Roman magistrate
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During the years of the Roman Kingdom, the king (rex) was the only executive magistrate with any power. He was assisted by two quaestors, whom he appointed. He would often appoint other assistants for other tasks. When he died, an interrex would preside over the senate and assemblies, until a new king was elected.
Under the Constitution of the Roman Republic, the "executive branch" was composed of both ordinary as well as extraordinary magistrates. Each ordinary magistrate would be elected by one of the two major Legislative Assemblies of the Roman Republic. The principle extraordinary magistrate, the dictator, would be appointed upon authorization by the Senate of the Roman Republic. The two highest ranking ordinary magistrates, the consuls and praetors, held a type of authority called imperium (Latin for "command"). Imperium allowed a magistrate to command a military force. Consuls held a higher grade of imperium than praetors.
After the fall of the republic, the old magistracies (dictators, consuls, praetors, censors, aediles, quaestors and tribunes) were either outright abandoned, or simply lost all powers. The emperor became the master of the state. The founding of the empire was tantamount to a restoration of the old monarchy. The chief executive became the unchallenged power in the state, the senate became a powerless advisory council, and the assemblies became irrelevant.
Executive magistrates of the Roman Kingdom
During the period of the Roman Kingdom, the king was the sole executive magistrate.[1] His power, in practice, was absolute. The king would have several assistants. When a king died, an interrex would be selected to facilitate the election of a new king.
The king of Rome
The king was the chief executive[1], chief priest, chief lawgiver, chief judge, and the sole commander-in-chief[1] of the army.[2]
The election of a new king
The king of Rome was technically elected by the People of Rome. In practice, however, the senate held the real power over the election of new kings.
The period between the death of a king, and the election of a new king, was known as the interregnum.[3] During the interregnum, the senate would choose an interrex[4] to facilitate the election of a new king. The interrex would nominate an individual for election as king, and then the senate would vote on that nominee. If the senate voted in favor of the nominee, that person would stand for formal election before the People of Rome in the Comitia Curiata (popular assembly).[4] After the nominee was elected by the Comitia Curiata, the senate would ratify the election by passing the auctoritas patrum.[4] The interrex would then declare the nominee to be king.
The new king would then take the auspices, and be vested with imperium following the enactment of the lex curiata de imperio by the Comitia Curiata.[4]
Powers of the king
According to Sallust, the grade of imperium possessed by the king (following the passage of the lex curiata de imperio by the Comitia Curiata) was known as imperium legitimum.[2] This probably meant that the only restriction on the king was that he observe the mos maiorum (precedent).[2] The practical result was that the king had no real restrictions on his power.
Voluntary restrictions by the king on his power
The king would sometimes abide by the one restriction on his power (that he observe precedent). For example, the king would typically want to have declarations of war ratified by the Comitia Curiata. Such a ratification was unnecessary, but would serve to assure the king that he had the support of the people (who would fight in such a war).[5]
Assistants to the king
Several officers would be chosen to assist the king.[6]
When the king left the city, a substitute (the praefectus urbi or "city prefect") would preside over the city in place of the absent king.[6] The king also had two quaestors (quaestores parricidii) as general assistants. Several officers, known as duumviri perduellionis, would assist the king during treason cases. In war, the king would occasionally delegate command over the cavalry to a tribunus celerum.[6]
Interrex
When the king (Latin: rex) died, his powers would revert to the senate.[7] The period that would begin upon the death of a king, and end upon the election of a new king, was called the interregnum. When an interregnum began, an interrex would be chosen.[4]
Selection of the interrex
The method by which the first interrex was chosen during a given interregnum is not known.[4] What is known, however, is that each interrex would have to vacate his office after five days, and appoint a successor.[4]
The powers of the interrex
The only difference between the king and the interrex was the five day term limit that the interrex was subject to.[4] The interrex had the same level of imperium as did the king. Therefore, while the interrex was required to facilitate the election of a new king, the powers of the interrex were not limited to this function.
Executive magistrates of the Roman Republic
Each magistratus was vested with a degree of maior potestas ("major powers").[8] Magistrates with more maior potestas outranked magistrates with less maior potestas. Dictators had more maior potestas than any other magistrate. After the dictator was the censor, and then the consul, and then the praetor, and then the curule aedile, and then the quaestor. Each magistrate could only veto an action that was taken by a magistrate with an equal or lower degree of maior potestas. Thus, no magistrate could veto an act of the senate or assemblies (since neither institution possessed any maior potestas).
Since plebeian tribunes and plebeian aediles were technically not magistrates,[9] they were outside of the maior potestas standard. In general, this made them independent of the other magistrates.[10][8] This was the reason they, for example, could not have their actions vetoed by consuls. The tribune did not rely on maior potestas to obstruct (veto) magistrates, assemblies, or the senate. Tribunes relied on the sacrosanctity of their person to obstruct. If a magistrate, an assembly or the senate did not comply with the orders of a tribune, the tribune could 'interpose the sacrosanctity of his person' [11] (intercessio) to physically stop that particular action. Any resistance against the tribune would be tantamount to a violation of his sacrosanctity, and thus would be considered a capital offense.
Any magistrate could obstruct ("veto") an action that was being taken by a magistrate with an equal or lower degree of maior potestas. If this obstruction occurred between two magistrates with equal maior potestas (such as two praetors), then it would be called par potestas.[12] This form of obstruction wasn't a veto so much as it was a negation of actions. To prevent par potestas, magistrates used a principle of alteration, assigned responsibilities by lot or seniority, or gave certain magistrates control (provinciae) over certain functions.[13] This was the reason why, for example, each consul would hold the fasces for a month, and then hand the fasces off to his colleague.[14]
If this obstruction occurred against a magistrate with a lower degree of maior potestas (such as a consul acting against a praetor), then it would be called intercessio.[12] In this instance, the magistrate would interpose his higher maior potestas to overrule the lower ranking magistrate.
The powers of the magistrates
Each republican magistrate held certain constitutional powers (potestas). Potestas included imperium, coercitio, and auspicia. Potestas was counter-balanced by several constitutional restraints (collega, provocatio, and provincia). Not every magistrate held the same powers, and not every magistrate was subject to the same restraints. Only the People of Rome (both plebeians and patricians) had the right to confer potestas on any individual magistrate.[15]
The most powerful form of potestas was imperium. Imperium was held by both consuls and praetors. Defined narrowly, imperium simply gave a magistrate the authority to command a military force. Defined more broadly, however, imperium gave a magistrate the constitutional authority to issue commands (military, diplomatic, civil, or otherwise). A magistrate's imperium was at its apex while the magistrate was abroad. While the magistrate was in the city of Rome itself, however, he would have to completely surrender his imperium.[16].
All magistrates had the power of coercitio (coercion). Coercitio was used by magistrates to maintain public order.[17] While in Rome, all citizens had an absolute protection against coercitio. This protection was called provocatio (see below). Provocatio required an appeal to a tribune.[18] Since no tribune could retain his powers outside of the city of Rome, the power of coercitio outside the city of Rome was absolute.
Magistrates had both the power and the duty to look for omens (auspicia). An omen was an event which was believed to be a sign from the Gods (prodigies). The auspices could be used to obstruct (obnuntiatio) political opponents. By claiming to witness an omen, a magistrate could justify the decision to end a legislative or senate meeting, or the decision to veto a colleague.
Limitations on magisterial power
Roman magistrates had several checks on their power. Three of these checks were collega, provocatio, and provincia. While a magistrate was in the city of Rome, collega and provocatio were at their apex. While the magistrate was abroad, provincia was the principle check on the power of a magistrate. Magistrates were also checked by limits on the duration of their terms in office.
One check over a magistrate's power was collega (collegiality). Each magisterial office would be held concurrently by at least two people. For example, two consuls always served together. Any magistrate could veto (par potestas) the actions of his colleague.[19]
Another check over the power of a magistrate was provocatio. Provocatio was a primordial form of due process. It was a precursor to our own habeas corpus. Any citizen in Rome had the absolute right of provocatio. If any magistrate was attempting to use the powers of the state against a citizen (such as to punish that citizen for an alleged crime), that citizen could cry "provoco ad populum". If this were to occur, a tribune would have to intervene. The tribune would have the power to unilaterally rescue that citizen. The magistrate in question could not carry out his action against that citizen until the tribune had made a final decision on the matter.[18] Provocatio was the check on the magistrate's power of coercitio (coercion).
An additional check over a magistrate's power was that of provincia. Provinicia required a division of responsibilities. For example, individual governors of the provinces would each have supreme command over their province. Under the principle of provincia, these governors could not take their armies into another province.[20]
Once a magistrate's annual term in office expired, he would have to wait ten years before serving in that office again. Since this did create problems for some magistrates (in particular consuls and praetors), these magistrates would occasionally have their imperium "prorogued" (prorogare). In effect, they would retain the powers of the office (as a promagistrate), without officially holding that office. In practice, they would usually act as provincial governors.[21]
Magistrates
By definition, a magistrate (magistratus) was an individual who was elected by the People of Rome (populus Romanus). As such, they were considered to be a representative of all of the People of Rome. Each magistrate was vested with a degree of power (maior potestas).
Consuls
The consul of the Roman Republic was the highest ranking ordinary magistrate[10][16]. The supreme power of the consul was a consequence of the fact that no ordinary magistrate held a higher degree of maior potestas than the consul (other than the censor, who did not have imperium). The maior potestas of the consul was illustrated by the twelve lictors who accompanied each consul. The lictors were bodyguards who carried a ceremonial axe known as the fasces. The fasces symbolized the power of the state to punish and to execute. Their maior potestas was also illustrated by the fact that they could sit in a curule chair. The curule chair was a symbol of high power. Consuls were elected by the Comitia Centuriata. The consular term would last for one year[22][16]. The consul would always serve with another consul as his colleague.
Throughout the year, one consul would be superior in rank to the other consul. To prevent par potestas, this ranking would flip every month, between the two consuls.[14] The consul who was superior in a given month would hold the fasces[23]. After a consul left office, he had to wait for ten years before standing for reelection to the consulship.[24]
Consuls had supreme power in both civil and military matters. While in the city of Rome, the consul who held the fasces was the head of the Roman government.[10] The management of the government would be under the ultimate authority of that consul. He would have to enforce laws passed by the assemblies[25] and policies enacted by the senate.[25] He would act as the chief diplomat, and facilitate interactions between foreign ambassadors and the senate.[10] He would preside over the senate, the Comitia Centuriata, and the Comitia Tributa.[10][25]
The consul was vested with the highest level of ordinary imperium. While abroad, each consul would command an army.[10][25] Usually, the two consular armies would not fight together. In this instance, neither consul was limited by a colleague. When the two consular armies did fight together, however, the fasces would alternate between the two consuls every twenty-four hours. While abroad, neither the senate, the assemblies, nor a tribune could obstruct a consul. Therefore, his authority would be nearly absolute.[10]
Praetors
Praetors would administer civil law[26] and command provincial armies. They were elected by the Comitia Centuriata. When both consuls were away from Rome, the urban praetor would govern the city[26] as an "interim-consul".
Some praetors (praetor urbanus) helped to manage the central government. They would administer civil law or act as chief judges over the courts. Other praetors (praetor peregrinus) had foreign affairs-related responsibilities. Often these praetors would act as governors of the provinces.[27]
Censors
Every five years, two censors would be elected by the Comitia Centuriata for an eighteen month term. After the censors had been elected, the Comitia Centuriata granted the new censors censorial power (through the passage of the lex potestate de censoria).
Censors did not have imperium powers. Because of this, they could convene neither the senate nor the legislative assemblies. However, they did have curule chairs, and they theoretically outranked the consuls. Since they had more maior potestas ("major powers") than any other magistrate, their actions could only be vetoed by a fellow censor (or by a tribune). Censors usually did not have to act in unison. However, if a censor wanted to reduce the status of a citizen in a census, he had to act in unison with his colleague.[28]
During their term in office, the two censors would conduct a census. During the census, they could enroll citizens in the senate, or purge them from the senate.[29] They would do this by promoting the citizen to the senatorial class (or by demoting him from the senatorial class). They could also enroll citizens in the equestrian order.[29] During the census, the censor would have to update the list of citizens and property in the city. This would require the censor to learn various details about every citizen's life. These investigations sometimes led the censor to take actions ("censorship") against citizens to punish them for various moral failings. Such failings may have included bankruptcy or cowardice. As punishment ("censure"), the censor could fine a citizen.[30], or sell his property.[29]
Once the census was complete, a religious ceremony known as the lustrum would be performed by the censor. The lustrum acted as the certification of the census.[31]
Aediles and quaestors
Aediles were officers elected to conduct domestic affairs in Rome. Every year, two curule aediles, and two plebeian aediles were elected. The Comitia Tributa, under the presidency of a higher magistrate (either a consul or praetor), would elect the two curule aediles.[32] The Concilium Plebis, under the presidency of a tribune, would elect the two plebeian tribunes.
Aediles had wide ranging powers over day-to-day affairs inside the city of Rome. They had the power over markets, and over public games and shows[33]. They also had the power to repair and preserve temples, sewers and aqueducts.[34]
The office of quaestor was considered to be the lowest ranking of all major political offices[33]. The quaestors were elected by the Comitia Tributa.[33]. They would usually assist the consuls in Rome, and the governors in the provinces. Their duties were often financial.
Plebeian tribunes and plebeian aediles
Since the plebeian tribunes and plebeian aediles were elected by the plebeians, rather than by all of the People of Rome, they were technically not "magistrates". Even the term magistratus plebeii is technically a contradiction.[35] The tribunes and the aediles were both elected by the Concilium Plebis. The plebeian tribunes had plebeian aediles as assistants. These aediles had similar functions as curule aediles, and are discussed above.
Since the tribunes were considered to be the embodiment of the plebeians, they were sacrosanct[36]. Their sacrosanctity was enforced by a pledge, taken by the plebeians, to kill any person who harmed or interfered with a tribune during his term of office. All of the powers of the tribune derived from their sacrosanctity. One obvious consequence of this sacrosanctity was the fact that it was considered a capital offense to harm a tribune, to disregard his veto, or to interfere with a tribune[36]. Since they were independent of all other magistrates,[25] they could only have their actions vetoed by fellow tribunes.
The sacrosanctity of a tribune (and thus all of his tribunician powers), were only in effect so long as that tribune was within the city of Rome. If the tribune was abroad, the plebeians in Rome could not enforce their oath to kill any individual who harmed or interfered with the tribune.
Tribunes had the authority to enforce the right of provocatio. This was a theoretical guarantee of due process, and was a precursor to our own habeas corpus. If a magistrate was threatening to take action against a citizen, that citizen could yell "provoco ad populum". If effect, this was an appeal of the magistrate's decision to a tribune.[18] A tribune would have to assess the situation, and give the magistrate his approval before the magistrate could carry out the action. Any action taken in spite of a valid provocatio was on its face illegal.[14]
Tribunes could use their sacrosanctity to order the use of capital punishment against any person who interfered with their duties[36]. Tribunes could also use their sacrosanctity as protection when physically manhandling an individual, such as when arresting someone.[37] In addition, tribunes could physically interpose themselves [11] (intercessio) against a magistrate, the senate, or an assembly. This took the form of a veto.[38] If a magistrate, the senate, or an assembly refused to abide by a tribune's veto, that tribune could use his sacrosanctity as protection, and physically force compliance.
In addition, tribunes would preside over the Concilium Plebis. Therefore, they had the ability to open sessions, close sessions, and introduce bills before the council.[39]
The dictator and the "ultimate decree of the senate"
In times of military emergency, a dictator would be appointed for a term of six months[40]. Constitutional government would dissolve, and the dictator would become the absolute master of the state.[22] For a dictator to be appointed, the senate would have to pass a senatus consultum, authorizing the consuls to nominate a dictator. Once this occurred, and a dictator was nominated, that dictator took office immediately. The dictator would then appoint a magister equitum ("master of the horse") to serve as his most senior lieutenant[23]. Often the dictator would resign his office as soon as the matter that caused his appointment was resolved[40]. When the dictator's term ended, constitutional government was restored.
The last ordinary dictator was appointed in 202 BC. After 202 BC, extreme emergencies were addressed through the passage of the senatus consultum ultimum ("ultimate decree of the senate"). This suspended civil government, and declared (something analogous to) martial law.[41] It would declare "videant consules ne res publica detrimenti capiat" ("let the consuls see to it that the state suffer no harm"). In effect, the consuls would be vested with dictatorial powers.
There were several reasons for this change. During the third century BC, a series of laws were passed which placed additional checks on the power of the dictator.[41] Also, in 217 BC, a law was passed that gave the popular assemblies the right to nominate dictators. This, in effect, eliminated the monopoly that the aristocracy had over this power.[41]
Executive magistrates of the Roman Empire
A distinction should be made between the title of Princeps and the title of "emperor". While the word "emperor" derives from the honorary title imperator, the word itself did not exist in its modern form until Charlemagne was crowned "emperor" in the 8th century. A more appropriate term to use when referring to the early emperors would be that of Princeps. The term, under this usage, simply means "first citizen".
Under the empire, most of the old republican magistracies continued to exist. However, they quickly became powerless.
The Princeps
Theoretically, the senate would elect each new Princeps. In practice, however, each sitting Princeps would appoint his own successor. Before his death, he would grant his successor the legal powers (tribunician powers and proconsular imperium) that he would theoreticaly need to be named Princeps. After the death of that particular Princeps, it would be up to the army to either ratify or to reject that appointment. If an individual had the support of the army, the senate would acquiesce under the vestiges of an independent election.
The legal standing upon which the power of the Princeps rested was his proconsular imperium and his tribunician powers. His proconsular imperium gave him the power to command the entire Roman army. His tribunician powers gave him power over the civil apparatus in Rome, and made his office and his person sacrosanct.
Consular and proconsular powers
By virtue of his proconsular imperium (imperium proconsulare), the Princeps held the same grade of imperium as did the consuls. This very fact vested in him the same degree of authority as was held by the consuls. However, since the Princeps was (often) not a consul, he was not subject to the constitutional restrictions of that office.[42] For example, he was not required to observe collegiality (since he had no colleague), and he could not have his actions vetoed.
His proconsular imperium gave him command of, and authority over, all the proconsuls. Since the proconsuls commanded the challenging provinces, most of the Roman army existed in those provinces. Thus, by commanding the proconsuls, the Princeps acquired command over most of the Roman army.
Eventually, the grade of imperium that was bestowed upon a Princeps would include powers that, under the republic, had been reserved for the senate and assemblies. These included the right to declare war, the right to ratify treaties, and the right to negotiate with foreign leaders.[43]
Tribunician powers
Whereas proconsular imperium gave a Princeps authority over Rome's military apparatus, his tribunician powers (potestas tribunicia) gave him power over Rome's civil apparatus. Perhaps the most useful facet of the tribunician power was its prestige.[44] This prestige derived from the populist history of the office.[45]
His tribunician powers gave the Princeps the legal standing to preside over (and thus to dominate) the assemblies and the senate.[44] His tribunician powers also allowed him to veto any act of the popular assemblies or of the senate. However, the assemblies quickly became powerless, and obstruction against a Princeps was unlikely in the senate.[45]
When a Princeps was vested with the tribunician powers, his office and his person became sacrosanct.[44] It was a capital offense to harm (or to attempt to harm) the Princeps. It was also a capital offense (publishable by death) to obstruct the Princeps, or even to speak ill of him.[44]
Additional powers
The Princeps had the authority to carry out a range of duties that, under the republic, had been performed by the censors. Such duties included the authority to farm out tax collection and to grant public contracts. He could also regulate public morality (censorship), and conduct a census. With control over the census, the Princeps had unchallenged control over senate membership.[46]
The Princeps had the power to issue an edicta, decreta, and a rescripta.[47] Edicta usually addressed matters associated with the army, the treasury, or the food supply. The decreta were judicial decisions. The rescripta were issued in response to important questions asked by private citizens.[47]
Under the republic, the aerarium Saturni held the state treasury. Only the senate had control over the treasury. Under the early principate, the senate retained control over the aerarium Saturni. Over time, however, the senate's control over the aerarium Saturni declined.[48] The emperor Augustus had established two new treasuries. These treasuries were the fiscus Caesaris and the aerarium militare. The fiscus Caesaris replaced the aerarium Saturni, and thus became the principle treasury in Rome.[48] Since the Princeps controlled this treasury, he was technically not violating tradition (as he would if he had taken outright control of the aerarium Saturni). The aerarium militare was of minor importance. Its only significant function was to hold funds that would be used to pay soldiers.[49]
The Princeps also had control over the religious institutions.[43] By dominating both the political and religious institutions, the Princeps became the true master of the state.
Republican executive magistrates under the empire
Under the empire, the citizens were divided into three classes. These three classes were the senatorial order, the equestrian order, and the plebeians. A distinct career path was available to any citizen who sought a career in public service. Each of the three classes had their own separate career path (which was known as the cursus honorum).[50] The executive magistracies of the old republic were only available to citizens of the senatorial class. The executive magistracies that survived the fall of the republic were (by their order of rank per the cursus honorum) the consulship, praetorship, tribunate of the plebs, quaestorship, aedileship, and military tribunate.[50]
Consuls
During the transition from republic to empire, the substantive powers of republican consuls were transferred to the Princeps. In addition, one had to be nominated by the Princeps before they could run for any office. The result was a loss of the consul's independence, and thus of both his power and his prestige. In addition, the consuls would usually resign before the end of their term. This also had the effect of weakening the consuls. With weaker consuls, the senate itself became weakened. With a weaker senate, the Princeps became even more powerful.
After the fall of the republic, consuls held almost no real power. The authority (and thus the prestige) of the consulship became so degraded that the consuls became, in some respects, glorified aediles. Imperial consuls could preside over the senate, could act as judges in certain criminal trials, and had control over public games and shows. In general, consular authority did not extend beyond the civil administration of Italy or the senatorial provinces.[51]
Praetors
For a brief time, the praetors were given power over the treasury. The power of the praetors was at its apex, however, when they presided over the quaestio perpetua ("permanent jury courts").[52] The irrelevancy of the praetorship reached a new level when the emperor Hadrian issued a decree called the edictum perpetuum.[52] This decree robbed the praetors of their authority to issue edicts. It also transferred most of their judicial powers to either the consuls or to district court judges.
Tribunes
Under the empire, the tribunes remained sacrosanct.[53] In theory, they retained the power to summon (or to exercise a veto over) the senate and the assemblies.[53] The tribune's power over the assemblies meant almost nothing, since the assemblies themselves had no real power. The only real influence that a tribune had came in the form of the occasional veto over the senate. The tribunes did also have the power to impose fines. In addition, tribunes retained the power of provocatio.
Quaestors
Augustus divided the college of quaestors into two divisions. One division would serve in the senatorial provinces. The other division would assist in the administration of the central government.[54]
One quaestor was assigned to each senatorial province. Sicily was given a second quaestor. In total, twelve quaestors were assigned to the senatorial provinces. Of the remaining eight quaestors, two (the quaestores urbani) were given jurisdiction inside the city of Rome. Finally, the two consuls and the Princeps were each assigned two quaestors.[54]
Aediles
Under Augustus, control over the grain supply was transferred from the aediles to a board of commissioners. They then lost the power to maintain order in the city. After they lost this power, they became powerless. The office disappeared during the middle of the third century.[53]
Abolished offices
Mark Antony abolished the offices of dictator and master of the horse during his consulship in 44 BC. The office of interrex was also abolished during the transition from republic to empire.[55] The office of censor disappeared after the reign of the emperor Claudius.
Executive magistrates of the Late Roman Empire
The executive magistrates had been little more than municipal officials since long before Diocletian became emperor. Diocletian's reforms simply declared this openly. The consul now could only preside over the senate. The praetor and quaestor could only manage public games. The praetor did retain some limited judicial authority. All other magisterial offices disappeared.
The first two consuls in a given year, the consules ordinarii, were appointed by the emperor. The term of a consules ordinarii would now end on April 21. All other consuls in a given year (the less-prestigious consules suffecti) were elected by the senate. The senate also elected praetors and quaestors. However, the approval of the emperor was required before any election could be certified.
See also
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References
- Abbott, Frank Frost (1901). A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions. Elibron Classics (ISBN 0-543-92749-0).
- Byrd, Robert (1995). The Senate of the Roman Republic. U.S. Government Printing Office, Senate Document 103-23.
- Cicero, Marcus Tullius (1841). The Political Works of Marcus Tullius Cicero: Comprising his Treatise on the Commonwealth; and his Treatise on the Laws. Translated from the original, with Dissertations and Notes in Two Volumes. By Francis Barham, Esq. London: Edmund Spettigue. Vol. 1.
- Lintott, Andrew (1999). The Constitution of the Roman Republic. Oxford University Press (ISBN 0-19-926108-3).
- Polybius (1823). The General History of Polybius: Translated from the Greek. By Mr. Hampton. Oxford: Printed by W. Baxter. Fifth Edition, Vol 2.
- Taylor, Lily Ross (1966). Roman Voting Assemblies: From the Hannibalic War to the Dictatorship of Caesar. The University of Michigan Press (ISBN 0-472-08125-X).
Notes
- ^ a b c Abbott, 8
- ^ a b c Abbott, 15
- ^ Abbott, 12
- ^ a b c d e f g h Abbott, 14
- ^ Abbott, 19
- ^ a b c Abbott, 16
- ^ Abbott, 10
- ^ a b Abbott, 151
- ^ Abbott, 196
- ^ a b c d e f g Polybius, 132
- ^ a b Polybius, 136
- ^ a b Abbott, 154
- ^ Abbott, 155
- ^ a b c Cicero, 236
- ^ Lintott, 95
- ^ a b c Byrd, 20
- ^ Lintott, 97
- ^ a b c Cicero, 235
- ^ Lintott, 101
- ^ Lintott, 101-102
- ^ Lintott, 113
- ^ a b Cicero, 237
- ^ a b Byrd, 42
- ^ Byrd, 110
- ^ a b c d e Byrd, 179
- ^ a b Byrd, 32
- ^ Lintott, 107-109
- ^ Lintott, 100
- ^ a b c Byrd, 26
- ^ Cicero, 240
- ^ Lintott, 119
- ^ Lintott, 130
- ^ a b c Byrd, 31
- ^ Lintott, 129, 130-131
- ^ Abbott, 152
- ^ a b c Byrd, 23
- ^ Lintott, 123
- ^ Lintott, 122
- ^ Lintott, 34
- ^ a b Byrd, 24
- ^ a b c Abbott, 240
- ^ Abbott, 344
- ^ a b Abbott, 345
- ^ a b c d Abbott, 357
- ^ a b Abbott, 356
- ^ Abbott, 354
- ^ a b Abbott, 349
- ^ a b Abbott, 352
- ^ Abbott, 353
- ^ a b Abbott, 374
- ^ Abbott, 376
- ^ a b Abbott, 377
- ^ a b c Abbott, 378
- ^ a b Abbott, 379
- ^ Abbott, 375
Further reading
- Ihne, Wilhelm. Researches Into the History of the Roman Constitution. William Pickering. 1853.
- Johnston, Harold Whetstone. Orations and Letters of Cicero: With Historical Introduction, An Outline of the Roman Constitution, Notes, Vocabulary and Index. Scott, Foresman and Company. 1891.
- Mommsen, Theodor. Roman Constitutional Law. 1871-1888
- Tighe, Ambrose. The Development of the Roman Constitution. D. Apple & Co. 1886.
- Von Fritz, Kurt. The Theory of the Mixed Constitution in Antiquity. Columbia University Press, New York. 1975.
- The Histories by Polybius
- Cambridge Ancient History, Volumes 9–13.
- A. Cameron, The Later Roman Empire, (Fontana Press, 1993).
- M. Crawford, The Roman Republic, (Fontana Press, 1978).
- E. S. Gruen, "The Last Generation of the Roman Republic" (U California Press, 1974)
- F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World, (Duckworth, 1977, 1992).
- A. Lintott, "The Constitution of the Roman Republic" (Oxford University Press, 1999)
Primary sources
- Cicero's De Re Publica, Book Two
- Rome at the End of the Punic Wars: An Analysis of the Roman Government; by Polybius
Secondary source material
- Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and their Decline, by Montesquieu
- The Roman Constitution to the Time of Cicero
- What a Terrorist Incident in Ancient Rome Can Teach Us