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Several archimandrites and Orthodox writers of the Kiev Pechersk Lavra where among the leading ideologists of the All-Russian unity and used the Little Russian terminology in the 17th century^{[failed verification]}^[1]Template:Source needs translation^[2]Template:Source needs translation

The Little Russian identity was a cultural, political, and ethnic self-identification^[3] of the elite population of Little Russia (modern Ukraine)^[4] as one of the constituent parts of the triune Russian nationality.^[5]^{[nb 1]} The identity was not supported by the majority peasant population,^[8] instead preferring the ethnonym Ruthenians (Rusyny, русини) or Rus' people (Rus'kyi narod, руський народ). The Little Russian identity combined Russian imperial culture with an attachment of the Cossack Hetmanate and its culture.^[7]

The beginning of the development of the Little Russian identity in the Cossack Hetmanate dates back to the late 18th century.^[7] A significant factor that promoted this process was the idea of equal national, social and religious rights for the Little Russian elite in the Tsardom of Russia which they were denied in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the second half of the 19th century, in order to counter the conception of an All-Russian unity, a Ukrainian national idea (Ukrainianism) emerged. Its characteristic traits were the denial of cultural and ethnic ties with Russia as well as Western political orientation.^[9] Also the new ethnonym was promoted instead of the widespread name Ruthenian (Rusyny; русини).. The struggle between the two projects of national identity lasted until the dissolution of the Russian Empire. The revolutionary events of 1917 led to a rapid strengthening of the Ukrainian national idea, which was backed by many Galicians (Western Ukrainians) who joined the political life in Kiev. Because of their adjacence to the Russian White Movement, political activists with Little Russian, and Pan-Russian views were among the social groups who suffered the most during the Revolution, and the troubles of the Civil War. Many of them were killed or were forced to emigrate.^[3]

After the end of the Civil War, the process of Ukrainian nation-building was resumed on the territory of Ukrainian SSR by the Bolshevik party and the Soviet authorities who introduced the policy of korenizatsiya with its regional specificity as Ukrainization. As a result, the term "Little Russian" was marginalized and remained in usage only among White emigres.

Emergence

As monuments of spiritual and literary culture of Western and Eastern Rus' show, the sense of unity of the Rus' lands remained vivid for a long period even after the political disintegration of Kievan Rus and the Mongol invasiont.^[9] Rus' chronicles often repeated the idea of an ecclesiastic, historical and dynastic unity of the Rus' lands as well as the necessity of their reunification. Moral and political rights of foreign states on Rus' lands were rejected.^[9]

The Little Russian political ideology emerged simultaneously to the revival of the Byzantine term Little Russia at the end of the 16th century in the literary works of the Christian Orthodox clergy of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Numerous prominent Orthodox authors and hierarchs, such as Ivan Vyshenskyi, Zakharia Kopystenskyi, Yelisey Pletenetskyi or Job Boretsky strongly opposed the Union of Brest and polemicized with Roman Catholics and Uniates, developing the ideas of a big Russian Orthodox people. The Little Russian idea steadily gained support among Cossack leadership^[10] and Orthodox brotherhoods, which were subject to judicial, economic and religious discrimination, and repeatedly organized violent uprisings against Polish rule from the end of the 16th to the first half of the 17th century. Simultaneously, the image of an Orthodox Tsar who would protect the All-Russian people against the injustice of the Poles became widespread.^[11]^{[by whom?]} Later, the existence of such sentiments facilitated the signing of the Treaty of Pereyaslav during the Khmelnytsky Uprising as well as the political integration of the Hetmanate into the Tsardom of Russia.^{[original research?]}

From the beginning on, the unification initiative came from the Little Russian side rathen than it was pushed by Russia. After the Pereyaslav Treaty the Hetmanate faced a civil war known as The Ruin between pro-Russian and pro-Polish forces. After the pro-Polish fraction lost in Kiev and the Left-Bank Ukraine, the Little Russian identity ultimately consolidated after already being strongly enrooted in ecclesiastic circles.^[11] An important milestone was the 1674 publication of the Kievan Synopsis by the archimandrite of the Kiev Pechersk Lavra and the rector of the Kievan Theological School Innocent Gizel. In his work he described the dynastic succession between Kiev and Moscow as well as the existence of a Triune Russian people which has its origins in the ancient people of the Kievan Rus. Throughout the 18th century Synopsis was the most widespread and popular historical work in Russia.^[3]

Under the influence of the Kiev-born archbishop of the Russian Orthodox Church Theophan Prokopovich the Russian Empire gradually became the object of primary idenitifiaction of Little Russians while Little Russia was considered as the local homeland^[3]^[12] which composes the Empire on the equal basis with former Muscovy.^[13] The Cossack elite looked for ways to legitimate its social status in the hierarchy of the Russian Empire to benefit from the perspective of attractive career possibilities.^[14] Supporters of the Little Russian identity considered the Russian Empire as their own state which they build up together with Great Russians. Among the sources of their loyalty were the long-awaited triumphs over the century-old adversaries of the Southern Rus: the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Crimean Khanate, the Ottoman Empire.^[15]^[16] Already in the 18th century many Little Russians held important political positions of the Empire: Chancellor Alexander Bezborodko, minister of education Pyotr Zavadovsky, general procecutor Dmitry Troshchinsky, Field Marshall and President of the Academy of Science Kyrylo Rozumovskyi, Field Marshall Alexey Razumovsky and others.^[15]

The Little Russian identity didn't aim at blurring local peculiarities as long as they didn't contradict the most important thing: the idea of a cultural and political All-Russian unity. Little Russians had not the opinion that they are "sacrificing" the interests of their local homeland to the Great Russians or that they have to abandon their identity in favour of the Great Russian.^[17]

The Little Russian identity was not the only form of self-identification that existed in Ukraine prior to the emergence of the Ukrainian national identity.^[18] The supporters of hetman Ivan Mazepa who betrayed Peter the Great and went over to the Swedish king Charles XII favoured the Khazarian myth^[10]. It told that the "Cossack people" originates from the old Khazars^[18] and thus are not related to the Russians.^[19] This version is also described in the Orlyk Constitution. In the late 18th and the early 19th century a certain popularity had the ideas of the History of the Rus book which promoted the view of different origins of Little and Great Russians. Despite all these alternative views the majority of the spiritual, cultural and political elite of Little Russia identified itself with the Little Russian idea.^[9] It freely and easily integrated into the complex and multilayer structures of the Russian Empire and later of the USSR.^[5]

Rivalry with the Ukrainian idea

Russian Empire

In the second half of the 19th century an alternative identity project emerged which was called Ukrainianness (українство). The naming referred to the territory of Ukraine which in the earlier times designated the border region south of Kiev inhabited by Cossacks. The characteristical traits of the new political ideology was the growing rejection of any cultural and ethnic ties with Russia and the political orientation towards the West. The basis of Ukrainianness was laid by members of the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius, led by Nikolay Kostomarov.^[22]

With the support of local authorities, the Ukrainianness got particularily rapid development on the territory of Galicia which belonged to Austria-Hungary. The rivalry between the Little Russian and the Ukrainian identity which intensified in the period prior to World War I had the character of a local Kulturkampf and terminological war.^[3] The rhetorical battle was led for the cultural heritage of Little Russia and the identity of many key figures such as Taras Shevchenko.^[3] Hot polemics inflamed about historical issues, personalities and the interpretation of Little Russia's history. One of the most influential supporters of Ukrainianness was Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, the author of the large monography "History of Ukraine-Rus". He created and promoted the theory that Ukrainians and Russians had a separate ethnogenesis and tried to prove separate development of both peoples throughout the whole historical period. His views were largely criticized by prominent historians and writers such as Agafangel Krymsky or Andrey Volkonsky. One of his direct critics was the Kievan Slavicist Ivan Linnichenko who wrote an open letter to him and tried to show that the history of Ukraine and Russia is not separable^[23].

Also in the linguistic question the "Little Russians" and the "Ukrainians" had strong differences. While the first ones considered the literary Russian language as a common creation and spiritual value of all three Russian branches and spoke of a Little Russian dialect, the last ones promoted the views that Ukrainian is an autonomous language and made big efforts to standardize it as soon as possible.^{[citation needed]}

Soviet Union

The Little Russian identity remained dominant among elites even in the revolutionary years of 1917-1921.^[24] However, with the beginning of the Bolshevik policy of Ukrainization, which was the local form of the Korenizatsiya policy, the Little Russian identity was declared 'antiquated and illegitimate'.^[3] In the 1920s Bolshevik internationalists used the Ukrainian SSR and the Byelorussian SSR as "exhibition pavillons" of their nationality policy, hoping to gain sympathies of the disadvantaged East Slavic population in interwar Poland.^[22] At the same time they hoped to ultimately weaken pan-Russian imperialism in a society that was represented by their adversary in the Russian civil war: the Imperial Russian White Movement. The Bolsheviks had the largest credit in the realization and consolidation of the Ukrainian identity project.^[11] In the First All-Union Census of the Soviet Union (1926) the registration of people as Little Russians was restricted, and people in the Ukrainian SSR had to choose between the Ukrainian and Russian nationality or even were automatically registered as Ukrainians.^[25]^{[dubious – discuss]} The term 'Little Russian' remained in usage only among some White emigres.^[3]

Although the antiquated Little Russian identity gave way to the new ethnonym Ukrainian, and the conception of a triune Russian people was replaced by a new conception of brotherly but separate peoples, certain elements of the Little Russian identity persisted. One characteristic trait of the Ukrainian national movement such as a strict Western orientation^[9] was rejected by the Soviet authorities.^[clarify] The Ukrainian nation was regarded as "brotherly" to the Russian, and the striving towards political unification with the Russians was described in Soviet history books as the leitmotif of Ukrainian history.^[5] In the described way the Soviet ideology combined elements of Ukrainian and Little Russian identities.^{[example needed]} From the Ukrainanness they took the terminology and the claim that Ukraine had only the status of a colony under the Tsarist regime.^[5]^[clarify]

Present times

In the period of glasnost and perestroika as well as after the independence declaration of 1991, elements of Little Russian identity came under increased pressure. Representatives of the hard-line Ukrainianness which existed in the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada, USA and Western Europe got the possibility to exert influence on the societal processes in Ukraine. Also a shift in the ideological basis was suitable for the elites in their task to build up a new national state.^[5]

Numerous historians and political scientists share the view that the Little Russian identity still lives in parts of the Ukrainian society despite the fact that today is has no clear definition, political organisation and terminological specification. As a symptom of this they see the political split of the country. Some scientists call the Little Russian identity a forgotten but not disappeared alternative for their national self-identification.^[9]

Reception

Nowadays, some Ukrainian authors consider the Little Russian identity as a sociological complex of reduced patriotism among some parts of Ukrainian society, because Ukrainian areas being part of Russian Empire for a long time.^[26]

Notes

^ Although historian Andrew Wilson has described the Little Russian identity as "a strong proto-Ukrainian identity of people who did consider themselves a separate people in service of the Tsardom of Russia".^[6] And Paul Robert Magocsi has argued that the Russification of Ukraine did not lead to assimilation but to the acquisition of multiple identities.^[7]

References

^ Миллер А. И. «Украинский вопрос» в политике властей и русском общественном мнении (вторая половина XIX века). — СПб.: Алетейя, 2000. — 260 с.
^ Дмитриев М. В. Этнонациональные отношения русских и украинцев в свете новейших исследований // Вопросы истории, № 8. 2002. — С. 154—159]]
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h Котенко А. Л., Мартынюк О. В., Миллер А. И. «Малоросс»: эволюция понятия до первой мировой войны
^ Wolczuk, Kataryna (2001), The Moulding of Ukraine: The Constitutional Politics of State Formation, Central European University Press, p. [1]
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Долбилов М., Миллер А. И. (2006). Западные окраины Российской империи. Москва: Новое литературное обозрение. pp. 465–502.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
^ Wilson, Andrew. Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s: A Minority Faith. Cambridge University Press. London: 1997. page 7 & 8.
^ ^a ^b ^c Ilya Prizel "National identity and foreign policy: nationalism and leadership in Poland" (1998) ISBN 0-521-57697-0 p.304
^ Plokhy, Serhii (2008). Ukraine and Russia. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 139–141.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g Марчуков А. В. Малорусский проект: о решении украинско-русского национального вопроса
^ ^a ^b Плохий С. «Национализация» украинского казачества в XVII—XVIII веках // Империя и нация в зеркале исторической памяти: сборник статей. Новое издательство, 2011
^ ^a ^b ^c Дмитриев М. В. Этнонациональные отношения русских и украинцев в свете новейших исследований // Вопросы истории, № 8. 2002. — С. 154—159
^ Plokhy S. The Two Russias of Teofan Prokopovych. P. 349, 359
^ Когут З. Питання російсько-української єдности та української окремішности в українській думці і культурі ранньомодерного часу // Коріння ідентичности. Студії ранньомодерної та модерної історії України. — К.: «Критика», 2004. — С.133-168.
^ Кононенко, Василий. Элита Войска Запорожского — Гетманщины между проектами Малороссии и Российской империи (конец 20-х — начало 60-х гг. XVIII в.) Актуальні проблеми вітчизняної та всесвітньої історії, 2010. С. 127—134
^ ^a ^b Когут З. Українська еліта у XVIII столітті та її інтеґрація в російське дворянство // Коріння ідентичности. Студії ранньомодерної та модерної історії України. — К.: «Критика», 2004. — С.46-79
^ Лаппо Иван Иванович Происхождение украинской идеологии Новейшего времени. — Опубликовано в журнале Вестник Юго-Западной Руси, 2007. № 5.. — Ужгород, 1926.
^ Миллер А. И. Формирование наций у восточных славян в XIX в. — проблема альтернативности и сравнительно-исторического контекста. Рус.ист.журнал. — 1999. Т. — . 130—170
^ ^a ^b Serhii Plokhy. Ukraine and Russia: Representations of the Past. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008
^ Таирова-Яковлева Т. Г. «Отечество» в представлениях украинской казацкой старшины в конце XVII — начале XVIII в. // Украина и Россия: история и образ истории. Материалы российско-украинской конференции. Москва, 3-5 апреля 2008 года
^ Марчуков, А. В. Украина в русском сознании. Николай Гоголь и его время. Regnum, Moscow 2011
^ Данилевский Г. П. Знакомство с Гоголем. (Из литературных воспоминаний) // Сочинения Изд. 9-е. — 1902. — Т. XIV. — С. 92-100.
^ ^a ^b Миллер А. И. Дуализм идентичностей на Украине // Отечественные записки. — № 34 (1) 2007. С. 84-96
^ Малорусский вопрос и автономия Малороссии. Открытое письмо к профессору Грушевскому — 1917.
^ Барановская Н.М. Актуалізація ідей автономізму та федералізму в умовах національної революції 1917–1921 рр. як шлях відстоювання державницького розвитку України
^ Закатнова А. Украинцы победили малороссов в трехвековом идейном бою // Российская газета : газета. — 2012, 3 июня.
^ Mykola Ryabchuk. From Little Russia to Ukraine: paradoxes of late nationbuilding. (Kyiv: Критика, 2000)

Literature

Kohut Z. The Development of a Little Russian Identity and Ukrainian Nationbuilding // Harvard Ukrainian Studies. — 1986. — 10. — H. 3/4. — P. 556—576.
Мацузато К. Ядро или периферия империи? Генерал-губернаторство и малороссийская идентичность // Ab Imperio. — 2002. — № 2.

[8] Although historian Andrew Wilson has described the Little Russian identity as "a strong proto-Ukrainian identity of people who did consider themselves a separate people in service of the Tsardom of Russia".^[6] And Paul Robert Magocsi has argued that the Russification of Ukraine did not lead to assimilation but to the acquisition of multiple identities.^[7]

[1] Миллер А. И. «Украинский вопрос» в политике властей и русском общественном мнении (вторая половина XIX века). — СПб.: Алетейя, 2000. — 260 с.

[2] Дмитриев М. В. Этнонациональные отношения русских и украинцев в свете новейших исследований // Вопросы истории, № 8. 2002. — С. 154—159]]

[KMM-3] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h Котенко А. Л., Мартынюк О. В., Миллер А. И. «Малоросс»: эволюция понятия до первой мировой войны

[4] Wolczuk, Kataryna (2001), The Moulding of Ukraine: The Constitutional Politics of State Formation, Central European University Press, p. [1]

[westernborders-5] Долбилов М., Миллер А. И. (2006). Западные окраины Российской империи. Москва: Новое литературное обозрение. pp. 465–502.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

[6] Wilson, Andrew. Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s: A Minority Faith. Cambridge University Press. London: 1997. page 7 & 8.

[Ilya_Prizel_LRI-7] Ilya Prizel "National identity and foreign policy: nationalism and leadership in Poland" (1998) ISBN 0-521-57697-0 p.304

[plokhy-9] Plokhy, Serhii (2008). Ukraine and Russia. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 139–141.

[Marchukov-10] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g Марчуков А. В. Малорусский проект: о решении украинско-русского национального вопроса

[Plokhy2011-11] Плохий С. «Национализация» украинского казачества в XVII—XVIII веках // Империя и нация в зеркале исторической памяти: сборник статей. Новое издательство, 2011

[Дмитриев-12] Дмитриев М. В. Этнонациональные отношения русских и украинцев в свете новейших исследований // Вопросы истории, № 8. 2002. — С. 154—159

[13] Plokhy S. The Two Russias of Teofan Prokopovych. P. 349, 359

[14] Когут З. Питання російсько-української єдности та української окремішности в українській думці і культурі ранньомодерного часу // Коріння ідентичности. Студії ранньомодерної та модерної історії України. — К.: «Критика», 2004. — С.133-168.

[15] Кононенко, Василий. Элита Войска Запорожского — Гетманщины между проектами Малороссии и Российской империи (конец 20-х — начало 60-х гг. XVIII в.) Актуальні проблеми вітчизняної та всесвітньої історії, 2010. С. 127—134

[Kohut-16] Когут З. Українська еліта у XVIII столітті та її інтеґрація в російське дворянство // Коріння ідентичности. Студії ранньомодерної та модерної історії України. — К.: «Критика», 2004. — С.46-79

[17] Лаппо Иван Иванович Происхождение украинской идеологии Новейшего времени. — Опубликовано в журнале Вестник Юго-Западной Руси, 2007. № 5.. — Ужгород, 1926.

[18] Миллер А. И. Формирование наций у восточных славян в XIX в. — проблема альтернативности и сравнительно-исторического контекста. Рус.ист.журнал. — 1999. Т. — . 130—170

[Plokhy2008-19] Serhii Plokhy. Ukraine and Russia: Representations of the Past. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008

[Таирова-20] Таирова-Яковлева Т. Г. «Отечество» в представлениях украинской казацкой старшины в конце XVII — начале XVIII в. // Украина и Россия: история и образ истории. Материалы российско-украинской конференции. Москва, 3-5 апреля 2008 года

[21] Марчуков, А. В. Украина в русском сознании. Николай Гоголь и его время. Regnum, Moscow 2011

[Данилевский-22] Данилевский Г. П. Знакомство с Гоголем. (Из литературных воспоминаний) // Сочинения Изд. 9-е. — 1902. — Т. XIV. — С. 92-100.

[2ident-23] Миллер А. И. Дуализм идентичностей на Украине // Отечественные записки. — № 34 (1) 2007. С. 84-96

[24] Малорусский вопрос и автономия Малороссии. Открытое письмо к профессору Грушевскому — 1917.

[Барановская-25] Барановская Н.М. Актуалізація ідей автономізму та федералізму в умовах національної революції 1917–1921 рр. як шлях відстоювання державницького розвитку України

[26] Закатнова А. Украинцы победили малороссов в трехвековом идейном бою // Российская газета : газета. — 2012, 3 июня.

[ryab-27] Mykola Ryabchuk. From Little Russia to Ukraine: paradoxes of late nationbuilding. (Kyiv: Критика, 2000)

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[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[nb 1]

[8]

[7]

[9]

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

[21]

[22]

[23]

[24]

[25]

[26]

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@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
+{{Unreliable sources|date=December 2013}} {{OriginalResearch|date=December 2013}}
-{{multiple issues|
+[[File:PecherskayaLavra.jpg|thumb|275px|Several [[archimandrites]] and Orthodox writers of the [[Kiev Pechersk Lavra]] where among the leading ideologists of the [[All-Russian people|All-Russian unity]] and used the Little Russian terminology in the 17th century{{Failed verification|date=January 2014}}<ref>Миллер А. И. «Украинский вопрос» в политике властей и русском общественном мнении (вторая половина XIX века). — СПб.: Алетейя, 2000. — 260 с.</ref>{{Source needs translation}}<ref>Дмитриев М. В. Этнонациональные отношения русских и украинцев в свете новейших исследований // Вопросы истории, № 8. 2002. — С. 154—159]]</ref>{{Source needs translation}}]]
-{{Unreliable sources|date=December 2013}}
-{{Original research|date=December 2013}}
-}}
-[[File:PecherskayaLavra.jpg|thumb|275px|Several [[archimandrites]] and Orthodox writers of the [[Kiev Pechersk Lavra]] where among the leading ideologists of the [[All-Russian people|All-Russian unity]] and used the Little Russian terminology in the 17th century{{Failed verification|date=January 2014}}<ref>Миллер А. И. «Украинский вопрос» в политике властей и русском общественном мнении (вторая половина XIX века). — СПб.: Алетейя, 2000. — 260 с.</ref>{{Source needs translation}}<ref>Дмитриев М. В. Этнонациональные отношения русских и украинцев в свете новейших исследований // Вопросы истории, № 8. 2002. — С. 154—159]]</ref>{{Source needs translation}}
-The '''Little Russian identity''' was a cultural, political, and ethnic self-identification<ref name="KMM">Котенко А. Л., Мартынюк О. В., Миллер А. И. [http://magazines.russ.ru/nlo/2011/108/ko3.html «Малоросс»: эволюция понятия до первой мировой войны]</ref> of the elite population of [[Ukraine]]<ref>{{Citation |first=Kataryna |last=Wolczuk |title=The Moulding of Ukraine: The Constitutional Politics of State Formation |publisher=Central European University Press |year=2001 |page=[http://books.google.com/books?id=Fj3WXcl_kcoC&pg=PA32&dq=%22Little+Russian+identity%22&hl=nl&sa=X&ei=UNixUsWSAuKu0QXQy4HIAQ&ved=0CFcQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=%22Little%20Russian%20identity%22&f=false32]}}</ref> who aligned themselves as one of the constituent parts of the [[All-Russian nation|triune Russian nationality]].<ref name="westernborders">{{книга|автор= Долбилов М., [[Миллер, Алексей Ильич|Миллер А. И.]]|заглавие= Западные окраины Российской империи|ответственный= |ссылка= |место= Москва|издательство= Новое литературное обозрение|год= 2006|том= |страниц= 606|страницы= 465—502|isbn=}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Although historian [[Andrew Wilson (historian)|Andrew Wilson]] has described the Little Russian identity as "a strong [[wiktionary:proto|proto]]-Ukrainian identity of people who did consider themselves a separate people in service of the [[Tsardom of Russia]]".<ref>Wilson, Andrew. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=F_QMCypjpXwC&pg=PA7&dq=a+large+part+%22Little+Russian+identity%22+Ukraine&hl=nl&sa=X&ei=2texUuiEBIbC0QW1mYGIAQ&ved=0CEkQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=a%20large%20part%20%22Little%20Russian%20identity%22%20Ukraine&f=false Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s: A Minority Faith]''. Cambridge University Press. London: 1997. page 7 & 8.</ref> And [[Paul Robert Magocsi]] has argued that the [[Russification of Ukraine]] did not lead to [[Cultural assimilation|assimilation]] but to the acquisition of multiple identities.<ref name="Ilya Prizel LRI"/>|group=nb}} The identity was not supported by the majority peasant population,<ref name=plokhy>{{cite book|last=Plokhy|first=Serhii|title=Ukraine and Russia|year=2008|publisher=University of Toronto Press|location=Toronto|pages=139–141|url=http://books.google.ca/books?id=7itWI-x8l-MC&pg=PA139&dq=%22pan-russian%22&hl=en&sa=X&ei=yeGtUtCEM8mOrAHjkYCoCA&ved=0CDQQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22pan-russian%22&f=false}}</ref> instead preferring the ethnonym [[Ruthenians]] (''Rusyny'', русини) or [[Rus' people]] (''Rus'kyi narod'', руський народ). The Little Russian identity combined the cultures of [[Russian Empire|imperial Russian]] and [[Cossack Hetmanate]].<ref name="Ilya Prizel LRI"/>
+The '''Little Russian identity''' was a cultural, political, and ethnic self-identification<ref name="KMM">Котенко А. Л., Мартынюк О. В., Миллер А. И. [http://magazines.russ.ru/nlo/2011/108/ko3.html «Малоросс»: эволюция понятия до первой мировой войны]</ref> of the elite population of [[Little Russia]] (modern [[Ukraine]])<ref>{{Citation |first=Kataryna |last=Wolczuk |title=The Moulding of Ukraine: The Constitutional Politics of State Formation |publisher=Central European University Press |year=2001 |page=[http://books.google.com/books?id=Fj3WXcl_kcoC&pg=PA32&dq=%22Little+Russian+identity%22&hl=nl&sa=X&ei=UNixUsWSAuKu0QXQy4HIAQ&ved=0CFcQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=%22Little%20Russian%20identity%22&f=false32]}}</ref> as one of the constituent parts of the [[All-Russian nation|triune Russian nationality]].<ref name="westernborders">{{книга|автор= Долбилов М., [[Миллер, Алексей Ильич|Миллер А. И.]]|заглавие= Западные окраины Российской империи|ответственный= |ссылка= |место= Москва|издательство= Новое литературное обозрение|год= 2006|том= |страниц= 606|страницы= 465—502|isbn=}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Although historian [[Andrew Wilson (historian)|Andrew Wilson]] has described the Little Russian identity as "a strong [[wiktionary:proto|proto]]-Ukrainian identity of people who did consider themselves a separate people in service of the [[Tsardom of Russia]]".<ref>Wilson, Andrew. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=F_QMCypjpXwC&pg=PA7&dq=a+large+part+%22Little+Russian+identity%22+Ukraine&hl=nl&sa=X&ei=2texUuiEBIbC0QW1mYGIAQ&ved=0CEkQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=a%20large%20part%20%22Little%20Russian%20identity%22%20Ukraine&f=false Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s: A Minority Faith]''. Cambridge University Press. London: 1997. page 7 & 8.</ref> And [[Paul Robert Magocsi]] has argued that the [[Russification of Ukraine]] did not lead to [[Cultural assimilation|assimilation]] but to the acquisition of multiple identities.<ref name="Ilya Prizel LRI"/>|group=nb}} The identity was not supported by the majority peasant population,<ref name=plokhy>{{cite book|last=Plokhy|first=Serhii|title=Ukraine and Russia|year=2008|publisher=University of Toronto Press|location=Toronto|pages=139–141|url=http://books.google.ca/books?id=7itWI-x8l-MC&pg=PA139&dq=%22pan-russian%22&hl=en&sa=X&ei=yeGtUtCEM8mOrAHjkYCoCA&ved=0CDQQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22pan-russian%22&f=false}}</ref> instead preferring the ethnonym [[Ruthenians]] (''Rusyny'', русини) or [[Rus' people]] (''Rus'kyi narod'', руський народ). The Little Russian identity combined [[Russian Empire|Russian imperial]] [[Culture of the Russian Empire|culture]] with an attachment of the [[Cossack Hetmanate]] and its culture.<ref name="Ilya Prizel LRI"/>
-The beginning of the development of the Little Russian identity in the [[Cossack Hetmanate]] dates back to the late 18th century.<ref name="Ilya Prizel LRI">[[Ilya Prizel]] "[http://books.google.com/books?id=fE2quB852jcC&pg=PA304&dq=%22Little+Russian+identity%22&hl=nl&sa=X&ei=UNixUsWSAuKu0QXQy4HIAQ&ved=0CEEQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=%22Little%20Russian%20identity%22&f=false National identity and foreign policy: nationalism and leadership in Poland]" (1998) ISBN 0-521-57697-0 p.304</ref> A significant factor that promoted this process was the idea of equal national, social and religious rights for the elite of the [[Tsardom of Russia]] that had been denied in the [[Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth]].{{citation needed|date=January 2014}}
+The beginning of the development of the Little Russian identity in the [[Cossack Hetmanate]] dates back to the late 18th century.<ref name="Ilya Prizel LRI">[[Ilya Prizel]] "[http://books.google.com/books?id=fE2quB852jcC&pg=PA304&dq=%22Little+Russian+identity%22&hl=nl&sa=X&ei=UNixUsWSAuKu0QXQy4HIAQ&ved=0CEEQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=%22Little%20Russian%20identity%22&f=false National identity and foreign policy: nationalism and leadership in Poland]" (1998) ISBN 0-521-57697-0 p.304</ref> A significant factor that promoted this process was the idea of equal national, social and religious rights for the Little Russian elite in the [[Tsardom of Russia]] which they were denied in the [[Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth]].
+In the second half of the 19th century, in order to counter the conception of an All-Russian unity, a Ukrainian national idea ([[Ukrainains|Ukrainianism]]) emerged. Its characteristic traits were the denial of cultural and ethnic ties with Russia as well as Western political orientation.<ref name="Marchukov"/> Also the new ethnonym was promoted instead of the widespread name Ruthenian (''Rusyny''; русини).. The struggle between the two projects of national identity lasted until the dissolution of the [[Russian Empire]]. The revolutionary events of 1917 led to a rapid strengthening of the Ukrainian national idea, which was backed by many [[Galicia]]ns (Western Ukrainians) who joined the political life in Kiev. Because of their adjacence to the Russian [[White Movement]], political activists with Little Russian, and Pan-Russian views were among the social groups who suffered the most during the Revolution, and the troubles of the Civil War. Many of them were killed or were forced to emigrate.<ref name="KMM"/>
+After the end of the Civil War, the process of Ukrainian nation-building was resumed on the territory of [[Ukrainian SSR]] by the Bolshevik party and the Soviet authorities who introduced the policy of [[korenizatsiya]] with its regional specificity as [[Ukrainization]]. As a result, the term "Little Russian" was marginalized and remained in usage only among White emigres.
-In the second half of the 19th century, in order to counter the conception of an All-Russian unity, the [[Ukrainians|Ukrainian national identity]] emerged. Its characteristic traits were the denial of cultural and ethnic ties with Russia as well as Western political orientation.<ref name="Marchukov"/> This new ethnonym was promoted instead of the widespread name Ruthenian (''Rusyny''; русини). The struggle between the two projects of national identity lasted until the dissolution of the [[Russian Empire]]. The revolutionary events of 1917 led to a rapid strengthening of the Ukrainian national idea, which was backed by many Western Ukrainians in [[Galicia]] who joined the political life in Kiev. Because of their adjacency to the Russian [[White Movement]], political activists with Little Russian, and Pan-Russian views were among the social groups who suffered the most during the Revolution, and the troubles of the Civil War; many of whom were killed during the war or forced to emigrate.<ref name="KMM"/>
-After the end of the Civil War, the process of Ukrainian nation-building was resumed on the territory of [[Ukrainian SSR]] by the Bolshevik party and the Soviet authorities who introduced the policy of [[korenizatsiya]] with its regional specificity as [[Ukrainization]].{{awkward|date=January 2014}} As a result, the term "Little Russian" was marginalized and remained in usage only among White emigres.
 == Emergence ==
-As {{clarify span|text=monuments of spiritual and literary culture|date=January 2014}} of Western and Eastern Rus' show, the sense of unity of the Rus' lands remained vivid for a long period even after the political disintegration of [[Kievan Rus]] and the [[Mongol invasion of Rus|Mongol invasion]]t.<ref name="Marchukov">Марчуков А. В. [http://pda.regnum.ru/news/1470788.html Малорусский проект: о решении украинско-русского национального вопроса]</ref> Rus' chronicles often repeated the idea of an ecclesiastic, historical and dynastic unity of the Rus' lands as well as the necessity of their reunification. Moral and political rights of foreign states on Rus' lands were rejected.<ref name="Marchukov"/>{{dubious|date=January 2014}}{{Verify source|date=January 2014}}
+As monuments of spiritual and literary culture of Western and Eastern Rus' show, the sense of unity of the Rus' lands remained vivid for a long period even after the political disintegration of [[Kievan Rus]] and the [[Mongol invasion of Rus|Mongol invasion]]t.<ref name="Marchukov">Марчуков А. В. [http://pda.regnum.ru/news/1470788.html Малорусский проект: о решении украинско-русского национального вопроса]</ref> Rus' chronicles often repeated the idea of an ecclesiastic, historical and dynastic unity of the Rus' lands as well as the necessity of their reunification. Moral and political rights of foreign states on Rus' lands were rejected.<ref name="Marchukov"/>
-The Little Russian political ideology emerged simultaneous to the revival of the [[Byzantine Empire|Byzantine]] term [[Little Rus']] at the end of the 16th century in the literary works of the [[Russian Orthodox Church|Christian Orthodox]] clergy of the [[Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth]]. Numerous prominent Orthodox authors and hierarchs, such as [[Ivan Vyshenskyi]], [[Zakharia Kopystenskyi]], [[Yelisey Pletenetskyi]] or [[Job Boretsky]] strongly opposed the [[Union of Brest]] and polemicized with [[Roman Catholics]] and [[Uniates]], developing the ideas of a pan-Russian Orthodox people. The Little Russian idea steadily gained support among [[Zaporozhian Cossacks|Cossack leadership]]<ref name="Plokhy2011"/> and Orthodox brotherhoods, which were subject to judicial, economic and religious discrimination; and repeatedly organized violent uprisings against Polish rule from the end of the 16th to the first half of the 17th century. Simultaneously, the image of an Orthodox Tsar who would protect the All-Russian people against the injustice of the Poles became a political tool used by Moscovite rulers.<ref name="Дмитриев">Дмитриев М. В. Этнонациональные отношения русских и украинцев в свете новейших исследований // Вопросы истории, № 8. 2002. — С. 154—159</ref> Later, the existence of such sentiments facilitated the signing of the [[Treaty of Pereyaslav]] during the [[Khmelnytsky Uprising]] as well as the political integration of the Hetmanate into the [[Tsardom of Russia]].{{OR|date=January 2014}}
+The Little Russian political ideology emerged simultaneously to the revival of the [[Byzantine Empire|Byzantine]] term [[Little Russia]] at the end of the 16th century in the literary works of the [[Russian Orthodox Church|Christian Orthodox]] clergy of the [[Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth]]. Numerous prominent Orthodox authors and hierarchs, such as [[Ivan Vyshenskyi]], [[Zakharia Kopystenskyi]], [[Yelisey Pletenetskyi]] or [[Job Boretsky]] strongly opposed the [[Union of Brest]] and polemicized with [[Roman Catholics]] and [[Uniates]], developing the ideas of a big Russian Orthodox people. The Little Russian idea steadily gained support among [[Zaporozhian Cossacks|Cossack leadership]]<ref name="Plokhy2011"/> and Orthodox brotherhoods, which were subject to judicial, economic and religious discrimination, and repeatedly organized violent uprisings against Polish rule from the end of the 16th to the first half of the 17th century. Simultaneously, the image of an Orthodox Tsar who would protect the All-Russian people against the injustice of the Poles became widespread.<ref name="Дмитриев">Дмитриев М. В. Этнонациональные отношения русских и украинцев в свете новейших исследований // Вопросы истории, № 8. 2002. — С. 154—159</ref>{{by whom|date=January 2014}} Later, the existence of such sentiments facilitated the signing of the [[Treaty of Pereyaslav]] during the [[Khmelnytsky Uprising]] as well as the political integration of the Hetmanate into the [[Tsardom of Russia]].{{OR|date=January 2014}}
-After the Pereyaslav Treaty the Hetmanate faced a civil war known as [[The Ruin (Ukrainian history)|The Ruin]] between pro-Russian and pro-Polish forces. After the pro-Polish fraction lost [[Left-Bank Ukraine]], the Little Russian identity ultimately consolidated after already being strongly enrooted in ecclesiastic circles.<ref name="Дмитриев"/> An important milestone was the 1674 publication of the [[Kievan Synopsis]] by the archimandrite of the [[Kiev Pechersk Lavra]] and the rector of the [[Kievan Theological School]] [[Innocent Gizel]]. In his work he described the dynastic succession between Kiev and [[Moscow]] as well as the existence of a [[Triune Russian people]] which has its origins in the ancient people of the Kievan Rus. Throughout the 18th century Synopsis was the most widespread and popular historical work in Russia.<ref name="KMM"/>
+From the beginning on, the unification initiative came from the Little Russian side rathen than it was pushed by Russia. After the Pereyaslav Treaty the Hetmanate faced a civil war known as [[The Ruin (Ukrainian history)|The Ruin]] between pro-Russian and pro-Polish forces. After the pro-Polish fraction lost in [[Kiev]] and the [[Left-Bank Ukraine]], the Little Russian identity ultimately consolidated after already being strongly enrooted in ecclesiastic circles.<ref name="Дмитриев"/> An important milestone was the 1674 publication of the [[Kievan Synopsis]] by the archimandrite of the [[Kiev Pechersk Lavra]] and the rector of the [[Kievan Theological School]] [[Innocent Gizel]]. In his work he described the dynastic succession between Kiev and [[Moscow]] as well as the existence of a [[Triune Russian people]] which has its origins in the ancient people of the Kievan Rus. Throughout the 18th century Synopsis was the most widespread and popular historical work in Russia.<ref name="KMM"/>
-Under the influence of the Kiev-born archbishop of the [[Russian Orthodox Church]] [[Theophan Prokopovich]] the [[Russian Empire]] gradually became the object of primary identification of Little Russians while {{clarify span|text=Little Russia was considered as the local homeland<ref name="KMM"/><ref>Plokhy S. The Two Russias of Teofan Prokopovych. P. 349, 359</ref> which composes the Empire on the equal basis with former[[Muscovy]].<ref>Когут З. Питання російсько-української єдности та української окремішности в українській думці і культурі ранньомодерного часу // Коріння ідентичности. Студії ранньомодерної та модерної історії України. — К.: «Критика», 2004. — С.133-168.</ref>||date=January 2014}} The Cossack elite under Russian rule looked for ways to legitimize its social status in the hierarchy of the Russian Empire to benefit from the perspective of attractive career possibilities.<ref>Кононенко, Василий. Элита Войска Запорожского — Гетманщины между проектами Малороссии и Российской империи (конец 20-х — начало 60-х гг. XVIII в.) Актуальні проблеми вітчизняної та всесвітньої історії, 2010. С. 127—134</ref> Supporters of the Little Russian identity considered the Russian Empire as their own state which they built together with (Great) [[Russians]]. In the 18th century many Little Russians held important political positions of the Empire: Chancellor [[Alexander Bezborodko]], minister of education [[Pyotr Zavadovsky]], general prosecutor [[Dmitry Troshchinsky]], Field Marshall and President of the Academy of Science [[Kyrylo Rozumovskyi]], Field Marshall [[Alexey Razumovsky]] among others.<ref name="Kohut">Когут З. Українська еліта у XVIII столітті та її інтеґрація в російське дворянство // Коріння ідентичности. Студії ранньомодерної та модерної історії України. — К.: «Критика», 2004. — С.46-79</ref>
+Under the influence of the Kiev-born archbishop of the [[Russian Orthodox Church]] [[Theophan Prokopovich]] the [[Russian Empire]] gradually became the object of primary idenitifiaction of Little Russians while Little Russia was considered as the local homeland<ref name="KMM"/><ref>Plokhy S. The Two Russias of Teofan Prokopovych. P. 349, 359</ref> which composes the Empire on the equal basis with former [[Muscovy]].<ref>Когут З. Питання російсько-української єдности та української окремішности в українській думці і культурі ранньомодерного часу // Коріння ідентичности. Студії ранньомодерної та модерної історії України. — К.: «Критика», 2004. — С.133-168.</ref> The Cossack elite looked for ways to legitimate its social status in the hierarchy of the Russian Empire to benefit from the perspective of attractive career possibilities.<ref>Кононенко, Василий. Элита Войска Запорожского — Гетманщины между проектами Малороссии и Российской империи (конец 20-х — начало 60-х гг. XVIII в.) Актуальні проблеми вітчизняної та всесвітньої історії, 2010. С. 127—134</ref> Supporters of the Little Russian identity considered the Russian Empire as their own state which they build up together with [[Russians|Great Russians]]. Among the sources of their loyalty were the long-awaited triumphs over the century-old adversaries of the Southern Rus: the [[Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth]], the [[Crimean Khanate]], the [[Ottoman Empire]].<ref name="Kohut">Когут З. Українська еліта у XVIII столітті та її інтеґрація в російське дворянство // Коріння ідентичности. Студії ранньомодерної та модерної історії України. — К.: «Критика», 2004. — С.46-79</ref><ref>Лаппо Иван Иванович Происхождение украинской идеологии Новейшего времени. — Опубликовано в журнале Вестник Юго-Западной Руси, 2007. № 5.. — Ужгород, 1926.</ref> Already in the 18th century many Little Russians held important political positions of the Empire: Chancellor [[Alexander Bezborodko]], minister of education [[Pyotr Zavadovsky]], general procecutor [[Dmitry Troshchinsky]], Field Marshall and President of the Academy of Science [[Kyrylo Rozumovskyi]], Field Marshall [[Alexey Razumovsky]] and others.<ref name="Kohut"/>
-The Little Russian identity didn't aim at blurring local peculiarities as long as they didn't contradict the most important thing: the idea of a cultural and political All-Russian unity. Little Russians had not the opinion that they are "sacrificing" the interests of their local homeland to the Great Russians or that they have to abandon their identity in favour of the Great Russian.<ref>Миллер А. И.[http://mion.sgu.ru/empires/docs/miller.doc Формирование наций у восточных славян в XIX в.] — проблема альтернативности и сравнительно-исторического контекста. Рус.ист.журнал. — 1999. Т. — . 130—170</ref>
+The Little Russian identity didn't aim at blurring local peculiarities as long as they didn't contradict the most important thing: the idea of a cultural and political All-Russian unity. Little Russians had not the opinion that they are "sacrificing" the interests of their local homeland to the Great Russians or that they have to abandon their identity in favour of the Great Russian.<ref>Миллер А. И. [http://mion.sgu.ru/empires/docs/miller.doc Формирование наций у восточных славян в XIX в.] — проблема альтернативности и сравнительно-исторического контекста. Рус.ист.журнал. — 1999. Т. — . 130—170</ref>
-The Little Russian identity was not the only form of self-identification that existed in Ukraine prior to the emergence of the Ukrainian national identity.<ref name="Plokhy2008">Serhii Plokhy. Ukraine and Russia: Representations of the Past. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008</ref> The supporters of hetman [[Ivan Mazepa]] who rebelled against Russian emperor [[Peter the Great|Peter I]] favored a Khazarian origin to the Cossack people, which they considered a distinct nation,.<ref name="Plokhy2011">Плохий С. «Национализация» украинского казачества в XVII—XVIII веках // Империя и нация в зеркале исторической памяти: сборник статей. Новое издательство, 2011</ref> It told that the "Cossack people" originates from the old [[Khazar]]s<ref name="Plokhy2008"/> unrelated to Russians.<ref name="Таирова">''Таирова-Яковлева Т. Г.''[http://www.hist.msu.ru/Labs/UkrBel/tairova.doc «Отечество» в представлениях украинской казацкой старшины в конце XVII — начале XVIII в.] // Украина и Россия: история и образ истории. Материалы российско-украинской конференции. Москва, 3-5 апреля 2008 года</ref> This version is also described in the [[Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk|Orlyk Constitution]]. In the late 18th and the early 19th century {{clarify span|text=a certain popularity had the ideas of the [[History of the Rus]] book||date=January 2014}} which promoted the view of different origins of Little and Great Russians. Despite all these alternative views the majority of the spiritual, cultural and political elite of Little Russia identified themselves as Little Russians.<ref name="Marchukov"/> {{clarify span|text=It freely and easily integrated into the complex and multilayered structures of the Russian Empire and later of the [[USSR]].<ref name="westernborders" />||date=January 2014}}
+The Little Russian identity was not the only form of self-identification that existed in Ukraine prior to the emergence of the Ukrainian national identity.<ref name="Plokhy2008">Serhii Plokhy. Ukraine and Russia: Representations of the Past. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008</ref> The supporters of hetman [[Ivan Mazepa]] who betrayed [[Peter the Great]] and went over to the Swedish king [[Charles XII]] favoured the [[Khazarian myth]]<ref name="Plokhy2011">Плохий С. «Национализация» украинского казачества в XVII—XVIII веках // Империя и нация в зеркале исторической памяти: сборник статей. Новое издательство, 2011</ref>. It told that the "Cossack people" originates from the old [[Khazar]]s<ref name="Plokhy2008"/> and thus are not related to the Russians.<ref name="Таирова">''Таирова-Яковлева Т. Г.'' [http://www.hist.msu.ru/Labs/UkrBel/tairova.doc «Отечество» в представлениях украинской казацкой старшины в конце XVII — начале XVIII в.] // Украина и Россия: история и образ истории. Материалы российско-украинской конференции. Москва, 3-5 апреля 2008 года</ref> This version is also described in the [[Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk|Orlyk Constitution]]. In the late 18th and the early 19th century a certain popularity had the ideas of the [[History of the Rus]] book which promoted the view of different origins of Little and Great Russians. Despite all these alternative views the majority of the spiritual, cultural and political elite of Little Russia identified itself with the Little Russian idea.<ref name="Marchukov"/> It freely and easily integrated into the complex and multilayer structures of the Russian Empire and later of the [[USSR]].<ref name="westernborders" />
 ==Rivalry with the Ukrainian idea==
@@ Line 35: / Line 30: @@
 [[File:Anatoly Ivanovich Savenko.jpg|200px|thumb|[[Anatoly Savenko]] was one of the most prominent Little Russian political activist in Kiev prior to WWI]]
-With the support of local authorities, the Ukrainianness got particularly rapid development on the territory of [[Galicia (Eastern Europe)|Galicia]] which belonged to [[Austria-Hungary]]. The rivalry between the Little Russian and the Ukrainian identity which intensified in the period prior to [[World War I]] had the character of a local [[Kulturkampf]] and terminological war.<ref name="KMM"/> The rhetorical battle was led for the cultural heritage of Little Russia and the identity of many key figures such as [[Taras Shevchenko]].<ref name="KMM"/> Hot polemics inflamed about historical issues, personalities and the interpretation of Little Russia's history. One of the most influential supporters of Ukrainianness was [[Mykhailo Hrushevskyi]], the author of the large historical monograph, the "History of Ukraine-Rus". His work emphasized that Ukrainians and Russians had a separate [[ethnogenesis]].{{citation needed|date=January 2014}}
+With the support of local authorities, the Ukrainianness got particularily rapid development on the territory of [[Galicia (Eastern Europe)|Galicia]] which belonged to [[Austria-Hungary]]. The rivalry between the Little Russian and the Ukrainian identity which intensified in the period prior to [[World War I]] had the character of a local [[Kulturkampf]] and terminological war.<ref name="KMM"/> The rhetorical battle was led for the cultural heritage of Little Russia and the identity of many key figures such as [[Taras Shevchenko]].<ref name="KMM"/> Hot polemics inflamed about historical issues, personalities and the interpretation of Little Russia's history. One of the most influential supporters of Ukrainianness was [[Mykhailo Hrushevskyi]], the author of the large monography "History of Ukraine-Rus". He created and promoted the theory that Ukrainians and Russians had a separate [[ethnogenesis]] and tried to prove separate development of both peoples throughout the whole historical period. His views were largely criticized by prominent historians and writers such as [[:ru:Крымский, Агафангел Ефимович|Agafangel Krymsky]] or [[Andrey Volkonsky]]. One of his direct critics was the Kievan Slavicist [[:ru:Линниченко, Иван Андреевич|Ivan Linnichenko]] who wrote an open letter to him and tried to show that the history of Ukraine and Russia is not separable<ref>[http://ukrstor.com/ukrstor/linnichenco-pismo-gruschevskomu.html Малорусский вопрос и автономия Малороссии. Открытое письмо к профессору Грушевскому] — 1917.</ref>.
 [[File:Ethnic map europe 1923.jpg|thumb|250px|left|A British ethnic map of Europe (1923)]]
-Also in the linguistic question the "Little Russians" and the "Ukrainians" had strong differences. While the first ones considered the literary [[Russian language]] as a common creation and spiritual value of all three Russian branches and spoke of a Little Russian dialect, the last ones promoted the views that [[Ukrainian language|Ukrainian]] is an autonomous language and made big efforts to standardize it as soon as possible.{{citation needed|date=January 2014}}
+Also in the linguistic question the "Little Russians" and the "Ukrainians" had strong differences. While the first ones considered the literary [[Russian language]] as a common creation and spiritual value of all three Russian branches and spoke of a Little Russian dialect, the last ones promoted the views that [[Ukrainian language|Ukrainian]] is an autonomous language and made big efforts to standardize it as soon as possible.{{fact}}
 === Soviet Union ===