadlock was finally broken by pressure from the United States. U.S. presidential envoy John Danforth circulated a draft agreement, which the U.S. convinced the government to sign despite its inclusion of a referendum. The Protocol on the resolution of the Abyei conflict put Abyei into a special administrative status government directly by the presidency. The precise borders of the area were to be determined by an Abyei Borders Commission (ABC), followed by a referendum commission to identify Messiria that are resident in Abyei and could thus vote in local elections in 2009; all the Ngok Dinka were to be considered resident, it being their traditional homeland.

The Abyei Borders Commission (ABC)

According to an annex to the protocol adopted in December 2004, ABC was to be composed of 15 persons: five appointed by the government, five by the SPLA and three by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, and one each by the United States and the United Kingdom. Only the five impartial experts could present the final report. The five appointed were: Godfrey Muriuki of the University of Nairobi; Kassahun Berhanu of the Addis Ababa University; Douglas H. Johnson, an author of several works on southern Sudan; Shadrack Gutto, a lawyer from South Africa; and Donald Petterson, a former ambassador to Sudan. The ABC determined the boundary at approximately 10°22′30″N., 87 km north of the town of Abyei, following the agreed rules of procedure. The process and the map showing the boundary is detailed by Johnson

The ABC presented their report to the president on 14 July 2005, whereupon it was immediately rejected by the government, who accused the experts of using sources after 1905 in their determination of the boundaries. The death of John Garang later that month pushed all other issues off the national agenda, but the SPLA maintains that the terms of the Abyei protocol must be held to. Government resistance to an agreement is largely based on an attempt to hold on to the oil reserves and oil pipelines in the area.

Renewed tensions and violence

In October 2007, rising tensions between the SPLA and government resulted in the SPLA temporarily withdrawing from the Government of National Unity over several deadlocked issues, notably Abyei. At the time, the International Crisis Group stated, “What happens in Abyei is likely to determine whether Sudan consolidates the peace or returns to war.”. Armed violence erupted in the Abyei region during late 2007 and throughout 2008. Clashes occurred both between the SPLA and Messiria fighters and between the SPLA and government troops.

Messiria leaders had objected to demarcation provisions of the CPA which they claim have a negative impact upon Messiria access to grazing lands. These grievances fed into armed clashes in December 2007, which killed at least 75 people, and further violence in February and March 2008, resulting in numerous deaths and civilian displacement. These clashes were considered by analysts to represent a serious threat to the peace process and trigger a resumption of civil war. The Messiria were not believed to be directly controlled by Khartoum, however analysts pointed out that local disputes over resources are readily manipulated by outside forces.

Following the violence of February and March, the Sudanese government deployed a contingent of 200 or more soldiers to Abyei town on 31 March 2008. Armed clashes between these troops and the SPLA occurred during May 2008 resulting in dozens of deaths and the displacement of an estimated 25,000 civilians. Much of Abyei town was razed; analyst Roger Winter stated that "the town of Abyei has ceased to exist".

International arbitration

Following the clashes in Abyei during May 2008, in June 2008 the Sudanese President, Omar al-Bashir, and the President of the autonomous Government of Southern Sudan, Salva Kiir Mayardit, agreed to refer the disputes between the Government and the SPLM/A concerning the ABC's determination of the Abyei area's boundaries to international arbitration at the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), in The Hague.

File:Voter registration line in Abyei.jpg

Line for voter registration in Abyei, 2009

The arbitration was presided over by an arbitral tribunal composed of five distinguished international lawyers - Professor Pierre-Marie Dupuy, of France, as President, with Judge Stephen M. Schwebel, Professor W. Michael Reisman, H.E. Judge Awn Al-Khasawneh and Professor Dr. Gerhard Hafner. The tribunal adopted the PCA's Optional Rules for Arbitrating Disputes Between Two Parties of Which Only One is a State.

The SPLM/A appointed Dr. Riek Machar Teny, Deputy Chairman of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement and Minister Luka Biong Deng, as Agents, and Gary Born and Wendy Miles as counsel. The Government of Sudan appointed Ambassador Dirdeiry Mohamed Ahmed as Agent, and were represented by Professor James Crawford QC, S.C., Dr Nabil Elaraby, Professor Alain Pellet, Rodman Bundy and Loretta Malintoppi.

Messiria elder in Abyei speaks to the PCA decision, November 2009

Following extensive written pleadings, in April 2009 the parties presented their closing submissions to the arbitration tribunal over six days at an oral hearing at the Peace Palace, The Hague. In a groundbreaking initiative, the parties agreed to broadcast the oral hearing over the internet, which allowed those in Sudan and around the world to see the parties put forward their arguments. Following the hearing the arbitral tribunal then began its deliberations and, less than ninety days later, on 22 July 2009 rendered its final binding decision as to the validity of the boundaries for Abyei and the ABC had drawn.

The award ordered the redrawing of the northern, eastern and western boundaries, thus decreasing the size of Abyei. The size of Abyei is crucial to the political dispute, as its residents will be able to vote in a referendum on whether to become part of northern or southern Sudan, and are expected to merge with the south. The redrawn borders give control of the richest oil fields in the Abyei region, such as the Heglig oil field, to the north, while giving at least one oil field to the south and reaffirming the town of Abyei as the heartland of the Ngok Dinka. Most of the Messiria are outside of the redrawn borders, making it far more likely that the region will vote to join the south. Announcements by both the SPLM and Government of Sudan that they would accept the ruling were hailed by the United States, European Union, and the United Nations.

External links

• Abraham, I. 2007, ‘South Sudan Abyei now or never’, Sudan Tribune, 3 March. (Opinion piece.)
• Johnson, D. 2006, ‘Sudan's civil wars’ (video, filmed March, Bergen, Norway. (Brief discussion of underlying causes of conflict in Sudan.)
• Kristof, N. 2008, ‘Africa’s next slaughter’, New York Times, 2 March. Retrieved on 4 March 2008. (Opinion piece concerning Abyei and the peace process.)
• UNDP 2005, Template:PDFlink, United Nations Development Program Sudan, 29 November.
• Vall, M. 2008, ‘Abyei region divided over oil’, Al Jazeera English, 15 March. Retrieved on 27 April 2008. (Video presentation hosted by YouTube.)
• Winter, R. 2008, ‘Sounding the alarm on Abyei’, enough: the project to end genocide and crimes against humanity, 17 April. Retrieved on 5 May 2008.
• Winter, R. 2008, ‘Abyei aflame: An update from the field’, enough: the project to end genocide and crimes against humanity, 30 May. Retrieved on 6 June 2008. (Describes May 2008 violence. Winter says that “the town of Abyei has ceased to exist”.)

Further reading

• Douglas Johnson, 2008, “Why Abyei Matters, The Breaking Point of Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement?” in African Affairs, 107 (462), pp 1–19.