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A fortified tower (kullë) used as a safe haven for men involved in a blood feud. Theth, northern Albania.

Gjakmarrja (literally "blood-taking", i.e. "blood feud") or Hakmarrja ("revenge") refers to the social obligation to commit murder in order to salvage honour questioned by an earlier murder or moral humiliation. This practice is generally seen as in line with the Albanian social code known as Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit, or simply the Kanun.


Ottoman period[edit]

Ottoman control mainly existed in the few urban centres and valleys of northern Albania and was minimal and almost non-existent in the mountains, where Malisors (Albanian highlanders) lived an autonomous existence according to kanun (tribal law) of Lek Dukagjini.[1] Disputes would be solved through tribal law within the framework of vendetta or blood feuding and the activity was widespread among the Malisors.[2] In situations of murder tribal law stipulated the principle of koka për kokë (head for a head) where relatives of the victim are obliged to seek gjakmarje (blood vengeance).[1] Nineteen percent of male deaths in İşkodra vilayet were caused by murders due to vendetta and blood feuding during the late Ottoman period.[2] At the same time Western Kosovo was also an area dominated by the Albanian tribal system where Kosovar Malisors settled disputes among themselves through their mountain law and 600 Albanians died per year from blood feuding.[3]

Sultan Abdul Hamid II, Ottoman officials posted to Albanian populated lands, and some Albanians, strongly disapproved of blood feuding, viewing it as inhumane, uncivilised and an unnecessary waste of life that created social disruption, lawlessness and economic dislocation.[4] In 1881 local notables and officials from the areas of Debar, Pristina, Elbasan, Mati, Ohrid and Tetovo petitioned the state for the prevention of blood feuds.[5] To resolve disputes and clamp down on the practice the Ottoman state addressed the problem directly by sending Blood Feud Reconciliation Commissions (musalaha-ı dem komisyonları) that produced results with limited success.[6] In the late Ottoman period, due to the influence of Catholic Franciscan priests some changes to blood feuding practices occurred among Albanian highlanders such as guilt being restricted to the offender or their household and even one tribe accepting the razing of the offender's home as compensation for the offense.[6]

In the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 the new Young Turk government established the Commissions for the Reconciliation of Blood Feuds that focused on the regions of İpek (Pejë), Prizren and Tepedelen (Tepelenë).[7] The commissions sentenced Albanians who had participated in blood feud killing and the Council of Ministers allowed them to continue their work in the provinces until May 1909.[7] After the Young Turk Revolution and subsequent restoration of the Ottoman constitution, the Shala, Kastrati, Shoshi and Hoti tribes made a besa (pledge) to support the document and to stop blood feuding with other tribes until November 6 1908.[8]

Independent Albania[edit]

As of 1940, about 600 blood feuds reportedly existed against King Zog I of the Albanians.[9] There has been a revival of instances of Gjakmarrja in remote parts of Albania (such as the north) and Kosovo due to the lack of state control since the collapse of communism.[10][11] The Albanian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights considers one reason for the pervasiveness of blood feuds to be the malfunction of the country's judiciary. Many Albanians see the courts as corrupt or ineffective, and prefer the perceived self-government offered by adherence to the Kanun.[11]

An Albanian study of 2018 on blood feuds that included data from police records noted that there are 704 families affected with 591 in Albania and 113 having left the country.[12] Six Albanian districts Kukës, Shkodër, Lezhë, Tiranë and Durrës are affected by the practice.[12] Shkodër and Lezhë districts are most affected and the cities of Tiranë and Durrës are least affected.[12] In Tiranë blood feuds arrived to the capital city with the migration of people from the north and north-eastern regions.[12] Families engaged in blood feuds mainly live in poverty due to isolation and inability to access better living conditions.[12]

Ismet Elezi, a professor of law at University of Tirana, believes that in spite of the Kanun's endorsement of blood vengeance, there are strict rules on how the practice may be carried out. For instance, revenge killings of women (including male-role-filling sworn virgins), children, and elderly persons are banned.[11] Others believe that the Kanun itself emphasises reconciliation and the peacemaking process, and that selective interpretation of its rules is responsible for the current bloodshed.[10]


In Kosovo, most cases of Gjakmarrja were reconciled in the early 1990s in the course of a large-scale reconciliation movement to end blood feuds led by Anton Çetta.[13] The largest reconciliation gathering took place at Verrat e Llukës on 1 May 1990, which had between 100,000 and 500,000 participants. By 1992 the reconciliation campaign ended at least 1,200 deadly blood feuds, and in 1993 not a single homicide occurred in Kosovo.[13]

Cultural references[edit]

Albanian writer Ismail Kadare considers Gjakmarrja to be not an exclusively Albanian phenomenon, but one historically characteristic of the Balkans as a whole.[14] His novel Broken April (Albanian: Prilli i Thyer) explores the social effects of an ancestral blood feud between two landowning families.[15] A Brazilian film adaptation of the novel titled Behind the Sun (Portuguese: Abril Despedaçado) transferred the action from rural Albania to the Brazilian badlands, but left the themes otherwise untouched. The American-Albanian film The Forgiveness of Blood also deals with the consequences of a blood feud on a family in a remote area of modern-day Albania.[10]

See also[edit]


  1. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 30.
  2. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 29.
  3. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 30, 34-35.
  4. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 29, 118-121, 138, 209.
  5. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 122.
  6. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 119.
  7. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 161.
  8. ^ Gawrych, George (2006). The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874–1913. London: IB Tauris. p. 159. ISBN 9781845112875.
  9. ^ Gunther, John (1940). Inside Europe. Harper & Brothers. p. 468.
  10. ^ a b c Freeman, Colin (1 July 2010). "Albania's modern-day blood feuds". The Telegraph. Telegraph Media Group Limited. Retrieved 17 July 2013.
  11. ^ a b c Naegele, Jolyon (12 October 2001). "Albania: Blood Feuds – 'Blood For Blood'". Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty. Retrieved 17 July 2013.
  12. ^ a b c d e "Blood feuds still affect a number of Albanian families". Tirana Times. 12 June 2018.
  13. ^ a b Marsavelski, Aleksandar; Sheremeti, Furtuna; Braithwaite, John (2018). "Did Nonviolent Resistance Fail in Kosovo?". The British Journal of Criminology. 58: 218–236. doi:10.1093/bjc/azx002.
  14. ^ Kadare, Ismail. "This Blood Feud with Kalashnikov is Barbarian". Komiteti i Pajtimit Mbarëkombëtar (Committee of Nationwide Reconciliation). Retrieved 17 July 2013.
  15. ^ Liukkonen, Petri. "Ismail Kadare". Books and Writers (kirjasto.sci.fi). Finland: Kuusankoski Public Library. Archived from the original on 13 January 2015. Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |website= (help)

Further reading[edit]

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