1957 Polish parliamentary election: Difference between revisions

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| type = parliamentary
| type = parliamentary
| ongoing = no
| ongoing = no
| previous_election = Polish legislative election, 1957
| previous_election = Polish legislative election, 1952
| previous_year = 1952
| previous_year = 1952
| election_date = <!-- {{Start date|1957|01|20}} -->
| election_date = {{Start date|1957|01|20}}
| seats_for_election = All 457 seats in the [[Sejm]]
| elected_mps = 459
| next_election = Polish legislative election, 1961
| next_election = Polish legislative election, 1961
| next_year = 1961
| next_year = 1961
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| image1 = [[File:Wladyslaw Gomulka na trybunie.jpg|100px]]
| image1 = [[File:Wladyslaw Gomulka na trybunie.jpg|100px]]
| leader1 = [[Władysław Gomułka]]
| leader1 = [[Władysław Gomułka]]
| leader_since1 = 1956
| leader_since1 = 21 October 1956
| party1 = Polish United Workers' Party
| party1 = Polish United Workers' Party
| leaders_seat1 = [[Warsaw-Prague (Polish parliament constituency)|Warsaw-Prague]]
| last_election1 = 456 seats, 99.8%
| seats1 = 457
| seat_change1 = +1


| turnout = 94.14%
| turnout = 94.14%


| title = [[Prime Minister of Poland|Premier]]
| posttitle = [[Prime Minister of Poland|Premier]]
| before_election = [[Józef Cyrankiewicz]]
| before_party = Polish United Workers' Party
| after_election = [[Józef Cyrankiewicz]]
| after_party = Polish United Workers' Party
}}
}}
__NOTOC__

The '''Polish legislative election of 1957''' was the second [[election]] to the [[Sejm]], the [[parliament]] of the [[People's Republic of Poland]], and the third in [[History of Poland (1945-1989)|Communist Poland]]). It took place on 20 January, during the liberalization period following [[Władysław Gomułka]]'s [[Polish October|ascension to power]]; although freer than previous elections, they were not a [[Election#Difficulties with elections|free election]]. Polish voters of 1957 were given the right to vote ''against'' official candidates; ''de facto'' having a small chance to express a [[vote of no confidence]] against the government and [[The Party (politics)|The Party]], but no possibility to elect any real opposition, whose members were not allowed to run in the elections. The elections resulted in a predictable victory for the [[Front of National Unity]] coalition dominated by main [[Polish communist]] party, the [[Polish United Workers' Party]] (PZPR), and communist leader, [[Władysław Gomułka]].
The '''Polish legislative election of 1957''' was the second [[election]] to the [[Sejm]], the [[parliament]] of the [[People's Republic of Poland]], and the third in [[History of Poland (1945-1989)|Communist Poland]]). It took place on 20 January, during the liberalization period following [[Władysław Gomułka]]'s [[Polish October|ascension to power]]; although freer than previous elections, they were not a [[Election#Difficulties with elections|free election]]. Polish voters of 1957 were given the right to vote ''against'' official candidates; ''de facto'' having a small chance to express a [[vote of no confidence]] against the government and [[The Party (politics)|The Party]], but no possibility to elect any real opposition, whose members were not allowed to run in the elections. The elections resulted in a predictable victory for the [[Front of National Unity]] coalition dominated by main [[Polish communist]] party, the [[Polish United Workers' Party]] (PZPR), and communist leader, [[Władysław Gomułka]].


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==Background==
==Background==
[[Image:Gomulka speech.jpg|thumb|right|300px|[[Władysław Gomułka]], at the height of his popularity, addresses hundreds of thousand of people in Warsaw on 24 October 1956. He appealed for an end to demonstrations and return to work. "United with the working class and the nation", he concluded, "the Party will lead Poland along a new way of socialism." Gomułka's popularity at that time probably equalled that of [[Józef Piłsudski]]'s in 1920 and [[Lech Wałęsa]] in 1980; but disillusionment would soon follow.<ref name="Luk">{{cite book|author1=Jerzy Lukowski|author2=W. H. Zawadzki|title=A concise history of Poland|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=HMylRh-wHWEC&pg=PA296|accessdate=2 June 2011|date=17 July 2006|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9780521618571|pages=295-296}}</ref>]]
[[Image:Gomulka speech.jpg|thumb|left|300px|[[Władysław Gomułka]], at the height of his popularity, addresses hundreds of thousand of people in Warsaw on 24 October 1956. He appealed for an end to demonstrations and return to work. "United with the working class and the nation", he concluded, "the Party will lead Poland along a new way of socialism." Gomułka's popularity at that time probably equalled that of [[Józef Piłsudski]]'s in 1920 and [[Lech Wałęsa]] in 1980; but disillusionment would soon follow.<ref name="Luk">{{cite book|author1=Jerzy Lukowski|author2=W. H. Zawadzki|title=A concise history of Poland|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=HMylRh-wHWEC&pg=PA296|accessdate=2 June 2011|date=17 July 2006|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9780521618571|pages=295-296}}</ref>]]


The elections were originally planned for the December of 1956 but due to significant political changes in the government, resulting from [[Władysław Gomułka]]'s [[Polish October|ascension to power]], they were delayed until early 1957.<ref name=bialo>{{pl icon}} Sławomir Iwaniuk, [http://old.bialorus.pl/index.php?pokaz=bialorusini_w_wyborach_do_sejmu&&Rozdzial=polityka_mn Białorusini w wyborach do Sejmu PRL II kadencji 1957 roku ], Białoruskie Zeszyty Historycznye Nr 6, pod red. E. Mironowicza, Białystok 1996, str. 130-165</ref> Among the various promises made by First Secretary Gomułka, during the Polish October peaceful revolution, to the [Poznań 1956 protests|restless Polish population]] was that of free elections. He knew that this was a promise that he could not keep without seeing his party defeated. In the January 1957 elections the new 'democratic' aspect was the reintroduction of the [[secret ballot]],<ref name="Staar"/> and more importantly, there were more candidates than available seats in the parliament;<ref name="Staar"/><ref name="Kozł">{{pl icon}} Bartłomiej Kozłowski, [http://wiadomosci.polska.pl/kalendarz/kalendarium/article.htm?id=87906 Wybory styczniowe do Sejmu 1957] Last accessed on 5 April 2007</ref> in the [[Polish legislative election, 1952|1952 elections]] the number of candidates equalled the number of seats in the Sejm.<ref name="Staar"/><ref name="Kozł"/> Another liberalizing factor was that unlike in previous elections, intimidation by the [[secret police]], the [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa]], and the government against the opposition was limited.<ref name="Staar">Richard F. Staar, ''Elections in Communist Poland'', Midwest Journal of Political Science, Vol. 2, No. 2 (May, 1958), pp. 200-218, [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0026-3397(195805)2%3A2%3C200%3AEICP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z JSTOR]</ref>
The elections were originally planned for the December of 1956 but due to significant political changes in the government, resulting from [[Władysław Gomułka]]'s [[Polish October|ascension to power]], they were delayed until early 1957.<ref name=bialo>{{pl icon}} Sławomir Iwaniuk, [http://old.bialorus.pl/index.php?pokaz=bialorusini_w_wyborach_do_sejmu&&Rozdzial=polityka_mn Białorusini w wyborach do Sejmu PRL II kadencji 1957 roku ], Białoruskie Zeszyty Historycznye Nr 6, pod red. E. Mironowicza, Białystok 1996, str. 130-165</ref> Among the various promises made by First Secretary Gomułka, during the Polish October peaceful revolution, to the [[Poznań 1956 protests|restless Polish population]] was that of free elections. He knew that this was a promise that he could not keep without seeing his party defeated. In the January 1957 elections the new 'democratic' aspect was the reintroduction of the [[secret ballot]],<ref name="Staar"/> and more importantly, there were more candidates than available seats in the parliament;<ref name="Staar"/><ref name="Kozł">{{pl icon}} Bartłomiej Kozłowski, [http://wiadomosci.polska.pl/kalendarz/kalendarium/article.htm?id=87906 Wybory styczniowe do Sejmu 1957] Last accessed on 5 April 2007</ref> in the [[Polish legislative election, 1952|1952 elections]] the number of candidates equaled the number of seats in the Sejm.<ref name="Staar"/><ref name="Kozł"/> Another liberalizing factor was that unlike in previous elections, intimidation by the [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa|secret police]] ({{lang-pl|Służba Bezpieczeństwa}}) and the government against the opposition was limited.<ref name="Staar">Richard F. Staar, ''Elections in Communist Poland'', Midwest Journal of Political Science, Vol. 2, No. 2 (May, 1958), pp. 200-218, [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0026-3397(195805)2%3A2%3C200%3AEICP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z JSTOR]</ref>


The candidates were divided into two groups - one officially supported by the party and the 'independents' (broadly following the communist party line but not declared members of the party);<ref name="Kozł"/> the latter would be only considered if over half of the registered voters in the district voted against the official candidates; otherwise all seats from the district (on average between 3 to 6) would be awarded to the official candidates.<ref name="Kozł"/>
The candidates were divided into two groups - one officially supported by the party and the 'independents' (broadly following the communist party line but not declared members of the party);<ref name="Kozł"/> the latter would be only considered if over half of the registered voters in the district voted against the official candidates; otherwise all seats from the district (on average between 3 to 6) would be awarded to the official candidates.<ref name="Kozł"/>
Line 37: Line 47:
Despite the lack of genuine opposition, the liberalized election format allowed for various power struggles to be played out, primarily between the communist party candidates.<ref name="Machcewicz">[[Paweł Machcewicz]], Kampania wyborcza i wybory do Sejmu 20 stycznia 1957 roku, Wydawnictwo Sejmowe, 2000, ISBN 83-7059-369-0 (blurb)</ref> A particularly notable case was the rivalry between certain candidates from the main communist party (PZPR) and one of the lesser communist parties (ZSL).<ref name="Machcewicz"/>
Despite the lack of genuine opposition, the liberalized election format allowed for various power struggles to be played out, primarily between the communist party candidates.<ref name="Machcewicz">[[Paweł Machcewicz]], Kampania wyborcza i wybory do Sejmu 20 stycznia 1957 roku, Wydawnictwo Sejmowe, 2000, ISBN 83-7059-369-0 (blurb)</ref> A particularly notable case was the rivalry between certain candidates from the main communist party (PZPR) and one of the lesser communist parties (ZSL).<ref name="Machcewicz"/>


A day before the elections, Gomułka appealed to Polish citizens not to vote against the Party's candidates, asserting that 'crossing them out would equal crossing Poland off the map of Europe'<ref name="Kozł"/> and would bring upon Poland [[Hungarian Revolution of 1956|the fate of Hungary]].<ref name="Staar"/> The fear of a possible Soviet intervention, in case of Gomułka's loss were also repeated by [[Radio Free Europe]], which noted that Gomułka's argument, while "cruel", is likely "entirely correct."<ref name="Puddington2003">{{cite book|author=Arch Puddington|title=Broadcasting Freedom: The Cold War Triumph of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=bElE1TT5xFgC&pg=PA121|accessdate=26 May 2011|date=May 2003|publisher=University Press of Kentucky|isbn=9780813190457|page=121}}</ref> Gomułka also persuaded the [[Catholic Church]] to urge voters to go to the polls and declare a vote of confidence in the government.<ref name="Staar"/><ref name="Bernhard1993">{{cite book|author=Michael H. Bernhard|title=The origins of democratization in Poland: workers, intellectuals, and oppositional politics, 1976-1980|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=TF_DXcqeMBEC&pg=PA220|accessdate=26 May 2011|year=1993|publisher=Columbia University Press|isbn=9780231080934|page=220}}</ref> In response, Cardinal [[Stefan Wyszyński]] officially declared his support for the 'no crossing' policy.<ref name="Kozł"/>
A day before the elections, Gomułka appealed to Polish citizens not to vote against the Party's candidates, asserting that 'crossing them out would equal crossing Poland off the map of Europe'<ref name="Kozł"/> and would bring upon Poland [[Hungarian Revolution of 1956|the fate of Hungary]].<ref name="Staar"/> The fear of a possible Soviet intervention, in case of Gomułka's loss, was also repeated by [[Radio Free Europe]], which noted that Gomułka's argument while "cruel", is likely "entirely correct."<ref name="Puddington2003">{{cite book|author=Arch Puddington|title=Broadcasting Freedom: The Cold War Triumph of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=bElE1TT5xFgC&pg=PA121|accessdate=26 May 2011|date=May 2003|publisher=University Press of Kentucky|isbn=9780813190457|page=121}}</ref> Gomułka also persuaded the [[Catholic Church]] to urge voters to go to the polls and declare a vote of confidence in the government.<ref name="Staar"/><ref name="Bernhard1993">{{cite book|author=Michael H. Bernhard|title=The origins of democratization in Poland: workers, intellectuals, and oppositional politics, 1976-1980|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=TF_DXcqeMBEC&pg=PA220|accessdate=26 May 2011|year=1993|publisher=Columbia University Press|isbn=9780231080934|page=220}}</ref> In response, Cardinal [[Stefan Wyszyński]] officially declared his support for the 'no crossing' policy.<ref name="Kozł"/>


==Election results==
==Election results==
[[Image:1957 elections (before bye-elections).PNG|thumb|left|200px|Election results (by-elections not included).]]
[[Image:1957 elections (before bye-elections).PNG|thumb|right|200px|Election results (by-elections not included).]]


The [[Polish United Workers' Party|PZPR]] won 237 seats out of 459,<ref name="Staar"/> while the remainder went to satellite parties: the ([[Stronnictwo Demokratyczne|Democratic Party]] (SD), [[Zjednoczone Stronnictwo Ludowe|United People's Party]] (ZSL)) and a few independents.<ref name="Staar"/> The PZPR with 237 won 51.7% of the seats,<ref name="Staar"/> ZSL with 120<ref name="Staar"/>{{Ref_label|a|a|none}} had 26.1%, the'independents' with 63 had 14% ('non-party faction', 51, and 'Catholics', 12)<ref name="Staar"/> and SD with 39 had 8.5%.<ref name="Staar"/>
The [[Polish United Workers' Party|PZPR]] won 237 seats out of 459,<ref name="Staar"/> while the remainder went to satellite parties: the ([[Stronnictwo Demokratyczne|Democratic Party]] (SD), [[Zjednoczone Stronnictwo Ludowe|United People's Party]] (ZSL)) and a few independents.<ref name="Staar"/> The PZPR with 237 won 51.7% of the seats,<ref name="Staar"/> ZSL with 120<ref name="Staar"/>{{Ref_label|a|a|none}} had 26.1%, the'independents' with 63 had 14% ('non-party faction', 51, and 'Catholics', 12)<ref name="Staar"/> and SD with 39 had 8.5%.<ref name="Staar"/>

Revision as of 23:50, 2 June 2011

Polish legislative election, 1957

← 1952 January 20, 1957 (1957-01-20) 1961 →

All 457 seats in the Sejm
Turnout94.14%
  First party
 
Leader Władysław Gomułka
Party PZPR
Leader since 21 October 1956
Leader's seat Warsaw-Prague
Last election 456 seats, 99.8%
Seats won 457
Seat change +1

Premier before election

Józef Cyrankiewicz
PZPR

Premier

Józef Cyrankiewicz
PZPR

The Polish legislative election of 1957 was the second election to the Sejm, the parliament of the People's Republic of Poland, and the third in Communist Poland). It took place on 20 January, during the liberalization period following Władysław Gomułka's ascension to power; although freer than previous elections, they were not a free election. Polish voters of 1957 were given the right to vote against official candidates; de facto having a small chance to express a vote of no confidence against the government and The Party, but no possibility to elect any real opposition, whose members were not allowed to run in the elections. The elections resulted in a predictable victory for the Front of National Unity coalition dominated by main Polish communist party, the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), and communist leader, Władysław Gomułka.

The elections, while victorious for Gomułka, did not guarantee lasting changes in the Polish society. The new regime was much more liberal than its predecessor, and enjoyed moderate support for the first few years after the election, in the "little stabilization" period of 1957-1963. However, by mid-1960s it faced opposition from the factions in the communist party itself. Coupled with resurfaced popular opposition to the communist rule, Gierek would be removed from power in the aftermath of the 1968 and 1970 crises.

Background

Władysław Gomułka, at the height of his popularity, addresses hundreds of thousand of people in Warsaw on 24 October 1956. He appealed for an end to demonstrations and return to work. "United with the working class and the nation", he concluded, "the Party will lead Poland along a new way of socialism." Gomułka's popularity at that time probably equalled that of Józef Piłsudski's in 1920 and Lech Wałęsa in 1980; but disillusionment would soon follow.[1]

The elections were originally planned for the December of 1956 but due to significant political changes in the government, resulting from Władysław Gomułka's ascension to power, they were delayed until early 1957.[2] Among the various promises made by First Secretary Gomułka, during the Polish October peaceful revolution, to the restless Polish population was that of free elections. He knew that this was a promise that he could not keep without seeing his party defeated. In the January 1957 elections the new 'democratic' aspect was the reintroduction of the secret ballot,[3] and more importantly, there were more candidates than available seats in the parliament;[3][4] in the 1952 elections the number of candidates equaled the number of seats in the Sejm.[3][4] Another liberalizing factor was that unlike in previous elections, intimidation by the secret police (Polish: Służba Bezpieczeństwa) and the government against the opposition was limited.[3]

The candidates were divided into two groups - one officially supported by the party and the 'independents' (broadly following the communist party line but not declared members of the party);[4] the latter would be only considered if over half of the registered voters in the district voted against the official candidates; otherwise all seats from the district (on average between 3 to 6) would be awarded to the official candidates.[4]

Over 60,000[3][4] candidates were registered for the 458[5] or 459[3][a] seats in the Sejm.[4] The government was not prepared to release its hold on power, so the candidates were screened and only 720[3] or 723[4] out of 60,000 were finally allowed to participate and be published on the official list by the Front of National Unity (Polish: Front Jedności Narodu, FJN), the only organization allowed to put forth candidates in Polish elections. Factors such as the number of signatures in support of a candidate were deemed to be irrelevant.[4]

According to an official government press agency dispatch, about half of the candidates (appox. 360) were PZPR members.[3] A majority of the remainder belonged to PZPR allies (Democratic Party (SD), United People's Party (ZSL)). There was no opposition party in Poland since all political groupings had to support the program of the PZPR.[3] As a result, no real opposition candidates were permitted to run in the elections,[4] but in theory the Polish voters could have stripped the communists from their claimed legitimacy by abstaining from voting. Another means of preventing the PZPR from obtaining a political victory would have occurred if all of the PZPR candidates were struck out, leaving only 100 to be elected.[3]

Despite the lack of genuine opposition, the liberalized election format allowed for various power struggles to be played out, primarily between the communist party candidates.[6] A particularly notable case was the rivalry between certain candidates from the main communist party (PZPR) and one of the lesser communist parties (ZSL).[6]

A day before the elections, Gomułka appealed to Polish citizens not to vote against the Party's candidates, asserting that 'crossing them out would equal crossing Poland off the map of Europe'[4] and would bring upon Poland the fate of Hungary.[3] The fear of a possible Soviet intervention, in case of Gomułka's loss, was also repeated by Radio Free Europe, which noted that Gomułka's argument while "cruel", is likely "entirely correct."[7] Gomułka also persuaded the Catholic Church to urge voters to go to the polls and declare a vote of confidence in the government.[3][8] In response, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński officially declared his support for the 'no crossing' policy.[4]

Election results

Election results (by-elections not included).

The PZPR won 237 seats out of 459,[3] while the remainder went to satellite parties: the (Democratic Party (SD), United People's Party (ZSL)) and a few independents.[3] The PZPR with 237 won 51.7% of the seats,[3] ZSL with 120[3][a] had 26.1%, the'independents' with 63 had 14% ('non-party faction', 51, and 'Catholics', 12)[3] and SD with 39 had 8.5%.[3]

According to official data, turnout was 94.14%,[3][4] which are considered to be somewhat suspect considering heavy snowfalls and unfavorable weather conditions prevailing in Poland at the time,[3] and 98.4% of votes were cast for official candidates.[4]

The new Sejm had its first session on 20 February. Its senior marshal (speaker) was Bolesław Drobner; its Sejm marshal was Czesław Wycech. Two by-elections were held after the main election.The first took place on 17 March 1957 at Nowy Sącz because none of the candidates achieved an absolute majority in January. The second took place at Wieluń on 5 May 1957 to replace the incumbent who died on February 5. These supplementary elections were won by the PZPR and the ZSL respectively.[3] Two other by-elections took place on October 19, 1958 in Myślenice and Oleśnica.

The previous elections in Poland were held in 1952. These were followed by the 1961 elections.

Aftermath

Despite Gomułka's hopes, the elections, while victorious for him, did not mean the end of opposition to the communist rule.[5] For a while, support for the Gomułka's-led communist party run high.[9] Reflecting this, the period 1957-1963 is known as "little stabilization".[9] While his regime was much more liberal than the one he succeeded, this gave rive to an opposition within the PZPR party, as some communist politicians, like General Mieczysław Moczar, saw Gomułka as "too soft."[9] Meanwhile, dissension with the communist rule would grow, and the Polish 1970 protests, soon after the 1968 Polish political crisis, would eventually cause him to lose support with the PZPR party; suffering from nervous exhaustion, Gomułka would be forced to resign and replaced by Edward Gierek.[10][11]

See also

Notes

a. ^ Sources vary on seat number. For example, Staar reports there were 459 seats, Diskin, 458. This difference may stem from different treatment of the results of by-elections. See "election results" section for details.

References

  1. ^ Jerzy Lukowski; W. H. Zawadzki (17 July 2006). A concise history of Poland. Cambridge University Press. pp. 295–296. ISBN 9780521618571. Retrieved 2 June 2011.
  2. ^ Template:Pl icon Sławomir Iwaniuk, Białorusini w wyborach do Sejmu PRL II kadencji 1957 roku , Białoruskie Zeszyty Historycznye Nr 6, pod red. E. Mironowicza, Białystok 1996, str. 130-165
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Richard F. Staar, Elections in Communist Poland, Midwest Journal of Political Science, Vol. 2, No. 2 (May, 1958), pp. 200-218, JSTOR
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Template:Pl icon Bartłomiej Kozłowski, Wybory styczniowe do Sejmu 1957 Last accessed on 5 April 2007
  5. ^ a b Hanna Diskin (2001). The seeds of triumph: church and state in Gomułka's Poland. Central European University Press. p. 113. ISBN 9789639241169. Retrieved 2 June 2011. Cite error: The named reference "Diskin2001" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  6. ^ a b Paweł Machcewicz, Kampania wyborcza i wybory do Sejmu 20 stycznia 1957 roku, Wydawnictwo Sejmowe, 2000, ISBN 83-7059-369-0 (blurb)
  7. ^ Arch Puddington (May 2003). Broadcasting Freedom: The Cold War Triumph of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. University Press of Kentucky. p. 121. ISBN 9780813190457. Retrieved 26 May 2011.
  8. ^ Michael H. Bernhard (1993). The origins of democratization in Poland: workers, intellectuals, and oppositional politics, 1976-1980. Columbia University Press. p. 220. ISBN 9780231080934. Retrieved 26 May 2011.
  9. ^ a b c Roy Francis Leslie; R. F. Leslie (1983). The History of Poland since 1863. Cambridge University Press. pp. 364–366. ISBN 9780521275019. Retrieved 26 May 2011. Cite error: The named reference "LeslieLeslie1983" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  10. ^ Norman Davies (1982). God's Playground, a History of Poland: 1795 to the present. Columbia University Press. p. 591. ISBN 9780231053532. Retrieved 26 May 2011.
  11. ^ Jacqueline Hayden (1994). Poles apart: Solidarity and the new Poland. Psychology Press. p. 12. ISBN 9780714645896. Retrieved 26 May 2011.

Further reading

  • Jerzy Drygalski, Jacek Kwasniewski, No-Choice Elections, Soviet Studies, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1990), pp. 295–315, JSTOR
  • George Sakwa, Martin Crouch, Sejm Elections in Communist Poland: An Overview and a Reappraisal, British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Oct., 1978), pp. 403–424, JSTOR

External links