Jump to content

Alodia

Coordinates: 17°39′00″N 33°59′00″E / 17.6500°N 33.9833°E / 17.6500; 33.9833
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by LeGabrie (talk | contribs) at 22:24, 26 January 2018 (→‎Reasons of decline). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

Alodia
6th century–c. 1500
Approximate extension of Alodia in the 10th century (Note: Extension into Darfur is disputed)
Approximate extension of Alodia in the 10th century (Note: Extension into Darfur is disputed)
CapitalSoba
Common languagesNubian, Greek
Religion
Miaphysite Christianity
GovernmentMonarchy
Historical eraMiddle Ages
• First mentioned
6th century
• Destroyed
c. 1500
Preceded by		 Succeeded by
Kingdom of Kush
Sennar (sultanate)

Alodia, also referred to as Alwa or Aloa, was a medieval Nubian kingdom in what is now central and southern Sudan. Its capital was Soba, located near the confluence of the Blue and White Nile.

Founded some time after the fall of the ancient kingdom of Kush, it is first attested by the year 569. Shortly after that, in 580, it converted to Coptic Christianity, making it the last of the three Nubian kingdoms (Otherwise Nobadia and Makuria) to embrace Christianity. By evaluating the few written records as well as the archaeological fieldwork undertaken at Soba, it probably reached its peak during the 9th-12th centuries, when it controlled large parts of the Gezira (The fertile region cornered between the White and Blue Nile), the Nuba mountains, the Butana and even parts of the desert bordering the Red Sea, while also maintaining close dynastic ties with Makuria. In the 13th century it entered a largely undocumented process of decline caused by a variety of reasons. The 14th century saw the beginning of mass migrations of Arab tribes into the upper Nile valley, with some submitting to the Alodian king by paying tribute while others carved out territories on their own. By around 1500, Soba was conquered and destroyed either by Arabs, the Funj or an alliance of both, probably marking the end of Alodia, albeit there are some Sudanese oral traditions claiming that Alodia survived in the form of a reduced rump state in Fazughli. After the destruction of Soba the Funj established the sultanate of Sennar, marking the end of Medieval Nubia and initiating a rapid process of Arabization and Islamization, eventually resulting in the Sudanese Arab identity as known today.

History

Origins

Long before Alodia becomes tangible as a kingdom, several similar-sounding variations of its name appear in various sources: A Kushitic stela dating from the reign of Nastasen (Late 4th century BC) mentions a region called Alut, though its concrete localization can not be specified.[1] Several centuries later, Pliny the Elder includes some Alwa on his list of towns in Meroitic Kush, placing it somewhere south of Meroe, but yet again offers no concrete location, therefore making its relation with the later kingdom only guesswork.[2]
The last ancient source, a Ge'ez inscription of the Aksumite king Ezana, who lived in the mid 4th century AD, is the most important one. First it mentions a brick-made city named Alwa, assumed to be located near the confluence of the Nile and the Atbara.[3] This town Alwa, however, is mentioned in a wider context, in particular in an apparently punitive Aksumite expedition against the warlike Noba (Historical term for Nubians), which even threatened the fringes of the Aksumite Kingdom north of Tekeze River (The Ethiopian part of the Atbara river).[4] The inscription describes how the Aksumite expedition defeated the Tekeze Nubians and pushed westwards until they reached the confluence of the Nile and Atbara, where they plundered several Kushite towns (One of them being Alwa). Not all towns were in the hands of Kushites though. Instead, the account makes it clear that in fact, the very heartland of the Kingdom of Kush was partially occupied by the Nubians.[3] In conclusion, the Ezana inscription proves how the Nubians controlled significant parts of modern Sudan by the mid 4th century, indicating that the Kingdom of Kush was already in an advanced state of decay.[3]

Since the archaeological evidence suggests that the Kingdom of Kush ceased to exist around the mid of the 4th century, the Aksumite expeditions are thought to be directly responsible for its fall, although this is still not 100% proven. Be it as it may, it doesn't seem as if Aksums presence in the Middle Nile Valley was overly long-lasting.[5] With the destruction of a centralized state controlling the entire Middle Nile Valley, the Nubians managed to seize power entirely, eventually founding their own, yet pagan, chief- and kingdoms out of the ashes of Kush. This era of transformation is known as the "Post-Meroitic" period (c. 350-550). While the formation of Nobatia (Early 5th century)[6] and Makuria (c. 500)[7] are both fairly well studied and understood, same can't be said for Alodia. What seems clear is that several aspects of Meroitic culture were largely dismissed during that period, like pyramids and mastabas (Which were replaced by tumuli), wheel-made pottery and faiences.[8] When Alodia came into existence is unknown, just as much as when and why Soba became the capital. Archaeology suggests that Soba did not become a major urban center until the "later post-Meroitic period, perhaps during the 6th century".[9] It is also in the sixth century, more precisely around the year 569, when Alodia steps into the light of history as central Sudanese kingdom on the edge of Christianization.[10]

Christianization and peak

The events around the Christianization of Alodia have been described by John of Ephesus in considerable detail. As the southernmost of the three Nubian kingdoms, Alodia was the last to be converted to Christianity. If John is correct, the Alodian king was very aware of the baptisms of Nobadia in 543 (Miaphysite branch)[11] and Makuria in around 568/569 (Melkite branch).[12] He describes how the Alodian king sent a delegation to the king of Nobadia, requesting a bishop to be sent to him to "instruct his people and baptize them".[13] The request was granted in 580, leading to the baptism of the king, his family and the local nobility.[14] This event marked the end of the post-Meroitic period and the dawn of the "Medieval" or "Christian" period of central Sudan. How fast and how deep Christianity spread among the Alodians is still very hard to say. It is possible that after conversion, several temples were converted into churches, like those in Musawwarat es-Sufra and Meroe.[15] Nevertheless, it must be expected that especially in Alodia, the Christianization of the rural population would have proceeded slowly, if it occurred at all.[16]

Tombstone of king David from Soba.

After John of Ephesus, the historians remain silent about Alodia for several centuries. 60 years after the baptizement of the Alodian nobility, in 640-641, the Arabs conquered Egypt from the Byzantine Empire, effectively cutting of Christian Nubia from its "spiritual big brother" in Constantinople. Two Muslim attacks into Makuria, which at this time may have been unified with Nobatia already,[17] followed immediately (642 & 652), but could both be repelled. In the aftermath, both Makuria and the Arabs agreed to sign the Baqt, a peace treaty that also included a yearly exchange of gifts as well as other socio-economic regulations between Arabs and Nubians. Alodia was explicitly excluded from this treaty.[18] Meanwhile, Arabs started to settle on the western coast of the Red Sea, founding the ports of Aydhab in 632-634, Badi in 637 and Suakin some time afterwards (First mention in the 10th century).[19]

In the 9th century the Arab historian al-Yaqubi would describe Alodia for the first time. While short, he attests that 300 years after its first mention, Alodia was a large kingdom with Soba as its capital. He also says that its power is above Makurias.[20] After al-Yaqubi comes Ibn Hawqal, a traveller and historian of the later 10th century. He probably travelled through Alodia himself, therefore gathering his information firsthand.[21] This allowed him to describe the kingdom in comparatively great detail, discussing its territorial extension, landscapes, economy, inhabitants and government.[22] He said, that: "The most prosperous part of the country (Nubia) is the territory of 'Alwa, which has an uninterrupted chain of villages and a continuous strip of cultivated lands".[23] The current king, he claimed, was named Asabiyus (Probably the Arabic distortion of Eusebius), who inherited the throne from his uncle Astabanus (Stephanos) due to martilineal succession.[24][25] Contemporary to Ibn Hawqal lived Ibn Sulaym al-Aswani, a Fatimid ambassador sent to Makuria, who would then travel to Alodia. While his original work had been lost, he was quoted by later historians like al Maqrizi.[26] Like Hawqals report it is relatively detailed, focusing again on the geography, economy and habitants, while neglecting the political history. Interesting information which complement Hawqal are that Alodia was more extensive and powerful than Makuria, also having a larger army.[27] It is also made clear that at his time, Soba was a prospering town with "fine buildings, and extensive dwellings and churches full of gold and gardens".[28] After Al-Aswani there is a gap of several centuries. Two Alodian kings, Basil and Paul, appear in 12th century Arabic letters from Qasr Ibrim.[25]
The last historian referring to Alodia in some detail is the Armenian Abu Salih, living in around 1200. He confirmed that Alodia was still a large kingdom, housing around 400 churches. Interesting is also the remark that all habitants of Soba are still Christians.[29]

In conclusion, and summarizing both the written sources as well as archaeology, the 9th-12th century can be considered as the Golden Age of Soba and the Alodian kingdom.[30]

Decline and fall

Reasons of decline

By 1300, Alodia was in full decline.[31] At Soba, basically no pottery or glassware, neither native nor imported, dating beyond the 13th century could be identified.[32] Two churches were apparently destroyed during the 13th century, albeit later resurrected.[33] It had been suggested that Alodia was under attack of a people called Damadim, an African people that originated in the border region of modern Sudan and South Sudan, along the Bahr al Ghazal. Soba might have been conquered at this time, suffering occupation and destruction.[34] According to al-Maghrebi, the attack of the Damadim on Nubia (and Abyssinia) occurred in 1220, which is why they are also called the "Tartars of the Black", referring to the Mongols who swept over Persia at the same time.[35] External pressure might have encouraged the Alodian kings to relocate their capital,[36] as in the later 13th century it is recorded by Al-Harrani that the capital was not Soba, but a "very large town" called Waylula.[37] Shortly after al-Harrani, the geographer al-Dimashqi claims that the capital of Alodia was named Kusa,[38] which Crawford identifies with Zankor in western Kordofan.[39] In the late 13th century occurred an other invasion by some unspecified people from the south.[40] According to oral traditions, the Dinka began to migrate out of the central Gezira into modern South Sudan during this era of alodian decline.[41]

Bronze incense burner, bearing a damaged Nubian inscription. Obtained by Karl Richard Lepsius from the sheikh of Soba.[42]

In the north, there were the militant Mamluks, who seized power in Egypt from the Ayyubids in 1250 and quickly became very active on the southern frontier. Makuria became a target for several invasions and interventions during the 13th and 14th century,[43] but apparently there was an expedition into East Sudan in 1316-17 too, chasing down Arab brigandines along the Atbara river all the way to Jebel Kassala in Taka. On their way back the Mamluks plundered Al-Abwab for food,[44] which, as the former northernmost alodian prvince, was recorded as a splinter kingdom independent from Alodia since 1276 and is attested well into the second half of the 14th century.[45] The concrete circumstance of its secession and its relation with Alodia afterwards remain unknown.[46]

Apart of these active interventions into Nubian affairs, the Mameluks also put a lot pressure on the Christians inside their borders.[47] The patriarch of Alexandria was forced to cancel the dispatchment of priests to Alodia, which was problematic, since it was, like the other Coptic nations of Africa, dependent upon Egyptian bishops.[48] The consequential deterioration of Christian faith is attested by Portuguese sources from the early 16th century. A traveller and companion of Francisco Álvares, who visited Nubia in around 1500, states that the Nubians considered themselves Christian, but were so lacking in Christian instruction that they had no actual knowledge of the faith.[49] In 1520, Nubian ambassadors reached Ethiopia and asked the emperor for priests. They claimed that no more priests could reach Nubia because of wars between Muslims, leading to a decline of Christianity in their land.[50]

There was probably also an economical factor in Alodia's downfall. From the 10th-12th century the East African coast saw the rise of new trading states (Like for example the Sultanate of Mogadishu and the Sultanate of Kilwa), which not only traded similar goods to Nubia, but could transport them way faster and cheaper via the maritime routes, while Alodia was dependent on slow and expensive caravans to distribute its goods among the Arabic world (For more details on Alodia's trade relations see "Foreign trade").[51] Droughts, which occurred in Africa between 1150 and 1500, would have affected Nubia's economy as well.[52]

An event of major significance for Nubia is described by the often-quoted 14th century scholar Ibn Khaldun, who records a large-scaled migration of Arab tribes known as the Juhayna into the Sudan:

Some of their people crossed to the western shore (of the Red Sea) and spread out between the Ṣa'īd (The East Egyptian desert) and the country of the Ḥabasha (Ethiopia): there they outnumbered the other native peoples and conquered the country of the Nūba; they spread their own religion and put an end to their kingdom.[53] (...) the clans of the Juhayna Arabs (...) made it (Nubia) a place of pillage and disorder. At first, the Nubian kings tried to check them, but failed; then they tried to find favour with them by giving them their daughters in marriage. The result was that their kingdom broke up and passed by inheritance to certain sons of the Juhayna on account of their mothers according to the custom of the infidels, which establishes the succession of the sister or the sister's son. In this way, their kingdom disintegrated and Arab nomads of the Juhayna tribe took possession of it. But their rule retained no semblance of the monarchic rule of the (Nubian) kings because of the evil which makes discipline impossible among them (The nomads). Consequently, the Nubians divided themselves into many parties, and have remained thus up to the present time. No trace of efficient authority has survived in their country.[54]

Albeit not mentioned here, a large amount of these Arabs would have originated from upper Egypt as well, escaping the Mameluke pressure by pouring into Sudan after the detonation of Makurian authority during the 14th century and continuing to do so until the 16th century.[55] It has been suggested that the nomads greatly profited from the plague, which, during the mid 14th century, might have infected and killed many sedentary Nubians, but not the Bedouins.[56] The Arabs would have then intermixed with the remaining local population and gradually took control over land and people,[57] greatly benefiting by their large numbers in spreading their culture.[58] Main goal of the migrations were the pastoral plains of the Butana and Gezira, i.e. the very heartland of Alodia.[59] Apparently, some nomads reached the Blue Nile valley already in the 14th century,[60] while the White Nile valley is said to have been conquered from Alodia during the 15th century.[61][62] The southernmost point reached by Arab settlers was Aba Island.[62] In 1474, the Arabs founded the town Arbaji at the Blue Nile,[63] which would quickly develop to an important center of commerce and Islamic learning.[64] Despite this rapid Arab infiltration, it seems that Alodia still managed to enforce its authority at least over some Arab groups, forcing them to pay tribute.[65] By the second half of the 15th century, the Arabs have settled in all of central Sudanese Nile valley except of the area around Soba itself.[57] Meanwhile, the Nubians have been described in a state of total political fragmentation, with 150 "captaincies" residing on both sides of the Nile.[66]

Destruction of the kingdom

The typical scarification of the Abdallab tribe, which traces its origin down to Abdallah "Jamma" ("Gatherer")

There are several contradicting Sudanese traditions concerning the final destruction of Alodia and its capital Soba:


1) The Funj chronicle, compiled in its current form in around 1870, claims that the Funj attacked and defeated Alodia in the 9th century after the Hijra (c. 1396-1494). Soba, which at this time was apparently the alodian capital yet again, was occupied and proclaimed the Funj capital. The Funj were allied with some Abdallah Jamma, who, after the coalition defeated the Nubians, took residence in Qerri, just north to the confluence of the Blue and White Nile and became a vasal of the Funj king. The Funj eventually founded the town of Sennar in 1504.[67]

2) The oral traditions of the Abdallab tribe. Here it is claimed that Alodia was attacked and destroyed by the already mentioned Abdallah Jamma, albeit he received provisions and some fighters from the Funj during the process. Abdallah was a sheikh that assembled the Arabic tribes to "rescue them from the harsh reign of the Anag (Nubian) kings."[68] This accusation of a tyrannic alodian reign has been interpreted as a religious-economic motive, i.e. that the Muslim Arabs did not accept to be ruled by a Christian king any longer and that they had to pay taxes to him.[69] Under Abdallah, the Arabs penetrated the alodian territory from south to north, confronting the Nubians in many battles until they reached Soba. Soba got destroyed and the nubian king killed. The last recorded nubian resistance is recorded at Qerri, which was sieged, but it eventually submitted. Over the course of these conquests, Abdalla's men are said to have come in possession of the bejeweled crown of the alodian kings, together with some "famous necklace of pearls and rubbies".[70] O'Fahey and Spaulding place these events before the foundation of Arbaji in 1474.[71] After the war, Abdalla and the Funj divided the conquered lands on themselves.[72]

3) Based on supposed documents from the archive of Shendi, the Sudanese author Fahal al Faki al Tahir presents a fairly detailed account of the destruction of Soba in his book "Tarikh wa usul al-'Arab bi-s-Sudan". It is claimed that Alodia and Soba were attacked by the Arabs twice. The first attack was in 1476 by some Emir Humaydan.[73] The Arabs won the war and killed the alodian king named "Afaiq". The Arabs divided the conquered Blue Nile up on themselves, with the Ja'alin getting everything north of Karkoj, while the Juhayna got everything south of it. Over the time, however, tensions between the Juhayna and Ja'alin arose, while the Nubians would regather their strength. The Juhayna Emir Abdallah al-Qurayn (Abdallah Jamma) then made a pact with Amara Dunqas, leader of the Funj, promising him his submission for his help. The latter then founded Sennar and effectively established the sultanate of Sennar. Meanwhile, the Alodian patriarch is said to have assembled a multiethinical army consisting of Nubians, Beja and Ethiopians, prepared to fight "for the sake of religion". In 1509 it came to the last battle over Soba. Under the leadership of Abdallah and aided by a Funj army, the Arabs managed to defeat the Christian army by encircling it and killing the patriarch. The army was killed or captured and Soba, with its remaining four churches, was plundered and burnt down.[74]

4) In the later 18th century, Bruce collected a tradition that claims, that the Abdallabs already controlled the northern riverine Sudan before the arrival of the Funj. Just before the foundation of the sultanate of Sennar, the Funj then attacked the Abdallabs and eventually defeated them near Arbaji.[75]

5) The "Tabaqat Dayfallah", a history of Sufism in Sudan (c. 1700), briefly mentions how the Funj attacked and defeated Alodia in 1504.[63]


Scholars generally prefer the Abdallab tradition over the Funj tradition, therefore agreeing, that it were the Arabs under Abdallah Jamma who were responsible for the fall of Alodia and not the Funj.[76][77] The Funj chronicle is regarded as state propaganda trying to legitimize the Funj rule by claiming direct succession of Alodia.[78] An other significant error has been pointed out by Welsby and Daniels, who noted how the chronicle borrows passages from al Aswani while describing Soba as a prosperous place before the Funj occupied it. However, in reality Soba was most likely not made the Funj capital, since there is not only barely any archaeological evidence for a Funj presence, but do we also know from the Jewish traveller David Reubeni, who travelled the region in 1523, that Soba was ruined, with the locals living in wooden dwellings.[33] The destruction of Soba is also remembered in Sudanese oral traditions, with Soba as a symbol of total annihilation.[79] It remained inhabited at least until the early 17th century.[80] During the earlier 19th century, many of the remaining fired bricks of Soba were plundered for the construction of Khartoum, the new capital of the recently colonized Sudan.[81]

Aftermath

Melik ("Kinglet") of Fazughli, as seen by Frédéric Cailliaud. On his head he wears a taqiya umm qarnein.

The historian Spaulding suggests, that Alodia might have outlived the fall of Soba. He believes that the kingdom of Soba (Note: Soba itself was already in ruins) mentioned by David Reubeni in 1523 is a reference to Alodia, which he suggests to be located somewhere on the east bank of the Blue Nile.[82] This kingdom of Soba encompassed some kingdom of Al Ga'l, which was described as a subordinate of the Sultanate of Sennar.[83] Al Ga'l is probably a reference to the Jaalin tribe.[84] Now relying on oral traditions, Spaulding continues to argue that the alodians had retreated to the far south, to the mountainous region of Fazughli, where they reestablished their kingdom.[82] The Funj Chronicle also mentions a Nubian exodus to Fazughli.[85] Now, with the new seat in Fazughli, the kingdom is said to have become fairly strong, "having excellent horses and fine gold".[86] It even maintained the Christian faith, at least among the ruling alodian elite, who would, over time, become known as the Hamaj.[87] In 1615, the kingdom is said to have been conquered by the Ethiopian emperor Susenyos,[88] just to be annexed by Sennar in 1685.[89] In Sennar, the Hamaj would become one of its most dominant ethnicities. In 1761-62, they even seized control entirely, ruling until the Turko-Egyptian invasion of 1821.[90] However, more recently Spaulding warned that the historicity of these oral traditions "may be questionable".[91]

Nevertheless, the alodian legacy can be summarized like this: While Nubians are a distinct ethnicity between Aswan and Al Dabbah (South of Dongola) to this very day, the Nubians further upstream underwent a process of Arabization. Between Al Dabbah and the conjunction of the Blue and White Nile, they adopted the Arabic language as well as the tribal identity of the Arab Ja'alin without much actual intermixing.[92] Among them, the Nubian language survived into the 19th century.[84] By the mid 19th century, Nubian is said to have been restricted to some villages as far south as Shendi (The birthplace of the current Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir).[93] Linguistic traces of the regions Nubian past can be found even today: Sudanese Arabic, which succeeded the Nubian language, contains many words of Nubian origin, mostly in the semantic fields of farming, fauna and handicrafts.[94] Place names of Nubian origin can apparently be found as far south as the Blue Nile state.[95] Under the Funj, the term "Nuba" became equivalent with the word for "slave".[96] Christianity outlived Alodia in the shape of apotropaic rituals well until the 20th century.[97] Such rituals, often including crosses and resembling the christening, have been recorded in the Gezira,[98][99] Fazughli,[99] Kordofan, the Nuba mountains and even Darfur.[100] An other legacy of Christian Nubia were crowns with features resembling bovine horns, called taqiya umm qarnein and worn by diverse Sudanese petty kings, probably even by the Funj kings themselves. Compared to their Christian predecessors, they were however more stylized and made of textiles.[101] The tradition of shaving the head of a king upon his coronation probably stems from Christian traditions as well.[102]

Geography and government

Geographical extension

At its peak (c. 900–1200), the Arabic writers described Alodia as a polyethnic kingdom,[103] said to be so large that it took about three months journey to cross it.[20] The northern-most Alodian province was called Al-Abwab ("The Gates"). Its northern top is generally thought to be Abu Hamad near Mograt Island, although others also suggested places further south.[104] Until the early 20th century local Sudanese used the term Al-Abwab to designate the area around what was once Meroe.[105] East of Meroe was the Butana, a semi-arid steppe suited predominantly for pastoralism.[106] Ibn Hawqals account suggests that the Alodian king had influence even over the south-eastern Butana and the Gash basin.[107] Al-Aswani claimed that the desert along the Red Sea belonged to Alodia as well.[108] Southwest of the Butana was the fertile Gezira, accompanied by the White and Blue Nile. How far south the kings influence stretched here is hard to say. The southern-most church was discovered in Saqadi, roughly 300 km south of Soba and located near Sennar.[109] To the southeast, the western slopes of the Ethiopian highlands would have marked a logical border of Alodian influence.[110] Within the southerneastern border region of Fazughli, several new Christian sites have been discovered over the last years.[111][112] To the west of the White Nile, Ibn Hawqal differed between Al-Jeblien, which was controlled by Makuria, and Al-Ahdin, controlled by Alodia.[113] Al-Jeblien is thought to be northern Kordofan, while Al-Ahdin has been identified with the Nuba Mountains.[114] Al Ahdin probably reached at least as far south as Jebel al Liri, near the modern border to South Sudan.[114] Zarroug suggests that Alodia might have stretched as far west as Darfur,[115] but archaeological proof remains slim.[116]























Government

The sources for Alodias organization are especially sparse. The head of the state was obviously the king, reigning from the fixed capital Soba as, according to Al-Aswani, "absolute" monarchs.[111] Just like in Makuria the succession was matrilineal, which means that not the kings son, but the son of the kings sister became the new king.[117] It seems, that the Alodian royal family maintained close dynastic ties with the Makurian one, where there was perhaps even a king ruling both kingdoms together as is suggested by records of Ibn Hawqal and Al-Masudi. After the death of the current king, the throne might have passed from the Alodian to the Makurian king and vice versa.[118] The kings were probably the patrons of the church, making the latter economically dependant.[119] Coptic documents observed by Johann Michael Vansleb during the later 17th century name following bishoprics in the alodian kingdom: Arodias, Borra, Gargara, Martin, Banazi and Menkesa.[120] Arodias might have meant the bishopric in Soba.[121]

Fragmentary copper alloy plaque from Soba, very likely depicting the lower quarter of a bishop.

The kingdom itself was divided into several provinces under the sovereignty of Soba,[122] districts which Abu-Salih described as "wide".[29] An Arabic source from the 13th century sheds some light on the territorial organization of the kingdom: Apart of the already independent Al Abwab, following regions governed by local regents are mentioned: Al-Anag (Thought to be Fazughli), Ari, Barah, Befal, Danfou, Kedru (Thought to be identical with Kadero, a village north of Khartoum), Kersa (The Gezira) and Taka (Most likely identical to modern al-Takah in the Gash basin).[123]

Alodia might have had a standing army,[123] in which horses played an important role, as they were able to project military power and royal authority deep into the province.[124] Due to their speed horses were also important for the infrastructure, delivering messages from the capital to the provinces at a high speed.[124] Aside of horses, boats would have played a considerable role in Alodian infrastructure as well.[125]

Economy

Agriculture

An ox-driven sakia in modern Sudan.

Since there are rainfalls in Alodian territory (Currently around 140 mm rain per year around Khartoum, increasing southwards),[126] farming was not exclusively confined to the stripes beside the Nile, albeit it remains of importance even as far south as Sennar.[127] To irrigate the stripes beside the Nile there were used two different tools: The shaduf (A simple, man-driven device) and the sakia (An ox-driven water wheel).[128] Al Aswani claims that the center of Alodian food production was the Gezira: "(...) the provisions of the country of Alwa and their king come from this district. They send their boats and these come back loaded."[129] What food in particular was consumed can be examined from the archaeological records: At Soba, the most important cereal was sorghum, although barley and millet are attested in the archaeological record as well.[130] Al-Aswani notes how sorghum was used to make beer,[27] while also saying that vineyards were more rare in Alodia than in Makuria,[27] which can be conveniently explained with the climate of the Gezira being not really suited for the growing of grapes, even though a considerable amount grapes could still be identified at Soba.[131] Continuing with fruits and vegetables, al-Idrisi states that Alodians used to harvest onions, horseradish, cucumbers and watermelons, while also mentioning rape,[132] although none of those could be attested at Soba.[133] Fruits attested by archaeology are first and foremost figs, followed by grapes, acacia fruits, dom palm fruits, dates and others.[134]

Except of the planting of crops, animal husbandry must have played an important role in Alodian agriculture and diet as well, just as it already did in Meroitic times.[106] Al-Aswani states, that cattle meat was plenty, which he ascribed to the vast grazing plains.[135] A good bunch of the animals would have been bred by pastoralists who inhabited those plains,[106] like for example the habitants of Taflien, who, according to Ibn Hawqal, bred camels and cattle. Aside of cattle, sheep and goats played a significant role in the Alodian diet as well. The proportion of sheep (87%) and goat (13%) remains from Soba suggest that sheep were bred mostly for their meat, while goats were bred for their milk.[136] Al Aswani mentions how the king of Alodia possessed "tawny camels of Arabian pedrigee",[135] but archaeology does not imply wide-ranged consumption, since at Soba the remains of only three individuals could be specified, of whom none bore butcher marks.[137] Pigs, which are attested in Makuria,[138] are interestingly absent from the archaeological record.

It seems logical to assume that fishing would have played some role in feeding river communities, though at least at Soba it appears to have been only of minor relevance.[139]

Foreign trade

The most important role in maintaining the trade network would have had caravans consisting of camels, connecting Alodia with Makuria and Egypt, the Red Sea ports and also, as attested by Benjamin of Tudela, Kordofan, Darfur and even Zuwila, an important trading town in Fezzan.[140] Archaeology attests South Arabian, Indian and Chinese goods in the Alodian domains,[141] probably entering Sudan from the Red Sea ports.[142] The extent of the trading relations with Christian Ethiopia are uncertain. John of Ephesus mentions Aksumites in Alodia, which might have been merchants,[143] while Cosmas Indicopleustes reports Aksumite trade expeditions into the Blue Nile Valley.[144] At Aksum, two sherds of Soba Ware, the characteristic pottery of Alodia, have been identified.[145] A source from later times, al-Idrisi, apparently mentions a trading town in the northern Butana, a place "where merchants from Nubia and Ethiopia gather together with those from Egypt".[144] Abir suggests, that merchants from the Zagwe kingdom travelled through Alodia to reach Egypt.[146] However, in the end the few artefacts discovered so far suggest only very limited trading relations and contact in general.[147] It seems that the trading contacts with the outside world ran predominantly over Arab merchants.[148] Muslim merchants were apparently roaming Nubia, with some of them living in a district in Soba.[149]

Culture

Languages, scripts and literacy

A graffito on a brick from Musawwarat as-Sufra, with possible readings ranging from "The swamps of Jesus" or "Jesus, my god" to a personal name.[150]

As the language of the ruling ethnicity, some type of Nubian dialect would have been the most important language.[151] Just like in Makuria, this language was written in a variant of the Coptic alphabet. However, while this topic is still understudied it seems that there were differences between the Old Nubian and Alodian alphabet. Erman, who studied several Alodian inscriptions, suggested that the Alodian script had five unique letters,[152] while Monneret states that it had six.[153] The latter also assumes that those derived from Meroitic letters.[153] The fact that Alodia used its own dialect for writing and even developed new letters for it differs it from Makuria, where the spoken language, Old Dongolawi, was never put into writing.[154] Except of Nubian, Greek played an important role as well. In Medieval Nubia, Greek was a very prestigious language, as it was both a language of religious matters as well as the language of the Byzantine empire.[155] A spectacular example of the usage of Greek in Alodia is the tomb stone of king David, written with surprisingly accurate grammar.[156] Coptic, as a language of communication with Christian Egypt, was only of limited relevance due to geographic reasons, but nevertheless do sparse written remains exist.[157]

In total, only around 5% of all known written records of Christian Nubia come from the domains of Alodia, albeit this is mostly due to the unevenly distributed excavations.[158] It seems probable that the art of reading and writing was taught by clerics to nobles and officials.[159] The average population had basic writing skills as well.[160] In the case of Alodia, the latter can be attested by two types of sources: First, ostraca and other incised pottery as well as a few incised bricks predominantly coming from Soba and second, graffiti incised into former Meroitic monuments and sites. The graffiti from Meroitic sites have hitherto been largely ignored by scholars and therefore comprise only a fraction of all known written sources,[161] albeit a publication on Medieval graffiti in the ancient quarrie near Meroe is in preparation.[162] Content-wise, all known inscriptions consist of personal names, names of saints (Often in the form of monograms) and short, predominantly religious, sentences. Al Aswani claims that the Alodias used to write their books in Greek, but commentated upon them in Nubian.[135]

Architecture

Churches and residences

File Abu Salih mentions a "very large and spacious church, skillfully planned and constructed, and larger than all the other churches in the country; it is called the church of Manbali".[29] Al-Aswani said that the churches in Soba were "rich with gold and gardens".[27] According to Abu Salih, 400 churches could be found in the Alodian kingdom in total.[29]

Domestic architecture

At Soba, the remains of circular timber structures have been noted, probably belonging to huts.[163] Other types of domiciles for the common population might have been similar to those used today: From simple huts of matting over houses constructed with rammed earth to rectangular, brick-walled houses with flat, rain-proof roofs made of palms and a plastering of mud.[164]

Fortresses

Although not many are known and their chronology is often uncertain,[165] it seems that just like in Makuria, Meroitic fortresses were reoccupied and their walls restored.[166] Some were probably erected at the end of the Medieval period as well.[167]

  • Remains of columns from "Church C" in Soba.
    Remains of columns from "Church C" in Soba.
  • A capital from Soba.
    A capital from Soba.
  • Church complex of "Mound B", Soba.
    Church complex of "Mound B", Soba.

Notes

  1. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 7-8.
  2. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 8.
  3. ^ a b c Hatke 2013, §4.5.2.3.
  4. ^ Hatke 2013, §4.5.2.1., see also §4.5. for the discussion of a Greek inscription with similar content.
  5. ^ Hatke 2013, §4.6.3.
  6. ^ Obluski 2014, p. 35.
  7. ^ Werner 2013, p. 43.
  8. ^ Edwards 2004, p. 189.
  9. ^ Welsby 1998, p. 20.
  10. ^ Werner 2013, p. 45.
  11. ^ Obluski 2014, p. 171.
  12. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 27, see "Remarks".
  13. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 17.
  14. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 20.
  15. ^ Werner 2013, p. 62.
  16. ^ Edwards 2001, p. 95.
  17. ^ Werner 2013, p. 77.
  18. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 16.
  19. ^ Power 2008.
  20. ^ a b Vantini 1975, p. 71.
  21. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 17.
  22. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 162-166.
  23. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 162-163.
  24. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 153.
  25. ^ a b Welsby 2002, Appendix.
  26. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 19.
  27. ^ a b c d Vantini 1975, p. 613.
  28. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 20.
  29. ^ a b c d Vantini 1975, p. 326.
  30. ^ Shinnie 1961, p. 76.
  31. ^ O'Fahey & Spaulding 1974, p. 19.
  32. ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991, p. 34.
  33. ^ a b Welsby & Daniels 1991, p. 9.
  34. ^ Werner 2013, p. 115.
  35. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 400.
  36. ^ Crawford 1951, p. 27 (Here, the relocation is ascribed to Arab pressure).
  37. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 447.
  38. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 457.
  39. ^ Crawford 1951, p. 27.
  40. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 130.
  41. ^ Beswick 2004, p. 29-32.
  42. ^ Shinnie 1961, p. 16.
  43. ^ Welsby 2002, p. 243-248.
  44. ^ Vantini 2006, p. 486-492.
  45. ^ Welsby 2002, p. 254-255.
  46. ^ Welsby 2002, p. 254.
  47. ^ Adams 1977, p. 509.
  48. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 131.
  49. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 131-132.
  50. ^ Werner 2013, p. 150, annotation 19.
  51. ^ Grajetzki 2009, p. 121-122.
  52. ^ Zurawski 2014, p. 84.
  53. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 552.
  54. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 562.
  55. ^ Braukämper 1992, p. 108-109.
  56. ^ Werner2013, p. 142-143.
  57. ^ a b Hasan 1967, p. 128.
  58. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 175.
  59. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 154-155.
  60. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 158-159.
  61. ^ Vantini 2006, p. 490.
  62. ^ a b Hasan 1967, p. 162.
  63. ^ a b Vantini 1975, p. 784.
  64. ^ McHugh 1994, p. 38.
  65. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 129, 132-133.
  66. ^ O'Fahey & Spaulding, p. 19.
  67. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 786-788.
  68. ^ Penn 1934, p. 60.
  69. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 133.
  70. ^ Penn 1934, p. 60-61.
  71. ^ O'Fahey & Spaulding 1974, p. 23-24.
  72. ^ Penn 1934, p. 61.
  73. ^ Vantini 2006, p. 487.
  74. ^ Vantini 2006, p. 487-489.
  75. ^ O'Fahey & Spaulding 1974, p. 25-26.
  76. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 25.
  77. ^ Adams 1977, p. 538.
  78. ^ Adams 1977, p. 538-539.
  79. ^ Crawford 1951, p. 28.
  80. ^ Crawford 1951, p. 29.
  81. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 43.
  82. ^ a b Spaulding 1974, p. 13-14.
  83. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 751.
  84. ^ a b O'Fahey & Spaulding 1974, p. 29.
  85. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 788.
  86. ^ Spaulding 1974, p. 18.
  87. ^ Spaulding 1974, p. 22.
  88. ^ Spaulding 1974, p. 19.
  89. ^ Spaulding 1974, p. 21.
  90. ^ Spaulding 1974, p. 23-25.
  91. ^ Spaulding 2007, p. 43-44.
  92. ^ Adams 1977, p. 557-558.
  93. ^ Werner 2013, p. 188, note 26.
  94. ^ Abu Manga 2009, p. 377.
  95. ^ Taha 2012, p. 10 (Taha ascribes these names a Dongolawi Nubian origin).
  96. ^ O'Fahey & Spaulding, p. 31.
  97. ^ Werner 2013, p. 177.
  98. ^ Werner 2013, p. 177-178.
  99. ^ a b Zarroug 1991, p. 99.
  100. ^ Werner 2013, p. 181-184.
  101. ^ Zurawski 2014, p. 148-149.
  102. ^ Zurawski 2014, p. 149.
  103. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 88.
  104. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 21-22.
  105. ^ MacMichael 1922, p. 183.
  106. ^ a b c Zarroug 1991, p. 82.
  107. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 98.
  108. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 630.
  109. ^ Werner 2013, p. 168.
  110. ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991, p. 8.
  111. ^ a b Zarroug 1991, p. 97.
  112. ^ Mohamed, Bakhiet & Salih 2014, Fig. 112.
  113. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 165-166.
  114. ^ a b Spaulding 1998, p. 49.
  115. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 97=98.
  116. ^ Edwards 2004, p. 253.
  117. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 163.
  118. ^ Welsby 2002, p. 100.
  119. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 101.
  120. ^ Crawford 1951, p. 26.
  121. ^ Werner 2013, p. 165.
  122. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 100.
  123. ^ a b Zarroug 1991, p. 98-100.
  124. ^ a b Zarroug 1991, p. 22.
  125. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 85.
  126. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 42.
  127. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 75.
  128. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 77-79.
  129. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 21.
  130. ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991, p. 265-267.
  131. ^ Welsby & Daniels1991, p. 271.
  132. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 274.
  133. ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991, p. 273.
  134. ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991, Table 16.
  135. ^ a b c Vantini 1975, p. 614.
  136. ^ Welsby 1998, p. 236.
  137. ^ Welsby 1998, p. 240.
  138. ^ Vantini 1975, p. 328: "It is said that (...) seven hundred pigs were found here (Qasr Ibrim)"- Abu Salih.
  139. ^ Welsby 1998, p. 241.
  140. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 85-87, Map X.
  141. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 87.
  142. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 50.
  143. ^ Hatke 2013, §5.3.
  144. ^ a b Welsby 2002, p. 215.
  145. ^ Hatke 2013, §5.1.
  146. ^ Abir 1980, p. 15.
  147. ^ Welsby 2002, p. 214-215.
  148. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 86.
  149. ^ Hasan 1967, p. 46.
  150. ^ Tsakos 2011.
  151. ^ Zarroug 1991, p. 29-30.
  152. ^ Werner 2013, p. 186 note 6.
  153. ^ a b Werner 2013, p. 188 note 23.
  154. ^ Werner 2013, p. 185.
  155. ^ Werner 2013, p. 189.
  156. ^ Welsby & Daniels 1991, p. 274-276.
  157. ^ Ochala 2014, p. 37.
  158. ^ Ochala 2014, p. 22-23.
  159. ^ Werner 2013, p. 198-199.
  160. ^ Werner 2013, p. 199.
  161. ^ Tsakos 2016.
  162. ^ Tsakos & Kleinitz, forthcoming.
  163. ^ Welsby 1998, p. 269.
  164. ^ Shinnie 1961, p. 78.
  165. ^ Drzewicki 2016, p. 16.
  166. ^ Drzewicki 2016, p. 8.
  167. ^ Drzewicki 2016, p. 47.

References

17°39′00″N 33°59′00″E / 17.6500°N 33.9833°E / 17.6500; 33.9833

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Alodia&oldid=822530798"