The German term Kulturkampf (help·info) (pronounced [kʊlˈtuːɐ̯kampf], literally "culture struggle") refers to power struggles between emerging constitutional and democratic nation states and the Roman Catholic Church over the place and role of religion in modern polity, usually in connection with secularization campaigns. In the ancien régime, states were confessional and religion governed private and public life. “The struggle against the ancien régime, its remnants, or its restoration was necessarily a struggle against the church” and such conflicts were a central theme of West European history from the mid-19th. century until 1914    as well as in countries such as Mexico or Brasil.
With this meaning the term Kulturkampf entered many languages, e. g.: French: Le Kulturkampf, Spanish: El Kulturkampf, Italian: Il Kulturkampf.  It first appeared 1840 in Freiburg in an anonymus review of a publication by Swiss-German liberal Ludwig Snell on “The Importance ot the Struggle of liberal Catholic Switzerland with the Roman Curia”. But it only gained wider currency after liberal member of the Prussian parliament, Rudolph Virchow, used it in 1873. 
In contemporariy socio-political discussion, the term Kulturkampf nowadays is often used to describe any conflict between secular and religious authorities or deeply opposing values, beliefs between sizable factions within a nation, community, or other group.
In the narrower sense, Kulturkampf refers to these power struggles and legislative campaigns in Switzerland (see: de:Kulturkampf in der Schweiz), which took a leading role in the 1840s (see: Sonderbund War), in Germany beginning around 1860 and especially their culmination between 1871 and 1876 and, to a lesser degree, in Austria (see de: Maigesetze (Österreich-Ungarn).
- 1 Background
- 2 Kulturkampf in Germany
- 3 Kulturkampf in Switzerland
- 4 Kulturkampf in Belgium
- 5 United States
- 6 Israel
- 7 See also
- 8 Notes
- 9 Further reading
- 10 External links
Under the influence of ascending new philosophies and ideologies such as enlightenment, rationality, realism, positivism, materialism, emancipation, nationalism, secularism and liberalism, the role of religion in society and the relationship between society and church underwent profound changes in the 18th and 19th centuries. Many countries endeavoured to strip the church of worldly powers, reduce the duties of the church to spiritual affairs by secularising the public sphere and by separation of church and state and to assert the supremacy of the state. The Catholic Church resisted this development and sought to maintain and even strengthen its strong role in state and society. With the growing influence of enlightenment and after having lost much of its wealth, power and influence in the mediatisation and secularization of the early 19th century the church had been in a state of decline. It strove to revert its waning influence and to keep sway in such matters as e. g. marriage, family and education and initiated a Catholic revival by founding associations, papers, schools, social establishments or new orders and encouraging religious practices such as pilgrimages, mass assemblies, the devotion of Virgin Mary or the sacred heart of Jesus and the veneration of relics; the pope himself became an object of devotion. The 19th. century also witnessed the rise of countless Catholic associations and organisations, especially in Germany and in France.
Under the leadership of Pope Pius IX the Catholic Church launched an assault on the new ideologies, underlining its conservative stance. In 1854, it promulgated Maria’s immaculate conception. In 1862, in the enzyclica Mirari vos, Pius IX condemed liberalism, free press and free thought; in 1864, the Vatican published Syllabus of Errors and the 1870 Vatican Council declared the dogma of Papal infallibility. These dogmas and the church’s expressed insistence on papal primacy angered governments and liberal-minded all across Europe, adding fuel to the heated debates. It was seen as a blunt attempt to expand the pope’s secular powers and to interfere in matters of state and secular society. Catholicism was defined as the “antithesis of modernity”. In its syllabus of errors, the church condemned 80 philosophical and politcal statements, mainly the foundations of the modern nation state, as false. It outright rejected such concepts as freedom of religion, separation of state and church, civil marriage, sovereignty of the people, democracy, liberalism and socialism, reason as the sole base of human action and in general condemned the idea of conciliation with progress. The announcements included an index of forbidden books. In a decree of 1868 (Non Expedit) the Pope forbade Catholics from participating in republican elections.
In view of the church’s opposition to enlightenment, liberal reforms and the revolutions of the 18th/19th centuries, these doctrines were met with much dismay all across Europe, even among many leading Catholics. The dogmas represented a threat to the secularized state as they reaffirmend that the fundamental allegiance of Catholics was not to their nation-state, but to the Gospel and the Church and that the pope’s teaching was absolutely authoritative and binding on all the faithful. Secular politicians even wondered whether “Catholicism and allegiance to the modern liberal state were not mutually exclusive”. Britisch Prime Minister Gladstone wrote in 1874 that the teaching on papal infallibility compromised the allegiance of faithful English Catholics. For European liberalism, the dogmas were a declaration of war against the modern state, science and spiritual freedom.
The pope’s handling of dissent, e. g. by excommunication of critics or demanding their removal from schools and universities, added insult to injury and was considered the “epitome of papal authoritarianism”. In direct response to the Vatican’s announcements, Austria passed the so-called May-Laws for Cisleithania in 1868, restricting the Concordat of 1855, and cancelled the concordat altogether in 1870.
Saxony and Bavaria withheld approval to publish the papal infallibility; Hesse and Baden even denied any legal validity. France refused to publish the doctrines altogether; Spain forbade publication of Syllabus of Errors in 1864.
Kulturkampf in Germany
By the mid-nineteenth century, liberal policies had also come to dominate Germany  and the separation of church and state became a prominent issue. “The creation of a new empire provided an opportunity to tackle for once and all the relationship between church and state”.
The Kulturkampf in Germany is usually framed by the years 1871 and 1878 with the Catholic Church officially announcing its end in 1880, but the struggle had been an ongoing matter without definite beginning and the years 1871 to 1878 only mark its culmination in Prussia and Germany. In the wake of other European countries, most German states had taken first steps of secularisation well before unification. Prodominantly Catholic Baden was at the forefront curbing the power of the Catholic Church (1852 – 1854 Baden Church Dispute) and (1864 – 1876 Baden Kulturkampf) Other examples are Prussia (1830s, 1850, 1859 and 1969), Württemberg (1859/1862), Bavaria (1867), Hesse-Nassau or Hesse-Darmstadt. In the “Kölner Wirren” (Cologne Confusion) of 1837 (question of “mixed” Protestant-Catholic marriages)  Prussia gave in to the demands of the Catholic Church which was considered a defeat for the state and well remembered. In 1850, Prussia again had a dispute with the church about civil marriage and primary schools  and in 1852, it issued decrees against the Jesuits. As in many European countries, Jesuits were being banned or heavily restricted in many of the German states e. g. in Saxony (1831) and even in Catholic ones such as Bavaria (1851), Baden (1860) or Württemberg (1862).
Not to be left out, the German areas to the west of the Rhine had already gone through a process of separation of church and state in line with a radical secularization after annexation by revolutionary and Napoleonic France in 1794. After their return to Germany in 1814, many if not most of the changes were kept in place.
The unsuccessful revolution of 1848, which the Catholic Church had opposed, produced no democratic reforms and attempts to radically disentangle state-church releationships failed. In the revolutionary parliament, many prominent representatives of political Catholicism took the side of the extreme right-wingers. In the years following the revolution, Catholicism became increasingly politicised due to the massive anti-modernist and anti-liberal policies of the Vatican.
In the Austro-Prussion war of 1866 and Franco-Prussian war of 1870 the Catholic Church sided against Prussia and it was an outspoken opponent of German unification under Prussia (as well as of Italy’s unification).
The Catholic dogmas and doctrines announced in 1854, 1864 and 1870 were perceived in Germany as direct attacks on the modern nation state. Thus, Bismarck and the Liberals found the Centre Party’s unconditional support of the pope highly provocative. Many Catholics shared these sentiments, especially against the pope’s declared infallibility and the majority of Catholic German bishops condemned the definition of the dogma as “’unpropitious’ in light of the situation in Germany”. According to the Bavarian head-of-state, Hohenlohe, the dogma of infallibility compromised the Catholics loyality to the state. While most Catholics eventually reconsiled themselves to the doctrine, some founded the Old Catholic Church. The liberal majorities in the Imperial Diet as well as the Prussian parliament regarded the Church as backward, a hotbed for reactionaries and enemies of progress. The Church, in turn, saw the National-Liberals its worst enemy, accusing them of spearheading the war against Christianity and the Catholic Church.
By 1871 the new German Empire included 25,500,000 Protestants (62% of the population), both Reformed and Lutheran, and 15,000,000 Catholics (36.5% of the population). They were generally segregated into their own worlds, living in rural districts or city neighborhoods that were overwhelmingly of the same religion, and sending their children to separate public schools where their religion was taught. There was little interaction or intermarriage. On the whole, the Protestants had a higher social status, and the Catholics were more likely to be peasant farmers or unskilled or semiskilled industrial workers. In 1870, the Catholics formed their own political party, the Centre Party, which generally supported unification and most of Bismarck's policies. However, Bismarck, a devout pietistic Protestant, distrusted parliamentary democracy in general and opposition parties in particular, especially when the Centre Party showed signs of gaining support among dissident elements such as the Polish Catholics in Silesia.
A powerful intellectual force of the time was anti-Catholicism, led by the liberal intellectuals who formed a vital part of Bismarck's coalition. They saw the Catholic Church as a powerful force of reaction and anti-modernity, especially after the proclamation of papal infallibility in 1870, and the tightening control of the Vatican over the local bishops. Jesuit and other Catholic missionaries had restored the vitality of Catholicism in Germany, and, although they were not intended to convert non-Catholics, the missions attracted Protestants in large numbers—even the heir to the Prussian throne, who attended sessions with the king's approval. The response to the Catholic revival, and, importantly, the draw on Protestant congregants, was a wave of anti-Catholic, anticlerical and antimonastic pamphleteering and preaching.
Historian Anthony J. Steinhoff argues:
- Bismarck’s plan to disarm political Catholicism delighted liberal politicians, who provided the parliamentary backing for the crusade. Yet, the phrase the left-liberal Rudolf Virchow coined for this struggle, the Kulturkampf, suggests that the liberals wanted to do more than prevent Catholicism from becoming a political force. They wanted victory over Catholicism itself, the long-delayed conclusion of the Reformation."
The Kulturkampf launched by Bismarck in 1872 affected Prussia; although there were similar movements in Baden and Hesse the rest of Germany was not affected. According to the new imperial constitution, the states were in charge of religious and educational affairs; they funded the Protestant and Catholic schools. In July 1871 Bismarck abolished the Catholic section of the Prussian Ministry of ecclesiastical and educational affairs, depriving Catholics of their voice at the highest level. The system of strict government supervision of schools was applied only in Catholic areas; the Protestant schools were left alone. Many historians also point out anti-Polish elements in the Kulturkampf, as it targeted Catholic Poles in the eastern provinces of Upper Silesia, West Prussia and Posen, parts of Prussia that were majority Catholic. Poles formed majority in those provinces with the exception of West Prussia.
Bismarck was launching a preventive war against the Church whom he saw as the great internal enemy of his new German Empire, especially after the 1870 Vatican Council declared papal infallibility a church dogma. Historian David Blackbourn says, "The conflict was much more serious than the rather anodyne squabble between church and state often depicted in textbooks."
Bismarck's Kulturkampf policy was usually limited to the Kingdom of Prussia. However the "Kanzelparagraph" of 1871 applied to all of Germany, making a church sermon a crime if the police decided it disturbed the public order. As one scholar put it, "the attack on the church included a series of Prussian, discriminatory laws that made Catholics feel understandably persecuted within a predominantly Protestant nation." Jesuits, Franciscans, Dominicans, Redemptorists and other orders were expelled in the culmination of twenty years of anti-Jesuit and antimonastic hysteria.
In 1871, members of the Catholic Church comprised 36.5% of the population of the German Empire, including millions of Poles, who were subject to official discrimination. In this newly founded Empire, Bismarck sought to appeal to liberals and Protestants, who constituted some 62% of the population, by reducing the political and social influence of the Catholic Church and attempting to eradicate the Polish nationality.
Priests and bishops within Prussia who resisted the Kulturkampf were arrested or removed from their positions. By the height of anti-Catholic legislation, half of the Prussian bishops were in prison or in exile, a quarter of the parishes had no priest, half the monks and nuns had left Prussia, a third of the monasteries and convents were closed, 1800 parish priests were imprisoned or exiled, and thousands of laypeople were imprisoned for helping the priests.
Bismarck's program backfired, as it energized the Catholics to become a political force in the Centre party and revitalized Polish resistance. The Kulturkampf ended about 1880 with a new pope willing to negotiate with Bismarck, and with the departure of the anti-Catholic Liberals from his coalition. By retreating, Bismarck won over the Centre party support on most of his conservative policy positions, especially his attacks against Socialism. By 1890, when Bismarck lost power, virtually all the new laws had been abolished.
The Papacy at this time was at a weak point in its history, having just lost all its territories to Italy, with the Pope a "prisoner" in the Vatican. However Bismarck said that someday it might revive. Historian Lothar Gall notes that the fears were greatly exaggerated by the anti-Catholic Liberals who held "quite grotesque visions" of a papal threat.
Bismarck said that future popes might use papal infallibility as a weapon for promoting a potential "papal desire for international political hegemony."
Bismarck's attention was also riveted by fear of what he believed to be the desire of the international Catholic church to control national Germany by means of the papal claim of infallibility, announced in 1870. If, as has been argued, there was no papal desire for international political hegemony and Bismarck's resistance to it may be described as shadowboxing, many statesmen of the time were of the chancellor’s persuasion. The result was the Kulturkampf, which, with its largely Prussian measures, complemented by similar actions in several other German states, sought to curb the clerical danger by legislation restricting the Catholic church's political power.
In order to prevent potential papal political meddling, in 1872 Bismarck attempted to reach an understanding with other European governments, whereby future papal elections would be manipulated. He proposed that European governments should agree beforehand on unsuitable papal candidates, and then instruct their national cardinals to vote in the appropriate manner. This plan was circulated in "Bismarck's confidential diplomatic circular to German representatives abroad," Berlin, 14 May 1872, in which Bismarck wrote:
The concordats already concluded at the beginning of the century produced direct and, to some extent, intimate relations between the Pope and governments, but, above all, the Vatican Council, and both its most important statements about infallibility and about the jurisdiction of the Pope, also entirely altered his position in relation to the governments. Their interest in the election of the Pope increased to the greatest degree--but with that their right to concern themselves with it was also given a much firmer basis. For, by these decisions, the Pope has come into the position of assuming episcopal rights in every single diocese and of substituting papal for episcopal power. Episcopal has merged into papal jurisdiction; the Pope no longer exercises, as heretofore, individual stipulated special privileges, but the entire plenitude of episcopal rights rests in his hands. In principle, he has taken the place of each individual bishop, and, in practice, at every single moment, it is up to him alone to put himself in the former's position in relation to the governments. Further the bishops are only his tools, his officials without responsibility. In relation to the governments, they have become officials of a foreign sovereign, and, to be sure, a sovereign who, by virtue of his infallibility, is a completely absolute one--more so than any absolute monarch in the world. Before the governments concede such a position to a new Pope and grant him the exercise of such rights, they must ask themselves whether the election and person chosen offer the guarantees they are justified in demanding against the misuse of such rights.
Bismarck's scheme did not gain support outside Germany.
Laws enacted during the Kulturkampf
The Kulturkampf was fought out in Prussia because the new 1871 constitution made educational and religious affairs a matter for the individual states. Bismarck had direct political control over Prussia, but not of the other states. However, the Pulpit Law ("Kanzelparagraph"), was added to the Imperial Penal Code on 10 December 1871; it made it a crime anywhere in Germany to discuss political matters from the church pulpit if the police decided it was endangering the public peace. The law reads:
|“||Any cleric or other minister of religion shall be punished with imprisonment or incarceration of up to two years if he, while exercising his occupation or having his occupation exercised, makes state affairs the subject of announcements or discussion either in public before a crowd, in a church, or before any number of people in some other place designated for religious gatherings in such a way that it endangers the public peace.||”|
In 1872 the imperial Reichstag also expelled the Jesuit, Redemptorist and Lazarist orders from all of Germany. At the state level, on a much smaller-scale there were episodes of Kulturkampf in Baden, Bavaria and Hesse-Darmstadt.
To characterise Bismarck's politics toward the Catholic Church, the pathologist and member of the parliament of the German Progress Party (Progressive Liberals) Rudolf Virchow used the term Kulturkampf for the first time on January 17, 1873 in the Prussian house of representatives. Tensions had been increased by the 1870 Vatican Council proclamation on papal infallibility. Catholics represented about 1/3 of the empire's population but were the majority in four Prussian Provinces: in West Prussia, Posen, in the Rhineland, and Westphalia, in the Prussian region of Upper Silesia as well as in the states of Bavaria, Baden, and Alsace-Lorraine.
Among the measures aimed at the Catholic Church was the Pulpit Law of 1871, an addition of § 130a to the German Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch), infringing on clerical freedom of speech and threatening clergy who discussed politics from the pulpit with two years of prison; this article was dubbed the Kanzelparagraph (from the German Kanzel 'pulpit').
In March 1872 religious schools were forced to undergo official government inspection and in June religious teachers were banned from government schools. In 1872, the Jesuits were banned (and remained banned in Germany until 1917) and in December the German government broke off diplomatic relations with the Vatican. In addition, under the May Laws of 1873 administered by Adalbert Falk, the state began to supervise the education of clergy closely, created a secular court for cases involving the clergy, and required notification of all clergy employment.
The Papal encyclical Etsi multa of Pope Pius IX in 1873 claimed that Freemasonry was the motivating force behind the Kulturkampf. The Catholic Encyclopedia also claims that the Kulturkampf was supported by Masonic lodges, which themselves were largely under government control.
On July 13, 1874, in the town of Bad Kissingen, Eduard Kullmann attempted to assassinate Bismarck with a pistol, but only hit his hand. Kullmann cited church laws as the reason for his attempt; he was sentenced to 14 years of Zuchthaus (correctional facilities with harsh forced labour).
The May Laws (Maigesetze), or Falk Laws, of 1873 gave responsibility for the training and appointment of clergy to the state, which resulted in the closing of nearly half of the seminaries in Prussia by 1878. During the discussion of these laws, Rudolf Virchow first used the word "Kulturkampf."
Congregations Law 1875
The so-called Brotkorbgesetz (breadbasket law) stopped state subsidies to the Catholic Church, the Congregations Law ('Klostergesetz') both of 1875 abolished religious orders, and removed religious protections from the Prussian constitution. In 1875, marriage became a mandatory civil ceremony, removed from the control of the Church. Many clerics resisted the laws and were imprisoned or removed from their positions by the state.
Bismarck's attempts to restrict the power of the Catholic Church, represented in politics by the Catholic Centre Party, were not entirely successful. In the 1874 elections, these forces doubled their representation in the parliament. Needing to counter the Social Democratic Party, Bismarck softened his stance, especially with the election of the new Pope Leo XIII in 1878, and tried to justify his actions to the now numerous Catholic representatives by stating that the presence of Poles (who are predominantly Catholic) within German borders required that such measures be taken.
The general ideological enthusiasm among the liberals for the Kulturkampf was in contrast to Bismarck's pragmatic attitude towards the measures and growing disquiet from the Conservatives.
Kulturkampf was hardly a success of Bismarck's government, despite temporary gains within the government itself.
Anti-Polish aspect of Kulturkampf
The Polish minority in Prussia after the Partitions of Poland suffered from discrimination and numerous oppressive measures by the Prussian state aimed at eradication of Polish national identity through Germanization; these measures were increased after the German Empire was formed. Otto von Bismarck was particularly hostile towards the Poles, already in 1861 going as far as calling for the extermination of Poles. Leo Lucassen describes this as illustrative of Bismarck's "depths of hatred" towards Poles. Edward Crankshaw writes that already at that time Bismarck's hostility to Poles bordered on "insanity" and was firmly entrenched in traditions of Prussian mentality and history. While he did not write or talked about it much, it pre-occupied him greatly. There was little need for discussions in Prussian circles, as most of them including the king agreed with his views on Poles.
In another letter from 1861 Bismarck stated: Every success of the Polish national movement is Prussia's failure; we can wage war on this element not based on the rules of civil justice but according to the laws of war. Polishness with all its characteristics should be judged not from the perspective of an objective humanism but as an enemy...There is no possibility of peace between us nor any attempts to resurrect Poland. After partition of Poland in 1790s a Prussian Germanization attempts included a program of removing Poles from all offices, courts, judiciary system, and local administration,controlling the clergy, and making peasants loyal through enforced military service. Schools were to be Germanized as well  Christopher Clark argues that Prussia ignored Poland since the 1790s and Prussian policy changed radically in the 1870s in the face of highly visible Polish support for France in the Franco-Prussian war. Polish demonstrations made clear the Polish nationalist feeling, and calls were also made for Polish recruits to desert from the Prussian Army — though these went unheeded. Bismarck was outraged, telling the Prussian cabinet in 1871:
- From the Russian border to the Adriatic Sea we are confronted with the combined propaganda of Slavs, ultramontanes, and reactionaries, and it is necessary openly to defend our national interests and our language against such hostile actions.
Clark calls Bismarck's rhetoric "hyperbolic to the point of paranoia." He reacted with an attack on the Polish clergy, casting aside the traditional Prussian policy of collaboration with the Catholic bishops.
In the Province of Posen the Kulturkampf took on a much more nationalistic character than in other parts of Germany. Prussian authorities imprisoned 185 priests and forced hundred of others into exile. Among the imprisoned was the Primate of Poland Archbishop Mieczysław Ledóchowski. A large part of the remaining Catholic priests had to continue their service in hiding from the authorities. Although most of the imprisoned were finally set free by the end of the decade, the majority of them were forced into emigration. Many observers believed these policies only further stoked the Polish independence movement. Contrary to other parts of the German Empire, in Greater Poland - then known under the German name of Provinz Posen - the Kulturkampf did not cease after the end of the decade. Although Bismarck finally signed an informal alliance with the Catholic Church against the socialists, the policies of Germanization did continue in Polish-inhabited parts of the country.
Nearly all German bishops, clergy, and laymen rejected the legality of the new laws, and were defiant facing the increasingly heavy penalties and imprisonments imposed by Bismarck's government. Steinhoff reports The casualty totals:
- As of 1878, only three of eight Prussian dioceses still had bishops, some 1,125 of 4,600 parishes were vacant, and nearly 1,800 priests ended up in jail or in exile....Finally, between 1872 and 1878, numerous Catholic newspapers were confiscated, Catholic associations and assemblies were dissolved, and Catholic civil servants were dismissed merely on the pretence of having Ultramontane sympathies.
The British ambassador Odo Russell reported to London in October 1872 how Bismarck's plans were backfiring by strengthening the ultramontane (pro-papal) position inside German Catholicism:
- The German Bishops who were politically powerless in Germany and theologically in opposition to the Pope in Rome – have now become powerful political leaders in Germany and enthusiastic defenders of the now infallible Faith of Rome, united, disciplined, and thirsting for martyrdom, thanks to Bismarck's uncalled for antiliberal declaration of War on the freedom they had hitherto peacefully enjoyed.
The Kulturkampf failed because the Catholics were almost unanimous in their resistance and organized themselves to fight back politically, using their strength in other states besides Prussia. Imprisoning the bishops and priests made Catholics more resolute; they responded not with violence but with votes, as the newly formed Catholic Center Party became a major force in the Imperial Parliament, It gained support from non-Catholic minorities who felt threatened by this marks centralization of power. The culture war gave secularists and socialists an opportunity to attack all religions, an outcome that distressed the Protestant leaders and especially Bismarck himself, who was a devout pietistic Protestant.
In the face of systematic defiance, the Bismarck government increased the penalties and its attacks, and were challenged in 1875 when a papal encyclical declared the whole ecclesiastical legislation of Prussia was invalid, and threatened to excommunicate any Catholic who obeyed. There was no violence, but the Catholics mobilized their support, set up numerous civic organizations, raised money to pay fines, and rallied behind their church and the Center Party. Bismarck realized his Kulturkampf was a failure when secular and socialist elements began using the opportunity to attack all religion.
To Bismarck's surprise, the Conservative Party especially the Junkers from his own landowning class in East Prussia, sided with the Catholics. They were Protestants and did not like the Pope, but they had much in common with the Center Party. The Conservatives controlled their local schools and did not want bureaucrats from Berlin to take them over. They disliked the liberals, being fearful of free trade that would put them in competition with the United States and other grain exporters. They disliked the secularism of liberals. In the Prussian legislature they sided with the Center Party on the school issue. Bismarck was livid, he resigned the premiership of Prussia (while remaining Chancellor of the German Empire) telling an ally, "in domestic affairs I have lost the ground that is for me acceptable through the unpatriotic treason of the Conservative Party in the Catholic question." Indeed many of Bismarck's conservative friends were in opposition. So too was Kaiser William I, who was King of Prussia; he was strongly opposed to the civil marriage component of the Kulturkampf.
Historian Hajo Holborn examines the contradictions between the Kulturkampf and liberal values:
- only those laws that separated state and church could be defended from a liberal point of view. Full state control over schools was a liberal ideal. It was also logical to introduce the obligatory civil marriage law and entrust civil agencies with the keeping of vital statistics....But all the other measures constituted shocking violations of liberal principles. German liberalism showed no loyalty to the ideas of lawful procedure or of political and cultural freedom which had formerly been its lifeblood. With few exceptions the German liberals were hypnotized by the national state, which they wished to imbue with a uniform pattern of culture. They were unable to recognize that the Kulturkampf was bound to undermine the belief in the Rechtsstaat (government by law) and to divide the German people profoundly.
In the long run, the most significant result was the mobilization of the Catholic voters, and their insistence on protecting their church. In the elections of 1874, the Center party doubled its popular vote, became the second-largest party in the national parliament, and remained a powerful force for the next 60 years. It became difficult for Bismarck to form a government without their support.
Since this contest brought Bismarck an ever growing political defeat, he reversed himself. After Pius IX's death on February 7, 1878, he reconciled with the new Pope, Leo XIII, and cooperated with the Center Party.
Origin and character of the Kulturkampf
In the decades before the Kulturkampf began, the 1850s and 1860s, there existed extensive and entrenched anti-Jesuit paranoia, anti-Catholicism, anti-monasticism and anti-clericalism. Since 1848, the German states saw a resurgence of Catholic monastic life and a growth in the number of monasteries and convents. German liberals monitored and tabulated a dramatic rise in the numbers and types of monasteries, convents and clerical religious, a fact which made for convenient propaganda, the monastic life being cast as the epitome of a backward Catholic medievalism. Prussian authorities were particularly suspicious of the spread of monastic life east and west into the Polish and French ethnic areas. The Diocese of Cologne, for example, saw a tenfold increase of monks and nuns between 1850 and 1872, and other areas saw similar increases.
A wave of anti-Catholicism and anti-Catholic propaganda accompanied the Kulturkampf, accompanied by “outright hatred” by the liberals who considered Catholics the enemy of the modern German nation. The Kulturkampf was not, however, a spontaneous popular occurrence, but “a campaign against the Catholic Church conducted through the law, with the police and bureaucracy as its principal agents”, the legality of which gave it its “sinister character”:
Clergy arrested, humiliated, and marched through the streets by the police; house searches conducted by the police looking for evidence of disloyalty; the Catholic press suppressed; the civil service cleansed of Catholics; the Army used to disperse a Catholic crowd gathered to witness the appearance of the Virgin; nuns and monks and clergy fleeing the country; official support for popular harassment and intimidation of Catholics.
No one however was killed and few were injured, as Bismarck did not seek to extinguish Catholicism in his land, but rather sought to forcibly assimilate the Polish peasants into the German language and culture whether they wished it or not. He saw international Catholicism as an enemy of the "still fragile German Reich". The prospect of the government warring against a third of the population on the matter of conscience troubled conservative Protestants, Who increasingly turned against the Kulturkampf. Historian Gordon Craig says:
- unease concerning the effects of his programme continued to spread among all but the most bigoted priest-haters and the most doctrinaire liberals. But by this time Bismarck himself was uneasy.
Kulturkampf in Switzerland
Around the same time as in Germany, a Kulturkampf was also raging in Switzerland with roots dating back to the 1830. In fact, it was in this context that the term "Kulturkampf" first appeared. The 1830s were years of liberal regeneretion and 12 cantons with liberal majorities enacted new constitutions with radical changes in the relationship between state and churches, especially putting education under government control.
These changes mainly affected the Catholic Church and its clerics resisted the new regulations. On 2 January 1834, at a meeting in Baden, the cantons of Lucerne, Berne, Zug, Solothurn, Basel-Landschaft, St. Gall, Aargau and Thurgau passed the "Resolution of Baden" to assert the demands of the state. A conservative backlash 1839 in Zurich (Züriputsch) and 1841 in Lucerne (in connection with the Aargau monastery dispute), the violent repression of the liberals in Valais by the Ultramontanes and the appointment of Jesuits to secondary schools in Lucerne led to the establishment of Freischar (rebel) forces in various liberal cantons. This in turm prompted the conservative cantons, initially secret, to form the "Sonderbund" (Special Union) in December 1845. In July 1847 the Federal Diet voted to dissolve the Sonderbund, amend the constitution and to expel the Jesuits which let to protests not only by the Vatican but also from the big conservative European powers of France, Russia, pre-revolutionary Prussia and Austria. The liberals had the undisgised support of England. The Sonderbund War broke out on 3. November 1847 and lasted until the surrender of the last conservative conton, Valais, on 29. November. Liberal constitutions were installed in all cantons. With revolutions breaking out in France and Germany threats by these poweres remained empty.
The years from 1830 to the end of the Sonderbundwar are considered the first phase of the Swiss Kulturkampf.
more to be added or see de:Kulturkampf in der Schweiz
Kulturkampf in Belgium
Simultaneous with the German Kulturkampf there was a conflict in neighboring Belgium, where the First School War was a political crisis over the issue of religion in education. The School War marks the high water mark of the conflict between the conservative Catholic Party, and the secular Liberal Party. The war lasted from 1879 to 1884 and resulted in a period of nearly fifty years of Catholic political dominance. There was another school war in 1950–58.
In the late 19th century, cultural wars arose over issues of prohibition and education in the United States. The Bennett Law was a highly controversial state law passed in Wisconsin in 1889 that required the use of English to teach major subjects in all public and private elementary and high schools. Because Wisconsin German Catholics and Lutherans each operated large numbers of parochial schools where German was used in the classroom, it was bitterly resented by German-American (and some Norwegian) communities. Although the law was ultimately repealed, there were significant political repercussions, with the Republicans losing the governorship and the legislature, and the election of Democrats to the Senate and House of Representatives.
In the United States, the term "culture war" refers to a conflict in the late 20th century between religious social conservatives and secular social liberals. This theme of "culture war" was the basis of Patrick Buchanan's keynote speech at the 1992 Republican National Convention. Regarding Buchanan's speech, liberal humorist Molly Ivins quipped that it "probably sounded better in the original German." The term "culture war" had by 2004 become commonly used in the United States by both liberals and conservatives.
Throughout the 1980s, there were battles in Congress and the media regarding federal support for the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Endowment for the Humanities that amounted to a war over high culture launched by social conservatives. Justice Antonin Scalia referenced the term in the Supreme Court case Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996), saying "The Court has mistaken a Kulturkampf for a fit of spite." The case concerned an amendment to the Colorado state constitution that prohibited any subdepartment from acting to protect individuals on the basis of sexual orientation. Scalia believed that the amendment was a valid move on the part of citizens who sought "recourse to a more general and hence more difficult level of political decision making than others." The majority disagreed, holding that the amendment violated the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
The term, translated to Hebrew, (Milhemet Tarbut, מלחמת תרבות) is also frequently used, with similar connotations, in the political debates of Israel - having been introduced by Jews who fled Nazi Germany in the 1930s.
- Culture war
- Holy See – Germany relations
- Away from Rome!
- The First School War in Belgium (1879–84)
- The Jules Ferry Laws in France
- Freedom of religion
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- Borst, William in: Mindszenty Report Vol. LIV No.8, August 2012: The Mexican Kulturkampf. The Christeros and the Crusade for the greater Glory of God
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- Clark, Christopher, Kaiser, Wolfram in: Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in 19th-Cantury Europe, Cambridge University Press, 2003, ISBN 9781139439909
- Berend, Ivan in: An Economic History of 19th-century Europe, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-1-107-03070-1, p 93
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- Robbins, Keith in: The Dynamics of Political Reform in Northern Europe 1780-1920, Political and Legal Perspectives, Leuven University Press, ISBN 9789058678256, p.154
- Knight, Frances in : History of the Christian Church, Vol. 6: The Church in the 19th. Century, I.B.Tauris, London, 2008, ISBN 9781850438991
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- Dittrich, Lisa in: Antiklerikalismuns in Europa: Öffentlichkeit und Säkularisierung in Frankreich, Spanien und Deutschland (1848-1914), Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1914, ISBN 9783525310236, p. 55
- Ruppert, Stefan in: Kirchenkampf und Kulturkampf: Historische Legitimation, politische Mitwirkung und wissenschaftliche Begleitung durch die Schule Emil Ludwig Richter, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, 2002, ISBN 978-3-16-147868-0, p.6-8
- Healy, Roisin in: The Jesuit Spectre in Imperial Germany, Brill Academic Publishers, Boston, 2003, ISBN 0391041940, p. 42
- Berend, Ivan in: An Economic History of 19th-century Europe, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-1-107-03070-1, p 98
- Robbins, Keith in: The Dynamics of Political Reform in Northern Europe 1780-1920, Political and Legal Perspectives, Leuven University Press, ISBN 9789058678256, p. 178
- Dittrich, Lisa in: Antiklerikalismuns in Europa: Öffentlichkeit und Säkularisierung in Frankreich, Spanien und Deutschland (1848-1914), Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1914, ISBN 9783525310236, p. 182
- Bucheim, Karl in: Geschichte der christlichen Parteien in Deutschland. Kösel, Munich, 1953, ASIN B0000BGX87, p. 197
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- Dittrich, Lisa in: Antiklerikalismuns in Europa: Öffentlichkeit und Säkularisierung in Frankreich, Spanien und Deutschland (1848-1914), Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1914, ISBN 9783525310236, p. 95
- Pflanze, Otto, in: Bismarck and the Development of Germany, Volume II, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-05587-4, p 199-200
- Healy, Roisin in: The Jesuit Spectre in Imperial Germany, Brill Academic Publishers, Boston, 2003, ISBN 0391041940, p. 35-36, 47
- de Gruyter, Walter in: Theologische Realenzykolpädie, Vol. 1, Berlin-New York, 1993, p. 101, ISBN 3-11 013898-0
- Rowe, Michael in: From Reich to State. The Rhineland in the Revolutionary Age, Cambridge University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-521-82443-5, p. 248-249
- Ruppert, Stefan in: Kirchenkampf und Kulturkampf: Historische Legitimation, politische Mitwirkung und wissenschaftliche Begleitung durch die Schule Emil Ludwig Richter, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, 2002, ISBN 978-3-16-147868-0, p.13
- Robbins, Keith in: The Dynamics of Political Reform in Northern Europe 1780-1920, Political and Legal Perspectives, Leuven University Press, ISBN 9789058678256, p.150-175
- Healy, Roisin in: The Jesuit Spectre in Imperial Germany, Brill Academic Publishers, Boston, 2003, ISBN 0391041940, p. 52
- Rowe, Michael in: From Reich to State. The Rhineland in the Revolutionary Age, Cambridge University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-521-82443-5, p. 259-264
- Robbins, Keith in: The Dynamics of Political Reform in Northern Europe 1780-1920, Political and Legal Perspectives, Leuven University Press, ISBN 9789058678256, p.158-161
- Healy, Roisin in: The Jesuit Spectre in Imperial Germany, Brill Academic Publishers, Boston, 2003, ISBN 0391041940, p. 56
- Winkler, Heinrich in: Der lange Weg nach Westen: Deutsche Geschichte vom Ende des Alten ..., Vol 1,Beck Verlag, Munich, 2002, p. 218, ISBN 3406460011
- Lamberti, (2001)
- Gross, Michael B., The war against Catholicism: liberalism and the anti-Catholic imagination in nineteenth-century Germany, p. 75, University of Michigan Press, 2004
- Anthony J. Steinhoff, "Christianity and the creation of Germany," in Sheridan Gilley and Brian Stanley, eds. Cambridge History of Christianity: Volume 8: 1814-1914 (2008) p 294
- Lamberti, (2001) p 177
- Norman Davies (1982). God's Playground. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-05353-3.
- David Blackbourn (1997). The Long Nineteenth Century: A History of Germany, 1780-1918. Oxford University Press. p. 262.
- Gross, Michael B., The war against Catholicism: liberalism and the anti-Catholic imagination in nineteenth-century Germany, p. 1, University of Michigan Press, 2004
- Helmstadter, Richard J., Freedom and religion in the nineteenth century, p. 19, Stanford Univ. Press 1997
- Roland Sarti (2009). Italy: A Reference Guide from the Renaissance to the Present. Infobase Publishing. p. 462.
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- Hollyday 1970, p. 6.
- Hollyday 1970, p. 43.
- see text
- Thomas Vormbaum; Michael Bohlander (2013). A Modern History of German Criminal Law. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 133.
- "Kulturkampf". New Catholic Dictionary. 1910.
- Lougee, Robert W., The Kulturkampf and Historical Positivism, pp. 219–220, Church History, > Vol. 23, No. 3, Sep., 1954, Cambridge Univ. Press
- "Some of you may perchance wonder that the war against the Catholic Church extends so widely. Indeed each of you knows well the nature, zeal, and intention of sects, whether called Masonic or some other name. When he compares them with the nature, purpose, and amplitude of the conflict waged nearly everywhere against the Church, he cannot doubt but that the present calamity must be attributed to their deceits and machinations for the most part. For from these the synagogue of Satan is formed which draws up its forces, advances its standards, and joins battle against the Church of Christ." Para 28, Etsi Multa
- Masonry (Freemasonry) in the Catholic Encyclopedia: "German Freemasons fostered the Kulturkampf and helped further the dominance of the Prussian state." Freemasonry', New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed, Volume 6, p 135, McGraw-Hill, New York.
- Google translation of German wikipedia Eduard Kullmann page
- Norman Livergood, The Triumph of Civilization, http://www.hermes-press.com/triumph_civ.htm
- Kulturkampf Columbia Encyclopedia (on Yahoo),6th Ed. 2006
- "Liberals were the most enthusiastic champions of the general policy, because it satisfied a tradition of passionate anti-clericalism. It was, in fact, a Progressive deputy in the Prussian legislature – the distinguished medical scientist and pioneer of public health methods, Rudolf Virchow – who coined the term "Kulturkampf" to describe the stakes. Virchow meant it as a term of praise, signifying the liberation of public life from sectarian impositions (though the term was later taken up by Catholic leaders in a spirit of bitter derision)." From "A Supreme Court in the Culture Wars" by Jeremy Rabkin in the Fall edition of the Public Interest
- "Even Bismarck – who initially saw a variety of tactical political advantages in these measures – took pains to distance himself from the rigors of their enforcement." From A Supreme Court in the culture wars by Jeremy Rabkin in the Fall edition of the Public Interest
- "Conservative political forces, centering on the old Prussian aristocracy, became increasingly critical of these measures, fearing that they would jeopardize the status of their own Protestant Evangelical Church. "From A Supreme Court in the culture wars by Jeremy Rabkin in the Fall edition of the Public Interest
- (English) Piotr Stefan Wandycz (2001). The Price of Freedom: A History of East Central Europe. London: Routledge. pp. 185–186. ISBN 0-415-25491-4.
- Jerzy Zdrada - Historia Polski 1795-1918 Warsaw Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN 2007; pages 268, 273-291, 359-370
- Andrzej Chwalba - Historia Polski 1795-1918 Wydawnictwo Literackie 2000 Kraków pages 175-184, 307-312
- History 1871-1939 Warszawa 2000 dr.Anna Radziwił prof.dr.hab Wojciech Roszkowski page 80
- Bismarck Katharine Anne Lerman Bismarck's hostility to the Poles was unequivocal(...)Malwine, that for all his sympathy with the situation of the Poles, 'we can do nothing other than exterminate them
- National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine Ilya Prizel Cambridge University Press Bismarck's statement that the only solution to the Polish question was the extermination of the Poles
- The Immigrant Threat: The Integration of Old and New Migrants in Western Europe Since 1850 Leo Lucassen University of Illinois Press, 2005 The depth of his hatred for the Poles is illustrated by a letter Bismarck wrote in 1861 to his sister: "Hit the Poles, so that they break down. If we want to exist, we have to exterminate them page 60
- Bismarck Edward Crankshaw pages 1685-1686 Bloomsbury Publishing, 2011
- Literary and Cultural Images of a Nation Without a State: The Case of Nineteenth-century Poland Agnieszka Barbara Nance Peter Lang, 2008, page 32"
- Jerzy Zdrada - Historia Polski 1795-1918 Warsaw Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN 2007; pages 268, 273-291, 359-370
- Christopher Clark (2007). Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia, 1600-1947. Penguin. pp. 579–81.
- Clark 2006 p 579
- (English) Jarmila Kaczmarek, Andrzej Prinke (2000). "Two Archaeologies in one Country: Official Prussian versus amateur Polish activities in Mid-Western (i.e.: Greater) Poland in XIXth-early XXth cent.". Poznań Archaeological Museum publications. Retrieved February 16, 2006.
- Steinhoff, "Christianity and the creation of Germany," (2008) p 295
- Quoted in Edward Crankshaw, Bismarck (1981) pp 308-9
- Christopher Clark, Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia, 1600–1947 (2006) pp. 568–576
- Edgar Feuchtwangler, Bismarck (2000) pp 186-87
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- Hajo Holborn, A History of Modern Germany: 1840–1945 (1969), 258–260
- Michael B. Gross, The War Against Catholicism, (Univ. of Michigan Press 2004) p. 11,
- Gross, The War Against Catholicism, pp. 128-131, Univ. of Michigan Press 2004
- Gordon A. Craig (1978). Germany, 1866-1945. Oxford UP. pp. 75–76.
- Julian Pierce, "The School Question in Belgium," Elementary School Journal (1921) 22#4 pp. 290-297 in JSTOR
- Richard Jensen, The Winning of the Midwest: Social and Political conflict, 1888-1896 (1971) online ch 3-5
- William Foote Whyte, "The Bennett Law Campaign in Wisconsin," Wisconsin Magazine of History, 10: 4 (1926–1927).
- Roger E. Wyman, "Wisconsin ethnic groups and the election of 1890." The Wisconsin Magazine of History (1968): 269-293. in JSTOR
- Morris P. Fiorina, Samuel J. Abrams, and Jeremy C. Pope, Culture war? (2005)
- [dead link]
- New York Times, Feb 1, 2007 Molly Ivins, Columnist, Dies at 62
- Richard Jensen, "The Culture Wars, 1965-1995: A Historian`s Map." Journal of Social History (Oct 1995), 17-36. in JSTOR
- "Secular and Ultra Orthodox Knesset Members threaten 'Culture War'", Israeli National News, May 11, 2013 
- Anderson, Margaret Lavinia. Windthorst: A Political Biography (1981), the leader pf the Catholic Center Party
- Bennette, Rebecca Ayako. Fighting for the Soul of Germany: The Catholic Struggle for Inclusion After Unification (Harvard University Press; 2012) 368 pages; examines Catholics' promotion of an alternative national identity after 1871.
- Blackbourn, David. Marpingen: Apparitions of the Virgin Mary in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford, 1993)
- Gross, Michael B. The War against Catholicism: Liberalism and the Anti-Catholic Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Germany (2005)
- Hollyday, FBM (1970), Bismarck, Great Lives Observed, Prentice-Hall.
- Hope, Nicholas, "Prussian Protestantism," in Philip G. Dwyer, ed. Modern Prussian History: 1830–1947 (2001) pp. 188–208
- Lamberti, Marjorie. "Religious conflicts and German national identity in Prussia, 1866–1914," in Philip G. Dwyer, ed. Modern Prussian History: 1830–1947 (2001) pp. 169–187
- Ross, Ronald J. The failure of Bismarck's Kulturkampf: Catholicism and state power in imperial Germany, 1871–1887, (Washington, D.C., 1998)
- Ross, Ronald J. "Enforcing the Kulturkampf in the Bismarckian state and the limits of coercion in imperial Germany." Journal of Modern History (1984): 456-482. in JSTOR
- Ross, Ronald J. "The Kulturkampf: Restrictions and Controls on the Practice of Religion in Bismarck’s Germany." in by Richard Helmstadter, ed. Freedom and Religion in the Nineteenth Century (1997) pp: 172-195.
- Trzeciakowski, Lech. The Kulturkampf in Prussian Poland (East European Monographs, 1990) 223 pp
- Zeender, John. "Ludwig Windthorst, 1812-1891" History (1992) 77#250 pp 237–54, the leader pf the Catholic Center Party
- "Kulturkampf". Catholic Encyclopedia. 1913., detailed article by Martin Spahn, written in 1910.
- "Kulturkampf". New International Encyclopedia. 1905.
- “Bismarck’s Failure: the Kulturkampf” long description
- Founding Manifesto of the Protestant League (1887); Statistics on Membership (1887-1913) (English trasnslation) a German anti-Catholic propaganda organization that became active after the Kulturkampf
- Bismarck’s Domestic Polices 1871 -1890 Kulturkampf in the context of Bismarck's entire domestic policies, by a head of history at Catholic University School in Dublin
- Kulturkampf Now and Then 13-paged essay in pdf by a Professor of the United States Air Force Academy
- Ludwig Windthorst Speaks in the Prussian Parliament (1873) speech of Ludwig Windthorst following its analysis
- Bismarck on the purpose of the Kulturkampf Speech in the Prussian House of Lords, March 10, 1873
- Kulturkampf: Bibliography by LitDok East-Central Europe Herder-Institut (Marburg)