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Hiram Wesley Evans

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For other people named Hiram Evans, see Hiram Evans (disambiguation).
Hiram Wesley Evans
Evans Washington, D.C. on September 13, 1926
Born(1881-09-26)September 26, 1881
Ashland, Alabama
DiedSeptember 14, 1966(1966-09-14) (aged 84)
Atlanta, Georgia
EducationVanderbilt University
OccupationDentist
EmployerKu Klux Klan
TitleImperial Wizard
Political partyDemocratic Party

Hiram Wesley Evans (September 26, 1881 – September, 1966) was Imperial Wizard of the American white supremacist group Ku Klux Klan from 1922 to 1939. A native of Alabama, Evans attended Vanderbilt University and became a dentist. He operated a small, moderately successful dental practice in Texas until 1920, when he joined the Klan's Dallas chapter. He quickly rose through the ranks, and was part of a group that ousted William Joseph Simmons from the position of Imperial Wizard, the national leader, in November 1922. Evans succeeded him, and in that position, sought to transform the group into a political juggernaut.

Although Evans had kidnapped and tortured a black man while leader of the Dallas Klan, as Imperial Wizard he publicly discouraged vigilante actions, owing to his fear that they would hinder his attempts to gain political influence. In 1923, Evans presided over the largest Klan gathering in history, attended by over 200,000, and endorsed several successful candidates in 1924 elections. He moved their headquarters from Atlanta to Washington D.C., and organized a march of 30,000 members—the largest march in the organization's history—on Pennsylvania Avenue. Evans' efforts notwithstanding, the Klan was buffeted by damaging publicity—in part owing to leadership struggles between Evans and his rivals—in the early 1920s which hindered his political efforts. In the 1930s, the Great Depression significantly decreased the Klan's income, prompting Evans to work for a construction company to supplement his pay. He resigned his position with the group in 1939, after disavowing his former anti-Catholic beliefs. He was succeeded by his chief of staff, James A. Colescott. The next year, Evans faced accusations of accepting no-bid government highway contracts in return for his support of a politician in Georgia; he was fined $15,000 after legal proceedings.

Evans sought to promote a form of nativist, Protestant nationalism. In addition to his white supremacist ideology, he fiercely condemned Catholicism, Unionism, and Communism. He argued that Jews formed a non-American culture and resisted assimilation, although he denied being an anti-Semite. Historians credit Evans with refocusing the Klan on political activities and recruiting outside the Southern United States, but note that the governmental influence and membership gains he sought were ultimately illusive. Some historians believe that Evans was more focused on money and power than any particular ideology. Many of his political and religious views were attacked by contemporary commentators.

Early life and education

Evans was born in Ashland, Alabama, on September 26, 1881, and moved to Hubbard, Texas, as a child.[1][2] The son of a judge, Evans attended Vanderbilt University and became a dentist, receiving his license in 1900.[1][2][3][a] He subsequently established a small dentistry practice in downtown Dallas, Texas, that provided inexpensive services.[3][4][5] The practice was moderately successful:[1] Evans described himself as "the most average man in America".[4] Of average height and somewhat overweight, Evans was well dressed, a skilled speaker, and very ambitious.[4][6] He was a freemason, eventually becoming a thirty-second-degree mason, and attended a Disciples of Christ church.[7]

Initial Klan service

Evans joined the Ku Klux Klan in 1920, leaving his dental practice to dedicate all his time to the group. The next year, he was elected "exalted cyclops", a recruiting position sometimes referred to as kleagle, in the Dallas Klan No. 66.[2][8] When Evans was elected, the chapter had recently received a "self-ruling charter" from the Atlanta-based Klan leadership and was the group's largest chapter.[8][9] In 1921, Evans was appointed the "great titan" (executive) of the "Realm of Texas" and led a successful membership drive.[2][10]

Evans initially supported violence against minorities, fondly remembering a lynching he witnessed as a child. With the Texas Klan, he sought to create "black squads" to attack minorities.[11] Evans joined several Klan members in kidnapping and torturing a black bellhop, ostensibly because they suspected he was involved in pandering prostitutes.[8] Atlanta-based leaders pressured Evans to curb racial violence in Dallas; around that time, the Texas Klan had received significant negative publicity after castrating an African-American doctor.[12] Although Evans was not morally opposed to violence against minorities,[13] he then publicly condemned vigilante activity because he feared that it would attract government scrutiny and hinder potential Klan-backed political campaign;[8] this change of stance led to the leader of the Houston Klan accusing him of hypocrisy.[12] Although Evans later took credit for a decrease in lynchings in the Southern United States during the 1920s,[14] several Klan members later claimed that he surreptitiously encouraged—and presided over—brutal acts of violence against minorities.[15]

In 1921, Evans was assigned to oversee the Klan's national membership drive at the behest of Klan publicists Elizabeth Tyler and Edward Young Clarke.[16][10] In 1922, the groups leadership made Evans the "Imperial kligrapp", a role similar to national secretary, in which capacity he oversaw operations in 13 states.[16][8] He received a base salary of $7,500 and traveled throughout the country, regularly meeting with local Klan leadership.[16]

Early national leadership

In 1922, Evans joined a group of Klan activists, including Tyler, Clarke, and D. C. Stephenson, in a "coup" against Klan leader William Joseph Simmons.[17] They deceived Simmons into agreeing to a reorganization of the Klan that removed his practical control. Evans gained power and was formally ensconced as Imperial Wizard of the Klan at a November 1922 "Klovokation" in Atlanta, Georgia. Although a legal battle between Evans and Simmons ensued, Evans retained control.[17][18][19]

As leader of the Klan, Evans advanced a form of nativist, white supremacy that cast Protestantism as a fundamental part of American patriotism.[7][20] To Evans, whiteness and Protestantism were equally valued, and sometimes conflated:[21] he said the Klan supported the "uncontaminated growth of Anglo-Saxon civilization",[20] maintaining that white Protestants had the exclusive right to govern the U.S. owing to their descent from early colonists.[22] He admitted that many Klan members were of rural, uneducated backgrounds, but argued that power should be given to those he described as "the common people of America".[23] (He viewed a slight majority of Americans as of acceptable ethnic and religious background.)[24] Under Evans, the Klan supported a mix of right and left-wing policies,[25] ideological positions described by Thomas Pegram as "too much of a patchwork to be considered an ideological system".[26] Klan literature spoke highly of politicians such as Woodrow Wilson, William Jennings Bryan, and Grover Cleveland.[27] Evans borrowed numerous concepts from the writings of Lothrop Stoddard and Madison Grant, American writers who promoted eugenics and scientific racism,[28] attempting to cast his platforms as science-based ideas. He argued against miscegenation and Catholic and Jewish immigration on the grounds that they were threats to genetic "good stock",[29] a clear racial division which then wide support among white Americans.[26] Evans attacked immigrants by arguing that they would promote ideologies such as anarchism and communism,[30] were threats to national unity,[14] and were involved with bootlegging.[31] However, he supported immigration of those he deemed "Nordic", which included several northern European ethnicities but excluded southern and eastern Europeans.[32]

Under Evans' leadership, the Klan became active in Indiana and Illinois, rather than focusing on the Southeastern United States as it had in the past.[7] Evans appointed D. C. Stephenson as kleagle and Grand Dragon of Indiana.[17][33] Historian Leonard Moore speculates that Stephenson played a role in Evans' elevation to leader and received a leadership role in return.[10] The relationship between the two leaders quickly became acrimonious:[34] Stephenson clashed with Evans over the distribution of membership fees and became embittered after Evans' refusal to help fund the purchase of a school in Indiana.[33][35] Although Stephenson believed that Evans deliberately thwarted his attempt to purchase the school to limit his power, Evans unexpectedly promoted Stephenson to Grand Dragon of the "northern realm" in July 1923.[36] Moore contends that Evans paid particular attention to the Indiana Klan out of concern for his profits: it was then the largest state organization in the Klan.[35]

Internal conflicts

Evans became embroiled in several internal Klan conflicts that that gained media exposure. In January 1921, Evans and a group of grand dragons expelled Clarke, who had been critical of Evans' efforts to involve the Klan in politics.[37] Evans also clashed with Henry Grady, a judge from North Carolina who served in the Klan from 1922 to 1927,[38] reaching the rank of Grand Dragon. Before Evans gained control of the Klan, Grady had been considered a potential successor to Simmons. After Grady dismissed a Klan-backed bill that would have banned the Knights of Columbus, Evans revoked his membership. Grady subsequently leaked his correspondence with Evans to the media.[39]

In August 1923, Evans participated in a Klan parade in heavily-Catholic Carnegie, Pennsylvania, that was attacked by local residents.[40] (Although Evans lived in parts of the Southern U.S. with few Catholics,[41] he opposed Catholicism owing to his belief that the Catholic Church sought to take control of the United States government.)[42] One member of the Klan was killed; Evans declared him a martyr, and hoped that the death would inspire new recruits.[43] The incident gave a fillip to the Klan's recruitment efforts, but increased Stephenson's animosity toward Evans, on whom he blamed the incident.[44] Stephenson's proclivity for ostentation irritated Evans.[45] Although Stephenson left his official Klan position after a short tenure,[46] under his leadership the northern Klan had begun to rival the southern Klan.[47] Stephenson had been a skilled campaigner and demagogue,[48] and remained a well-known advocate of the Klan's platforms after resigning.[34] Evans avoided publicly clashing with Stephenson, fearing that it would hurt the candidacies of Klan-backed politicians:[46] Stephenson was closely involved in the gubernatorial candidacy of Indiana Klan-member Edward L. Jackson[49] and the Klan saw significant electoral success in that state in 1924; after this success, Stephenson showed further disdain for Evans.[48]

Although membership in the Klan was limited to men,[50] Simmons—after losing control of the Klan—attempted to create a women's Klan organization, but Evans established a women's group and sued Simmons for trademark infringement. Evans won the lawsuit,[51] leading to a public war of words with Simmons, whose lawyer was soon murdered by Evans's press agent, an event in which Evans denied complicity.[6] In 1924, Evans paid Simmons $145,000 for a promise to abandon his claim to Klan leadership.[37] To Evans' consternation, Stephenson also formed a women's auxiliary group; Evans and Stephenson subsequently exchanged allegations of sexual impropriety.[51] Police subsequently alleged that Stephenson raped and murdered a girl in 1924; Stephenson maintained that the charges were orchestrated by Evans.[52] The incident was well publicized, causing thousands to abandon the Klan; Stephenson was convicted of second degree murder and given a life sentence.[53][54] Afterwards, Evans moved the Klan's national headquarters to Washington D.C., away from the site of the controversial death.[37]

Growth and political activism

Evans on the cover of Time, June 23, 1924

In the early years of Evans' tenure, the Klan reached record membership;[29][55] Evans also dramatically increased the Klan's assets, more than doubling them from July 1922 to July 1923.[56] Evans changed the way that Klan leaders were paid: he insisted that they receive a fixed salary rather than commissions based on membership fees—effectively lowering their income.[57] Although previous Imperial Wizards had lived in lavish properties, Evans initially settled in an apartment after his promotion.[58] Klan publications claimed that their launch of a printing plant and cuts in the cost of robe production dramatically lowered expenses.[47] McVeigh argues that this growth was owing to the Klan's exploitation of a "favorable political context",[59] particularly one in which privileged Americans were fearful after increases in suffrage.[60] Evans had high hopes for the Klan, saying in 1923 that he aimed to reach ten million members.[20] That year, he spoke at the largest Klan gathering in history, a Fourth of July meeting in rural Indiana that was attended by over 200,000.[61]

Evans sought to include more members from the Southwestern U.S. in leadership; previously the Klan had been led by people from the Southeast.[62] In 1922, Evans supported the successful Senate candidacy of Texas politician Earle Bradford Mayfield, an event that demonstrated that Klan-supported candidates could win high office.[63] In 1923, Evans returned to Texas for the state fair, where 75,000 people gathered for a "Klan day" celebration.[64][65] He devoted funds to fighting Jack C. Walton, the anti-Klan governor of Oklahoma; to the joy of the Klan, Walton was impeached and removed from office in 1923. However, the Oklahoma legislature soon passed several anti-Klan bills.[66]

Evans published instructions for local Klan leaders that detailed how to run meetings, recruit new members,[55] and speak to local gatherings. He advised leaders to avoid "raving hysterically" in favor of "[a] scientific ... presentation of facts". He urged them to forbid members from bringing their Klan regalia home from meetings and to perform background checks on applicants, hoping to curb unauthorized violence.[13][57] Evans instructed Klan members to shun vigilantism but to assist police, and attempted, with some success, to recruit police officers into the Klan.[67] Emphasizing the difference between his organization and the earlier, more violent days of the Ku Klux Klan,[68] Evans formed Klan-themed groups for children.[69] As the Klan attempted to portray itself as a movement led by cultured, well-educated people, they spoke about education in the U.S.[70] Evans believed that public schools could create a homogeneous society and saw education advocacy as an effective form of public relations.[70][71] In Evans' writings about education, he cited the nation's illiteracy rate as evidence that American public schools were failing; he considered low teacher salaries and child labor key obstacles to reform.[72] Evans supported the creation of the federal Department of Education: he hoped that it would lead to improvements in public schools that would help "Americanize the foreigners" and thwart recruitment efforts of Catholic schools.[73]

After the Klan gained respect and political influence in parts of the U.S., Evans hoped to replicate this on a national scale.[74] Political involvement was controversial among Klan members and Evans issued contradictory statements on the issue, publicly disavowing it but surreptitiously attempting to sway politicians.[75] Apart from fundamental Klan issues, local groups often embraced varying political ideologies; Evans risked alienating members by insisting on specific political stances.[76] Although many of his hopes were never realized, Evans saw several Klansmen elected to high offices and, in the mid-1920s, the group was frequently discussed by political commentators.[77] In 1924, the Klan convinced Republican Party leaders to avoid criticizing them, prompting Time to put Evans on its cover.[78] In 1924, the Klan supported Calvin Coolidge in his successful candidacy for president of the United States.[79] Although Coolidge opposed many Klan platforms, with the exception of immigration restrictions and prohibition, he was the only major-party candidate who did not condemn the Klan.[80] The Klan remained a divisive group among Republicans: their public endorsement of James Eli Watson for the vice-presidency damaged his chances.[81] Significant discussion of the Klan also took place at the Democratic Party's convention;[82] Senator and presidential candidate Oscar Underwood decried the Klan as "a national menace".[78] Although Evans declared Coolidge's victory a great success for the Klan, the president opposed many key Klan platforms.[80] Evans' attempts to elect Klansmen to public offices in 1924 saw limited success,[83] although they achieved their goals in Indiana.[7]

Decline

Evans leading his Knights of the Klan on the parade held in Washington, D.C. on September 13, 1926

Although the Klan had four million members in 1924, the group's membership quickly shrunk after Stephenson's trial. The Indiana Klan lost over 90% of its members by the end of the trial and there were mass resignations in other states as well.[84] Other scandals emerged, further damaging Klan enrollment. Although the Colorado Klan had seen strong growth, Evans asked the Grand Dragon, John Galen Locke, to resign after the state saw corruption scandals in 1925 involving Klan members who served as police. Evans' request was poorly received by Colorado Klan members; local membership subsequently plummeted.[85] He encountered difficulties with Klan leadership in Pennsylvania in 1926, after many of them concluded that he was too autocratic. In response, he revoked the charters of several local Klan groups and removed one of their leaders, a state legislator. However, the Pennsylvania groups continued to refer to themselves as the Ku Klux Klan, prompting Evans to sue them in federal court. Pennsylvania Klan members launched a detailed legal offensive against Evans and other Klan leaders, alleging lurid misdeeds. Evans' suit was unsuccessful and many newspapers reported the scandalous allegations aired in court—the Pennsylvania Klan subsequently lost significant support.[86]

In response to the decline in Klan membership, in 1926, Evans organized a Klan parade in Washington D.C., hoping that a large turnout would demonstrate the Klan's power. About 30,000 Klan members attended the event, making it the largest parade in the group's history. Evans was disappointed, however, as he had expected double the attendance and the event did not quell the drop in membership.[84] That year, Evans attempted to rally senators to vote against a proposed World Court. He was unsuccessful, however, and several Klan-backed senators followed Calvin Coolidge and supported the bill.[87] In 1928, Evans opposed New York Democratic governor Al Smith's candidacy for president, emphasizing the danger of Smith's Catholic faith. After Republican Herbert Hoover won the election, Evans boldly claimed responsibility for Smith's loss, although most of the South rejected Hoover against the Klan's advice.[88] In 1929, Evans acknowledged that membership levels had declined, but predicted a dramatic turnaround would soon occur. His predication was inaccurate.[89] This loss of members resulted in a Klan that was a skeleton of its former self.[90] Historians have attributed this loss of membership to ineptness and hypocrisy on the part of Klan leadership.[89] McVeigh argues that the Klan's inability to form alliances with other political groups led to the sharp loss of political power and solidarity within the group.[91]

Changes in focus

Although many Klan members initially supported the 1932 presidential campaign of Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Klan later turned against him owing to his acceptance of endorsements from minorities and labor unions.[92] After Roosevelt's election, Evans fiercely opposed The New Deal, describing it as a "great danger" to the nation:[93] he argued that it was a "Jewish" policy that endangered American freedom, reserving particular scorn for Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau, Jr., who was Jewish.[94] Evans' statements about Jews were sometimes contradictory:[95] he argued that he was not an anti-Semite, but nevertheless maintained that Jews were materialistic and resisted assimilation.[96] The Klan subsequently launched an offensive against organized labor;[92] in the 1930s, Evans fiercely condemned Communism and Unionism.[97] Around that time, Evans began to suspect that government agencies had been infiltrated by communists.[98] He focused his attacks on the Congress of Industrial Organizations,[97] claiming that they sought to "flout law and promote social disorder".[99] This rhetoric did not significantly increase the Klan's power or popularity.[53]

Evans bemoaned commercialism, attributing it to the effects of liberalism,[14] but supported capitalism and sought to form ties between business leaders and the Klan.[100] He condemned corporate greed, alleging that wealthy elites' desire for cheap labor led to increased immigration.[25] In his view, corporations had changed the Eastern U.S. so that it no longer reflected "true Americanism".[101] An influx of unskilled laborers was blamed for lowering wages in the U.S.[101] Evans believed that U.S. immigration policy should restrict the immigration of unskilled workers, except for those needed on farms.[102]

In 1934, Evans encountered public controversy after it was revealed that he planned to travel to Louisiana to campaign against governor Huey Long, who planned to run in the 1936 presidential election. Long learned of Evans' plans and condemned him in a speech at the Louisiana State Legislature, deriding him as a "tooth-puller" and an "Imperial bastard" and warning of grave consequences should he follow through with his plans.[5] After learning of the potential opposition, Evans cancelled his plans.[5]

Downfall

In the 1930s, the Klan's public support nearly vanished and their membership dropped to about 100,000 people, primarily concentrated in the south.[53][94] At that time, James A. Colescott, Evans' handpicked chief of staff, increasingly shouldered Evans' responsibilities.[99][103] After the Great Depression further damaged the Klan's finances, Klan leadership sold their former headquarters in 1936.[104][105] Around that time, Evans announced his intention to retire.[104] Although anti-Catholicism had been a consistent platform of the Klan,[106] before leaving the organization, Evans renounced his anti-Catholicism and pronounced a "new era of religious tolerance".[107] Chester L. Quarles argues that Evans repudiated anti-Catholicism owing to his desire to fight Unions and Communism and his fear of having too many enemies at one time.[99] After Evans sold the Klan's Atlanta headquarters, it was purchased by the Catholic Church, and became the Cathedral of Christ the King. Evans attended the building's dedication and spoke highly of the service, surprising many observers.[108] His attendance at the service was his last significant public appearance as Imperial Wizard: he stepped down soon afterwards,[107] having become deeply unpopular with members of the Klan, who felt that he had embraced their enemies.[109] He resigned in June 1939 and was replaced as Imperial Wizard by Colescott.[110]

Evans' service as Imperial Wizard proved to be a lucrative position, allowing him to maintain a large residence in a prestigious Atlanta neighborhood.[103][111] In the mid-1930s, however, Klan funds dwindled and he worked for a Georgia-based construction company selling products to the Georgia Highway Board; at the same time, he was a staunch supporter of Georgia governor Eurith D. Rivers,[112] whom he had previously employed as a lecturer.[99] Evans was allowed to sell to the highway board without bidding against other contractors owing to the political support that he provided the administration. In 1940, Evans and a member of the state highway board were charged with price fixing by the state of Georgia. Attorney General of Georgia Ellis Arnall spearheaded legal proceedings against Evans that resulted in a $15,000 fine.[112]

Evans died in September 1966 in Atlanta, Georgia.[2]

Reception

David A. Horowitz credits Evans with changing the Klan "from a confederation of local vigilantes into a centralized and powerful political movement".[7] William D. Jenkins maintains that Evans was "personally corrupt and more interested in money or power than a cause".[113] During Evans' tenure as Imperial Wizard, the New York Times characterized the Klan's leadership as "shrewd schemers".[114]

Evans' ideology was attacked by numerous contemporaries; these criticisms began early in his Klan career. David Lefkowitz, rabbi of Temple Emanu-El in Dallas, attacked Evans' assertion that Jews did not assimilate, emphasizing American experiences shared by Jews and Christians, such as military service in World War I.[115] James Weldon Johnson, leader of the NAACP, responded to Evans' promotion of white supremacy by contending that "all races are mixed".[116] Other well-known adversaries of Evans include The Dallas Morning News publisher George Dealey and Atlanta journalist Ralph McGill.[112][115]

Notes

  1. ^ There were later rumors that his dental qualifications were "a bit shady". (Wade 1998, p. 187)

References

  1. ^ a b c Snell 1987, p. 312.
  2. ^ a b c d e The Handbook of Texas Online.
  3. ^ a b Phillips 2006, p. 88.
  4. ^ a b c Pegram 2011, p. 17.
  5. ^ a b c Sims 1996, p. 3.
  6. ^ a b Pegram 2011, p. 18.
  7. ^ a b c d e Horowitz 1997, p. 83.
  8. ^ a b c d e Jenkins 1980, p. 7.
  9. ^ Phillips 2006, p. 85.
  10. ^ a b c Moore 1997, p. 18.
  11. ^ Tucker 2004, pp. 93–4.
  12. ^ a b Chalmers 1981, p. 42.
  13. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 195.
  14. ^ a b c Horowitz 1997, p. 85.
  15. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 182.
  16. ^ a b c Wade 1998, p. 187.
  17. ^ a b c Blee 2009, p. 22.
  18. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 94.
  19. ^ Wade 1998, p. 188.
  20. ^ a b c Wade 1998, p. 193.
  21. ^ Phillips 2006, p. 94.
  22. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 47.
  23. ^ Horowitz 1997, pp. 87–8.
  24. ^ Tindall 1967, p. 150.
  25. ^ a b Phillips 2006, p. 89.
  26. ^ a b Pegram 2011, p. 50.
  27. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 194.
  28. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 53.
  29. ^ a b Blee 2009, p. 23.
  30. ^ Moore 1997, p. 21.
  31. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 127.
  32. ^ Phillips 2006, p. 91.
  33. ^ a b Moore 1997, p. 19.
  34. ^ a b Moore 1997, p. 46.
  35. ^ a b Moore 1997, p. 93.
  36. ^ Tucker 2004, pp. 103 & 107.
  37. ^ a b c Wade 1998, pp. 190–1.
  38. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 92.
  39. ^ Sims 1996, p. 35.
  40. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 133.
  41. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 132.
  42. ^ Moore 1997, p. 20.
  43. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 177.
  44. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 135.
  45. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 27.
  46. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 234.
  47. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, p. 157.
  48. ^ a b Blee 2009, p. 94.
  49. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 140.
  50. ^ Newton 2010, p. 75.
  51. ^ a b Blee 2009, p. 27.
  52. ^ Blee 2009, p. 95.
  53. ^ a b c Chalmers 1981, p. 5.
  54. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 172.
  55. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 192.
  56. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 25.
  57. ^ a b Dobratz & Shanks-Meile 2000, pp. 38–9.
  58. ^ Quarles 1999, p. 74.
  59. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 197.
  60. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 200.
  61. ^ Wade 1998, pp. 215–6.
  62. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 70.
  63. ^ Stone 2010, p. 137.
  64. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 39.
  65. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 44.
  66. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 54.
  67. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 162.
  68. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 6.
  69. ^ Newton 2010, p. 76.
  70. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, p. 115.
  71. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 92.
  72. ^ Moore 1997, p. 36.
  73. ^ Moore 1997, p. 37.
  74. ^ Pegram 2011, p. xi.
  75. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 188.
  76. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 197.
  77. ^ Wade 1998, p. 196.
  78. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 197.
  79. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 170.
  80. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, pp. 188–9.
  81. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 213.
  82. ^ Tindall 1967, p. 194.
  83. ^ Gitlin 2009, p. 17.
  84. ^ a b Gitlin 2009, p. 19–20.
  85. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 132.
  86. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 242.
  87. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 212.
  88. ^ Newton 2010, pp. 95–6.
  89. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, p. 182.
  90. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 217.
  91. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 183.
  92. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 259.
  93. ^ Wade 1998, p. 239.
  94. ^ a b Gitlin 2009, p. 22.
  95. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 55.
  96. ^ Moore 1997, pp. 20–1.
  97. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 262.
  98. ^ Quarles 1999, p. 77.
  99. ^ a b c d Quarles 1999, p. 79. Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEQuarles199979" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  100. ^ Phillips 2006, pp. 88–9.
  101. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, p. 69.
  102. ^ McVeigh 2009, pp. 67–8.
  103. ^ a b Chalmers 1981, p. 317.
  104. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 264.
  105. ^ Gitlin 2009, p. xvi.
  106. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 69.
  107. ^ a b Quarles 1999, p. 80.
  108. ^ Wade 1998, pp. 264–5.
  109. ^ Quarles 1999, pp. 79–80.
  110. ^ Newton 2010, p. 100.
  111. ^ Quarles 1999, p. 81.
  112. ^ a b c Wade 1998, p. 265.
  113. ^ Jenkins 1980, p. vii.
  114. ^ Wade 1998, p. 191.
  115. ^ a b Stone 2010, pp. 132–3.
  116. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 49.

Bibliography

Books
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  • Chalmers, David Mark (1981), Hooded Americanism: the history of the Ku Klux Klan, Duke University Press, ISBN 978-0-8223-0772-3
  • Dobratz, Betty A.; Shanks-Meile, Stephanie L. (2000), The white separatist movement in the United States: "white power, white pride!", JHU Press, ISBN 978-0-8018-6537-4
  • Gitlin, Marty (2009), The Ku Klux Klan: a guide to an American subculture, ABC-CLIO, ISBN 978-0-313-36576-8
  • Horowitz, David A. (1997), Beyond left & right: insurgency and the establishment, University of Illinois Press, ISBN 978-0-252-06568-2
  • Jenkins, William D. (1990), Steel Valley Klan: The Ku Klux Klan in Ohio's Mahoning Valley, Kent State University Press, ISBN 978-0-87338-694-4
  • McVeigh, Rory (2009), The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan: Right-Wing Movements and National Politics, University of Minnesota Press, ISBN 978-0-8166-5619-6
  • Moore, Leonard Joseph (1997), Citizen Klansmen: The Ku Klux Klan in Indiana, 1921–1928, University of North Carolina Press, ISBN 978-0-8078-4627-8
  • Newton, Michael (2010), The Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi: a history, McFarland, ISBN 978-0-7864-4653-7
  • Pegram, Thomas R. (2011), One Hundred Percent American: The Rebirth and Decline of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s, Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 978-1-56663-711-4
  • Phillips, Michael (2006), White metropolis: race, ethnicity, and religion in Dallas, 1841–2001, University of Texas Press, ISBN 978-0-292-71274-4{{citation}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Quarles, Chester L. (1999), The Ku Klux Klan and related American racialist and antisemitic organizations: a history and analysis, McFarland, ISBN 978-0-7864-0647-0
  • Sims, Patsy (1996), The Klan, University Press of Kentucky, ISBN 978-0-8131-0887-2
  • Snell, William R. (1987), Sarah Woolfolk Wiggins (ed.), From Civil War to civil rights—Alabama, 1860–1960: an anthology from the Alabama review, University of Alabama Press, ISBN 978-0-8173-0341-9{{citation}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Stone, Bryan Edward (2010), The Chosen Folks: Jews on the Frontiers of Texas, University of Texas Press, ISBN 978-0-292-72177-7
  • Tindall, George Brown (1967), The emergence of the new South, 1913–1945, LSU Press, ISBN 978-0-8071-0010-3
  • Tucker, Todd (2004), Notre Dame vs. the Klan: how the Fighting Irish defeated the Ku Klux Klan, Loyola Press, ISBN 978-0-8294-1771-5
  • Wade, Wyn Craig (1998), The fiery cross: the Ku Klux Klan in America, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-512357-9
Web
Preceded by Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan
1922–1939 		Succeeded by
Awards and achievements
Preceded by Cover of Time Magazine
June 23, 1924 		Succeeded by

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