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=== Dačić era ===
=== Dačić era ===
After Dačić came to power, SPS shifted towards democratic socialism,<ref name=":28">{{Cite book |last=East |first=Roger |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/61177371 |title=A political and economic dictionary of Eastern Europe |last2=Thomas |first2=Richard |date=2007 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-85743-334-0 |edition=2 |location=London |pages= |oclc=61177371}}</ref>{{Rp|page=537}} and later in 2010s to [[social democracy]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Thompson |first=Wayne C. |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/859154159 |title=Nordic, Central, & Southeastern Europe 2013 |date= |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |year=2013 |isbn=978-1-4758-0489-8 |edition=13 |location=Lanham, MD |pages=444 |oclc=859154159}}</ref><ref name=":26">{{Cite book |last=Stojic |first=Marko |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1003200383 |title=Party responses to the EU in the western Balkans: transformation, opposition or defiance? |publisher=Springer |year=2017 |isbn=978-3-319-59563-4 |location=Cham, Switzerland |pages= |oclc=1003200383}}</ref>{{Rp|page=62}}<ref name=":27">{{Cite book |last=Stojarová |first=Věra |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/868956382 |title=Party politics in the western Balkans |last2=Emerson |first2=Peter |date= |publisher=Routledge |year=2010 |isbn=978-1-135-23584-0 |location=London |oclc=868956382}}</ref>{{Rp|page=38}} Although SPS is still affiliated with and has promoted populist rhetoric,<ref name=":4" />{{Rp|page=102}}<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=47}} it is now positioned on the [[centre-left]] on the political spectrum.<ref name=":26" />{{Rp|page=65}}<ref>{{Cite web |last=Petsinis |first=Vassilis |date=2020-07-24 |title=Serbia: continuity elections amid COVID-19 |url=https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/serbia-continuity-elections-amid-covid-19/ |access-date=2023-01-08 |website=openDemocracy |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Styczyńska |first=Natasza |date=2021 |title=Who are Belgrade's most desired allies?: narrative on the European Union, China and Russia during Serbian Parliamentary campaign of 2020 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/27107253 |journal=Politeja |pages=91 |issn=1733-6716}}</ref> Prior to mid-2000s, SPS was [[eurosceptic]] while it also promoted an [[anti-globalist]] and [[Anti-Western sentiment|anti-Western]] sentiment.<ref name=":26" />{{Rp|page=67}} It also promoted "[[anti-imperialist]]" criticism towards the European Union and [[NATO]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Petsnis |first=Vassilis |url=https://books.google.com/books/about/Cross_Regional_Ethnopolitics_in_Central.html?id=7LVrEAAAQBAJ&source=kp_book_description |title=Cross-Regional Ethnopolitics in Central and Eastern Europe: Lessons from the Western Balkans and the Baltic States |publisher=Springer Nature |year=2022 |isbn=9783030999513 |pages=147}}</ref> Since then, SPS had adopted its support for the [[accession of Serbia to the European Union]],<ref name=":26" />{{Rp|page=67}} and a more pro-European image after it came back to government in 2008,<ref name=":11" />{{Rp|page=151}} which scholars Nataša Jovanović Ajzenhamer and Haris Dajč rather described as [[Realpolitik|pragmatic]].<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last1=Jovanović Ajzenhamer |first1=Nataša |last2=Dajč |first2=Haris |date=2019-12-31 |title=The Serbian Socialist Party Attitudes towards the EU through the Lens of Party Programmes: Between Pragmatism and Patriotism |url=https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/1304 |journal=Politeja |volume=16 |issue=6(63) |pages=77 |doi=10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.63.04 |issn=2391-6737 |s2cid=226551590}}</ref> Although, SPS has also been described as [[pro-Russian]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Conley |first=Heather A. |last2=Stefanov |first2=Ruslan |last3=Mina |first3=James |last4=Vladimirov |first4=Martin |date=2016 |title=Russian Political Influence: Eroding Democratic Institutions |url=https://www.csis.org/analysis/kremlin-playbook |journal=The Kremlin Playbook: Understanding Russian Influence in Central and Eastern Europe |pages=7}}</ref>
After Dačić came to power, SPS shifted towards democratic socialism,<ref name=":28">{{Cite book |last=East |first=Roger |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/61177371 |title=A political and economic dictionary of Eastern Europe |last2=Thomas |first2=Richard |date=2007 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-85743-334-0 |edition=2 |location=London |pages= |oclc=61177371}}</ref>{{Rp|page=537}} and to [[social democracy]] in 2010s.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Thompson |first=Wayne C. |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/859154159 |title=Nordic, Central, & Southeastern Europe 2013 |date= |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |year=2013 |isbn=978-1-4758-0489-8 |edition=13 |location=Lanham, MD |pages=444 |oclc=859154159}}</ref><ref name=":26">{{Cite book |last=Stojic |first=Marko |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1003200383 |title=Party responses to the EU in the western Balkans: transformation, opposition or defiance? |publisher=Springer |year=2017 |isbn=978-3-319-59563-4 |location=Cham, Switzerland |pages= |oclc=1003200383}}</ref>{{Rp|page=62}}<ref name=":27">{{Cite book |last=Stojarová |first=Věra |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/868956382 |title=Party politics in the western Balkans |last2=Emerson |first2=Peter |date= |publisher=Routledge |year=2010 |isbn=978-1-135-23584-0 |location=London |oclc=868956382}}</ref>{{Rp|page=38}} Although SPS is still affiliated with and has promoted populist rhetoric,<ref name=":4" />{{Rp|page=102}}<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=47}} its nationalist image has softened.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Milačić |first=Filip |url=https://books.google.com/books/about/Stateness_and_Democratic_Consolidation.html?id=nYd8EAAAQBAJ&source=kp_book_description |title=Stateness and Democratic Consolidation: Lessons from Former Yugoslavia |publisher=Springer Nature |year=2022 |isbn=9783031048227 |pages=78}}</ref> It is now positioned on the [[centre-left]] on the political spectrum.<ref name=":26" />{{Rp|page=65}}<ref>{{Cite web |last=Petsinis |first=Vassilis |date=2020-07-24 |title=Serbia: continuity elections amid COVID-19 |url=https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/serbia-continuity-elections-amid-covid-19/ |access-date=2023-01-08 |website=openDemocracy |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Styczyńska |first=Natasza |date=2021 |title=Who are Belgrade's most desired allies?: narrative on the European Union, China and Russia during Serbian Parliamentary campaign of 2020 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/27107253 |journal=Politeja |pages=91 |issn=1733-6716}}</ref> Prior to mid-2000s, SPS was [[eurosceptic]] while it also promoted an [[anti-globalist]] and [[Anti-Western sentiment|anti-Western]] sentiment.<ref name=":26" />{{Rp|page=67}} It also promoted "[[anti-imperialist]]" criticism towards the European Union and [[NATO]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Petsnis |first=Vassilis |url=https://books.google.com/books/about/Cross_Regional_Ethnopolitics_in_Central.html?id=7LVrEAAAQBAJ&source=kp_book_description |title=Cross-Regional Ethnopolitics in Central and Eastern Europe: Lessons from the Western Balkans and the Baltic States |publisher=Springer Nature |year=2022 |isbn=9783030999513 |pages=147}}</ref> Since then, SPS had adopted its support for the [[accession of Serbia to the European Union]],<ref name=":26" />{{Rp|page=67}} and a more pro-European image after it came back to government in 2008,<ref name=":11" />{{Rp|page=151}} which scholars Nataša Jovanović Ajzenhamer and Haris Dajč rather described as [[Realpolitik|pragmatic]].<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last1=Jovanović Ajzenhamer |first1=Nataša |last2=Dajč |first2=Haris |date=2019-12-31 |title=The Serbian Socialist Party Attitudes towards the EU through the Lens of Party Programmes: Between Pragmatism and Patriotism |url=https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/1304 |journal=Politeja |volume=16 |issue=6(63) |pages=77 |doi=10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.63.04 |issn=2391-6737 |s2cid=226551590}}</ref> Although, SPS has also been described as [[pro-Russian]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Conley |first=Heather A. |last2=Stefanov |first2=Ruslan |last3=Mina |first3=James |last4=Vladimirov |first4=Martin |date=2016 |title=Russian Political Influence: Eroding Democratic Institutions |url=https://www.csis.org/analysis/kremlin-playbook |journal=The Kremlin Playbook: Understanding Russian Influence in Central and Eastern Europe |pages=7}}</ref>


== Organisation ==
== Organisation ==

Revision as of 18:33, 8 January 2023

Socialist Party of Serbia
Социјалистичка партија Србије
Socijalistička partija Srbije
AbbreviationSPS
PresidentIvica Dačić
Vice Presidents
FounderSlobodan Milošević
Founded17 July 1990 (1990-07-17)
Merger of
HeadquartersBulevar Mihajla Pupina 6, Belgrade
Youth wingSocialist Youth
Women's wingWomen's Forum
Ideology
Political positionCentre-left
National affiliationSPS–JS–ZS
Colors  Red
National Assembly
22 / 250
Assembly of Vojvodina
10 / 120
City Assembly of Belgrade
7 / 110
Party flag
Flag of the Socialist Party of Serbia
Website
sps.org.rs

The Socialist Party of Serbia (Serbian Cyrillic: Социјалистичка партија Србије, romanized: Socijalistička partija Srbije, SPS) is a political party in Serbia. It is led by Ivica Dačić.

It was founded in 1990 as the direct successor to the League of Communists of Serbia, with Slobodan Milošević serving as the party president from its foundation until 1991, and again from 1992 until 2001. In 2003, Dačić was elected as the party president and has been serving as the president since then. The SPS was the ruling party of Serbia from its establishment until the 2000 parliamentary election.

History

Formation

After the World War II, the Communist Party consolidated power in Yugoslavia.[1] Each constituent republic had its own branch of the party, with Serbia having the Communist Party of Serbia, which was renamed to League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) in 1952.[2][3] SKS elected Slobodan Milošević as its president in 1986, after an endorsement coming from then-incumbent president of SKS, Ivan Stambolić.[4] Milošević came to power by promising to reduce the autonomy of provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina.[5][6] At a congress that was held in January 1990, rifts between SKS and League of Communists of Slovenia occurred which ultimately led to the dissolution of the federal Communist Party.[7][8] This also led to the establishment of multi-party systems in the constituent republics.[9]

Milošević organized a congress on 17 July 1990, during which its delegates voted in favor of merging SKS and the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia (SSRNJ) in order to create the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS).[10][11]: xx  Milošević was elected as the party's president.[10][12] According to political scientist Jerzy Wiatr, the merger "did not substantially change either the organizational structure of the party or its administration", although SPS did gain control of a large amount of infrastructure, including material and financial assets.[11]: 63 [13][14] Milošević as president of the SPS was able to wield considerable power and influence in the government and the public and private sectors, while members of SPS who had shown their independence from loyalty towards Milošević were expelled from the party.[15][16]: 210 

1990–1992

Official portrait of Slobodan Milošević from 1988
Slobodan Milošević was the founder of SPS and its leader from 1990 to 1991 and again from 1992 to 2006

SPS took part in the general elections which were organized for December 1990.[9][17]: 24  The parliamentary election was conducted in a first-past-the-post system, where members were elected in 250 single-member constituency seats; this system strengthened the position of SPS.[9][14][18]: 142  This resulted into SPS winning 194 out of 250 seats in the National Assembly, despite only winning 48% of the popular vote.[14][19] Opposition parties, such as the Democratic Party (DS) and Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), tried to challenge the legitimacy of the election, citing alleged abuse of postal voting and manipulation during vote counting.[9][17]: 38  In the presidential election, Milošević won 65% of the popular vote in the first round of the election.[17]: 37 [20] By January 1991, sociologist Laslo Sekelj reported that SPS had 500,000 members.[21] SPS was faced with protests in March 1991, while Milošević was succeeded by Borisav Jović as the president of SPS on 24 May 1991; he held the position until 24 October 1992, when Milošević returned as president of SPS, following the second party congress.[22]: 105 [11]: 122 [17]: 44 

After the breakup of Yugoslavia, Serbia became a part of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.[23][24] With the opposition boycotting the May 1992 parliamentary election, SPS won 49% of the popular vote.[17]: 51 [25]: 1703  Protests were held shortly after the election, after which snap elections were called for December 1992, in which SPS won 33% of the popular vote.[17]: 54 [25]: 1704–1724  Simultaneously with these elections, the 1992 general elections occurred in Serbia as a result of a early elections referendum that was organized in October 1992.[17]: 85  The parliamentary election in 1992 was conducted under a proportional representation system, and in it SPS won 101 out of 250 seats in the National Assembly; because of that the SPS minority government had to rely on the far-right Serbian Radical Party (SRS), which had won 73 seats.[26][27] In the presidential election however, Milošević won 57% of the popular vote in the first round, while his opponent Milan Panić won 35% of the popular vote.[17]: 90 [28]

1993–2000

After the announcement that SPS would abandon its hardline position regarding the Bosnian War and Croatian War of Independence in favour of a compromise and after a dispute regarding the rebalancing of the federal budget in July 1993, the coalition between SPS and SRS was disintegrated.[17]: 100  SRS then unsuccessfully called a motion of no confidence against SPS in September 1993, though Milošević ended up dissolving the National Assembly in order to call a snap parliamentary election for December 1993.[17]: 102 [29] In the parliamentary election, SPS won 123 seats, though still short 3 seats of a majority, Milošević then persuaded the New Democracy (ND), which as part of the SPO-led Democratic Movement of Serbia coalition won 5 seats, to enter a coalition government with SPS.[29][30] ND accepted this and the new government headed by Mirko Marjanović was sworn in March 1994.[29][30]

SPS soon formed the Left Coalition with ND and the Yugoslav Left (JUL), a far-left political party headed by Milošević's wife Mirjana Marković,[31] in order to contest the parliamentary elections for the federal parliament in November 1996.[17]: 72  The Left Coalition emerged with 64 out of 108 seats in the election.[25]: 1724 [32] Milošević, who was constitutionally limited to two terms as president of Serbia, was elected president of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in July 1997, shortly before the general elections in Serbia.[18]: 144 [33] SPS took part with ND and JUL under the Left Coalition banner and won 110 seats in the National Assembly.[17]: 113 [34] SPS formed a government with JUL and SRS after the election, which caused ND to decline to join the government.[17]: 124 [35][36] In the presidential election, SPS nominated Zoran Lilić, although the election ended up being annulled as the election's turnout was less than 50%.[17]: 118  This led to an another presidential election which was held in December 1997; Milan Milutinović, the SPS-nominated candidate, won in the second round of the election.[17]: 120 [18]: 144 

The new SPS-led government was faced with the Kosovo War which ended up making a major impact on SPS.[17]: 125 [18]: 144  SPO joined the SPS-led federal government in January 1999.[37] Vuk Drašković, the leader of SPO, supported the proposed Rambouillet Agreement, though Milošević declined to sign it, which ultimately led to the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia.[37][38] Additionally, SPS and SPO entered into a conflict after the assassination of journalist Slavko Ćuruvija, which led to dismissal of SPO from the federal government.[37] In the same year, Milošević proposed constitutional changes to the federal parliament in order to allow him to run for another term in the 2000 election; the amendments were passed by the parliament.[18]: 145  Otpor, a student resistance movement formed in October 1998, and the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS), a wide alliance of opposition parties formed in January 2000, called for early elections, though the elections ended up being organized for September 2000.[17]: 234 [18]: 144 [37] Milošević faced Vojislav Koštunica, the DOS-nominated candidate, in the presidential election.[17]: 243  The Federal Election Committee reported that Milošević placed second although that Koštunica also won less than 50% of the popular vote; this resulted into DOS-organized mass protests, which culminated into the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević.[17]: 245 [37] Milošević accepted defeat on 5 October 2000, while the Federal Election Committee published actual results on 7 October.[37][39][40] Shortly after the elections, SPS, SPO, and DOS agreed to organize a snap parliamentary election in Serbia in December 2000.[17]: 254 [37] This parliamentary election, and all subsequent ones, were conducted in a proportional electoral system with only one electoral unit.[37] SPS suffered defeat and only won 37 out of 250 seats in the National Assembly, which put the party in opposition for the first time since its formation in 1990.[37][41]: 434 

2001–2008

A photo of Ivica Dačić in 2011
Ivica Dačić has been the leader of SPS since 2006

Milošević, who was still the president of SPS, was arrested in March 2001 on suspicion of corruption and abuse of power, and was shortly after extradited to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to stand trial for war crimes instead.[42][43] At the presidential election in September 2002, SPS nominated actor Bata Živojinović; he placed sixth.[44][45] This election ended up being annulled as the turnout in the second round was less than 50%.[45] This resulted into an another presidential election which was held in December 2002;[46][47]: 7  SPS supported Vojislav Šešelj, the leader of SRS.[47]: 103  He placed second in the presidential election, which ended up being annulled again as the turnout was less than 50%.[47]: 203 [48] At a party congress in January 2003, Ivica Dačić, a reformist within SPS, was elected president of the party's main board.[49] It was reported that Milošević subsequently demanded his exclusion of the party, although Dačić denied this.[50] Another presidential election was held in November 2003 which SPS ended up boycotting.[51][52] A month later, SPS took part in a snap parliamentary election in which it won 22 seats; the drop in popularity occurred due to their voters shifting towards SRS.[53][54] SPS ended up serving as confidence and supply to Koštunica's government in the National Assembly.[53] In 2004, the 50% turnout rule for presidential elections was abolished, after which SPS nominated Dačić as their presidential candidate for the 2004 presidential election; he placed fifth.[55][56]

After the death of Milošević in March 2006, a conflict between Dačić and Milorad Vučelić emerged regarding who would continue leading the party.[57][58] At the party congress in December 2006, Dačić was officially elected president of SPS, after previously serving as the party's de facto leader since 2003.[59][60][61] In the parliamentary election that was held in January 2007, SPS dropped to 16 seats in the National Assembly, after which SPS returned to opposition.[61][62] A year later, SPS nominated Milutin Mrkonjić, the party's deputy president, as its candidate in the presidential election.[63]: 16  Mrkonjić campaigned on social issues and issues regarding the economy, insisting that SPS is "the true party of the left" and that Serbia should join the European Union.[63]: 16  He placed fourth, winning 6% of the popular vote.[63]: 19 [64] SPS shortly after formed a coalition with United Serbia (JS) and Party of United Pensioners of Serbia (PUPS) which took part in the snap parliamentary election in May 2008.[65][66]: 7  The coalition won 20 seats, 12 of which went to SPS alone.[66]: 24 [67] Initially, SPS negotiated with SRS, Democratic Party of Serbia, and New Serbia in order to form a government, however SPS ended up abandoning those negotiations in favor of those with the For a European Serbia coalition, which was led by DS.[65][66]: 153  The DS–SPS coalition government was sworn in July 2008, with Dačić now serving as first deputy prime minister while Slavica Đukić Dejanović became the president of the National Assembly.[65][66]: 155 

2009–2014

Official logo of the Socialist Party of Serbia until 2014
Official logo of SPS until 2014

While in government, SPS was faced with challenges regarding the Kosovo declaration of independence and the global financial crisis, which led to low rates of economic growth.[68]: 11–13  Additionally, SPS signed a reconciliation agreement with its government partner DS, although clashes between the parties had continued to occur even after the agreement.[69] Further, protests that were organized in 2011 led Boris Tadić, the president of Serbia, to call snap elections for 2012.[70][71] During the 2012 campaign period, SPS campaigned with JS and PUPS, with Dačić being their joint presidential candidate.[68]: 18 [69] He campaigned on workers' rights, free education, and ending neoliberalism, as well as rising wages and pensions, while SPS also campaigned on criticizing post-Milošević governments.[68]: 18 [69] In the parliamentary election, the coalition led by SPS won 44 seats in the National Assembly, while SPS alone won 25.[68]: 34 [72] Dačić placed third in the presidential election, winning 15% of the popular vote.[68]: 22  After the announcement that Tomislav Nikolić, the leader of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), had won the presidential election, Dačić abandoned the coalition with DS and pursued to form a government with SNS instead.[73][74] This resulted into Dačić becoming the prime minister of Serbia in July 2012.[75][76]

As prime minister, Dačić worked on normalization between Serbia and Kosovo, which was formalized under the Brussels Agreement in April 2013.[77] His government was re-shuffled on his order in September 2013, after which SPS and SNS continued to govern alone without the United Regions of Serbia.[78]: 9  However, president Nikolić called for snap parliamentary elections to be held in March 2014.[78]: 9 [79] SPS took part in the election with JS and PUPS and campaigned on the protection of workers, peasants, and pensioners.[78]: 15 [80] They won 44 seats in the National Assembly, while their coalition partner, SNS, won 158 seats in total.[78]: 19 [79] SPS remained in government, although Dačić was succeeded by Aleksandar Vučić, the leader of SNS, as prime minister of Serbia.[78]: 119–120 [79] At a party congress in December 2014, SPS adopted its new logo.[81]

2015–present

Through out of 2015, it was discussed whether a snap parliamentary election would occur.[82] This was confirmed in January 2016, when a parliamentary election was announced to be held in April 2016.[83][84]: 7  Following the announcement, PUPS left the SPS–JS coalition and joined the one that was led by SNS, while SPS and JS formalized a coalition with the Greens of Serbia (ZS).[85][86] The SPS-led ballot list also included Joška Broz, the leader of the Communist Party and the grandson of Josip Broz Tito.[87][88] This coalition won 29 seats in the National Assembly, 21 out of which were occupied by SPS.[82][89] Following the election, SPS agreed to again serve as a junior member in the SNS-led coalition government, which was inaugurated in August 2016.[82][90] SPS did not take part in the 2017 presidential election and instead it supported Vučić, who ended up winning 56% of the popular vote in the first round of the election.[91][92] His election as president was followed by mass protests.[93][94]

At the end of 2018, a series of anti-government protests began and they lasted until March 2020.[95][96] During this period, the opposition Alliance for Serbia announced that it would boycott the 2020 parliamentary elections.[97][98] This led the SPS-led coalition to win 32 seats, despite getting less votes than in the 2016 election.[99][100]: 9  SPS offered to continue its cooperation with the SNS-led coalition, which now had 188 out of 250 seats in the National Assembly.[101] SPS remained in government with SNS after the election, while Dačić, who had been the first deputy prime minister of Serbia since 2014, became the president of the National Assembly in October 2020.[102][103] Dačić presided over the dialogues to improve election conditions from May to October 2021.[104][105] SPS affirmed its position to continue its support for SNS after these dialogues, while in January 2022, SPS announced that it would support Vučić in the 2022 presidential election.[106][107] In the parliamentary election, SPS took part in a coalition with JS and ZS, while it campaigned on greater cooperation with China and Russia.[108][109] It won 31 seats in total, 22 out of which went to SPS, while Vučić won 60% of the popular vote in the presidential election.[110][111] SPS agreed to continue governing with SNS after the election, which led to Dačić being re-appointed as first deputy prime minister in October 2022.[112][113]

Political positions

Milošević era

SPS adopted its first political programme in October 1990, which had the intention to develop "Serbia as a socialist republic, founded on law and social justice".[11]: 64  [16]: 206  The party made economic reforms outside of Marxist ideology such as recognizing all forms of property and intended a progression to a market economy while at the same time advocating some regulation for the purposes of "solidarity, equality, and social security".[16]: 206  While in power, SPS enacted policies that were negative towards workers' rights, while beginning in 1992, SPS moved its support towards a mixed economy with both public and private sectors.[114]: 184–185  SPS maintained connections with trade unions, although independent trade unions faced hostility and their activities were brutalized by the police.[16]: 216  During Milošević's era, SPS was positioned on the left-wing on the political spectrum,[11]: 254 [115] and was associated with anti-liberalism.[116] SPS declared itself to be a "democratic socialist party" and "the follower of the ideas of Svetozar Marković, Dimitrije Tucović, and the Serbian Social Democratic Party".[117] Heinz Timmermann, a political scientist, and Marko Stojić, a Metropolitan University Prague lecturer, associated SPS during Milošević's era with nationalist form of populism.[118][119] Political scientist Jean-Pierre Cabestan noted that SPS thrived on the growth of nationalism, but was not nationalist itself, and instead associated SPS with communism.[120] Mirjana Prošić-Dvornić, an ethnologist, noted that SPS "usurped the nationalist rhetoric of opposition parties".[121] Janusz Bugajski, a political scientist, described SPS as nationalist, but also noted that it never identified as such.[41]: 399 [122] Warren Zimmermann, the last United States ambassador to Yugoslavia, argued that Milošević was "not a genuine nationalist but an opportunist".[123]

SPS nominally endorsed the principle of full equality of all the Yugoslav peoples and ethnic minorities, while it was also supportive of Yugoslavism.[16]: 206  Up until 1993, it supported Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia who wished to remain in Yugoslavia.[16]: 213  As Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence, the involvement by SPS as a ruling party had become more devoted to helping external Serbs run their own independent entities.[16]: 213  Milošević denied that the government of Serbia helped Serb military forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, instead stating that they had the right to self-determination; Jović stated in a 1995 BBC documentary that Milošević endorsed the transfer of Bosnian Serb federal army forces to the Bosnian Serb Army in 1992 to help achieve Serb independence from Bosnia and Herzegovina.[124] Though shortly before the Dayton Agreement in 1995, SPS began to oppose the government of Republika Srpska, which was headed by Radovan Karadžić.[16]: 213  The opposition accused SPS of authoritarianism, as well as personal profiteering from illegal business transactions in the arms trade, cigarettes and oil; this illegal business was caused by the UN sanctions, and none of accusations for personal profiteering were ever proven at the court.[16]: 217  Political scientists Nebojša Vladisavljević, Karmen Erjavec, and Florian Bieber also described Milošević's rule as authoritarian.[125][126][127] Independent media during the SPS administration received threats and high fines.[16]: 216 

Dačić era

After Dačić came to power, SPS shifted towards democratic socialism,[128]: 537  and to social democracy in 2010s.[129][130]: 62 [131]: 38  Although SPS is still affiliated with and has promoted populist rhetoric,[22]: 102 [131]: 47  its nationalist image has softened.[132] It is now positioned on the centre-left on the political spectrum.[130]: 65 [133][134] Prior to mid-2000s, SPS was eurosceptic while it also promoted an anti-globalist and anti-Western sentiment.[130]: 67  It also promoted "anti-imperialist" criticism towards the European Union and NATO.[135] Since then, SPS had adopted its support for the accession of Serbia to the European Union,[130]: 67  and a more pro-European image after it came back to government in 2008,[18]: 151  which scholars Nataša Jovanović Ajzenhamer and Haris Dajč rather described as pragmatic.[136] Although, SPS has also been described as pro-Russian.[137]

Organisation

The current president of SPS is Dačić, who was most recently re-elected in December 2022, while the current vice presidents are Aleksandar Antić, Branko Ružić, Dušan Bajatović, Novica Tončev, Predrag J. Marković, Slavica Đukić Dejanović, Đorđe Milićević, and Žarko Obradović.[138][139] The headquarters of SPS are located at Bulevar Mihajla Pupina 6 in Belgrade.[140] It has a youth wing named Socialist Youth and a women's wing.[141][142]

Its membership from its foundation in 1990 to 1997 involved many elements of the social strata of Serbia, including state administrators and business management elites of state-owned enterprises, employees in the state-owned sector, less privileged groups farmers, and dependants (the unemployed and pensioners).[16]: 208  From 1998 to 2000, its membership included apparatchiks at administrative and judicial levels, the nouveau riche, whose business success was founded solely from their affiliation with the government, and top army and police officials and a large majority of the police force.[16]: 209 

Foreign cooperation

SPS cooperated with Momir Bulatović in Montenegro and the parties he led, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina it used to cooperate with Karadžić's Serb Democratic Party and with the Socialist Party.[128]: 544–545 [143] SPS cooperates with Syriza, a political party in Greece.[144]

Following the 2008 elections, SPS sent an application to join the Socialist International while Dačić also met with its then-president George Papandreou.[145][146] However, the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina opposed this move and called for its application to be declined, while Jelko Kacin, a Liberal Democracy of Slovenia politician, claimed that Tadić blocked SPS from joining the Socialist International.[147][148] Its candidature has not yet been accepted, although SPS also seeks associate member status in the Party of European Socialists.[149]

List of presidents

# President Birth–Death Term start Term end
1 Slobodan Milošević Official portrait of Slobodan Milošević in 1988 1941–2006 17 July 1990 24 May 1991
2 Borisav Jović A photo of Borisav Jović in 2009 1928–2021 24 May 1991 24 October 1992
3 Slobodan Milošević Official portrait of Slobodan Milošević in 1988 1941–2006 24 October 1992 11 March 2006
4 Ivica Dačić A photo of Ivica Dačić in 2013 1966– 11 March 2006 Incumbent

Electoral performance

Parliamentary elections

National Assembly of Serbia
Year Leader Popular vote % of popular vote # # of seats Seat change Coalition Status
1990 Slobodan Milošević 2,320,587 48.15% Increase 1st
194 / 250
 Increase 194 – Government
1992 1,359,086 30.62% Steady 1st
101 / 250
 Decrease 93 – Government
1993 1,576,287 38.21% Steady 1st
123 / 250
 Increase 22 – Government
1997 1,418,036 35.70% Steady 1st
85 / 250
 Decrease 38 Left Coalition Government
2000 515,845 14.10% Decrease 2nd
37 / 250
 Decrease 48 – Opposition
2003 Ivica Dačić 291,341 7.72% Decrease 6th
22 / 250
 Decrease 15 – Support
2007 227,580 5.74% Increase 5th
16 / 250
 Decrease 6 – Opposition
2008 313,896 7.75% Increase 4th
12 / 250
 Decrease 4 SPS–PUPS–JS Government
2012 567,689 15.18% Increase 3rd
25 / 250
 Increase 13 SPS–PUPS–JS Government
2014 484,607 13.94% Increase 2nd
25 / 250
 Steady 0 SPS–PUPS–JS Government
2016 413,770 11.28% Steady 2nd
21 / 250
 Decrease 4 SPS–JS–KP–ZS Government
2020 334,333 10.78% Steady 2nd
22 / 250
 Increase 1 SPS–JS–KP–ZS Government
2022 435,274 11.79% Decrease 3rd
22 / 250
 Steady 0 SPS–JS–ZS Government

Presidential elections

President of Serbia
Year Candidate 1st round popular vote % of popular vote 2nd round popular vote % of popular vote Notes
1990 Slobodan Milošević 1st 3,285,799 67.71% — — —
1992 1st 2,515,047 57.46% — — —
Sep 1997 Zoran Lilić 1st 1,474,924 37.12% 2nd 1,691,354 49.38% Election annulled due to low turnout
Dec 1997 Milan Milutinović 1st 1,665,822 44.62% 1st 2,181,808 61.19%
Sep–Oct 2002 Bata Živojinović 6th 119,052 3.34% — — — Election annulled due to low turnout
Dec 2002 Vojislav Šešelj 2nd 1,063,296 37.10% — — — Supported Šešelj; election annulled due to low turnout
2003 Election boycott Election annulled due to low turnout
2004 Ivica Dačić 5th 125,952 4.09% — — —
2008 Milutin Mrkonjić 4th 245,889 6.09% — — —
2012 Ivica Dačić 3rd 556,013 14.89% — — —
2017 Aleksandar Vučić 1st 2,012,788 56.01% — — — Supported Vučić
2022 1st 2,224,914 60.01% — — —

Federal elections

Year Leader Popular vote % of popular vote # # of seats Seat change Coalition Status Notes
May 1992 Slobodan Milošević 1,655,485 49.05% Increase 1st
73 / 136
 Increase 73 Government
1992–1993 1,478,918 33.34% Steady 1st
47 / 138
 Decrease 26 Government
1996 1,848,669 45.34% Steady 1st
52 / 138
 Increase 5 Left Coalition Government
2000 1,532,841 33.95% Decrease 2nd
44 / 138
 Decrease 20 Left Coalition Opposition Chamber of Citizens election
1,479,583 32.68% Increase 2nd
7 / 40
 Increase 7 Left Coalition Opposition Chamber of Republics election

References

Notes
Footnotes
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