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[[Image:GodwinJournal.jpg|left|thumb|Page from [[William Godwin|William Godwin's]] journal recording Mary Shelley's birth on [[30 August]] [[1797]] (left side, four rows down)]]
[[Image:GodwinJournal.jpg|left|thumb|Page from [[William Godwin|William Godwin's]] journal recording Mary Shelley's birth on [[30 August]] [[1797]] (left side, four rows down)]]


Mary Shelley was born Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin in [[Somers Town, London]] in 1797. She was the second child of the [[feminist]] philosopher, educator, and writer [[Mary Wollstonecraft]] and the first child of the philosopher, novelist, and journalist [[William Godwin]]. Wollstonecraft died of [[puerperal fever]] ten days after Mary was born; and Godwin was left to raise Mary, along with her older half-sister, [[Fanny Imlay]], Wollstonecraft's child by the American speculator [[Gilbert Imlay]].<ref>Seymour, 28–29; St Clair, 176-78.</ref> A year after Wollstonecraft's death, Godwin published what he felt were sincere, open, and compassionate ''[[Memoirs of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman|Memoirs]]'' (1798) of her. However, because he revealed her affairs and her illegitimate child, they were seen as shocking and in poor taste. Wollstonecraft, who had been praised while alive, was branded a "whore" after death because of Godwin's book. Mary Godwin read these ''Memoirs'' as a teenager and knew of the scandal attached to her parents, but as a child, according to Seymour, she only knew the loving image presented to her by her family.<ref>St Clair, 179-188; Seymour, 31-34; Clemit, "Legacies of Godwin and Wollstonecraft" (CC), 27-28.</ref>
Mary Shelley was born Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin in [[Somers Town, London]] in 1797. She was the second child of the [[feminist]] philosopher, educator, and writer [[Mary Wollstonecraft]] and the first child of the philosopher, novelist, and journalist [[William Godwin]]. Wollstonecraft died of [[puerperal fever]] ten days after Mary was born; and Godwin was left to raise Mary, along with her older half-sister, [[Fanny Imlay]], Wollstonecraft's child by the American speculator [[Gilbert Imlay]].<ref>Seymour, 28–29; St Clair, 176-78.</ref> A year after Wollstonecraft's death, Godwin published what he felt were sincere, open, and compassionate ''[[Memoirs of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman|Memoirs]]'' (1798) of her. However, because he revealed her affairs and her illegitimate child, they were seen as shocking and in poor taste. Wollstonecraft, who had been praised while alive, was branded a "whore" after death because of Godwin's book. Mary Godwin read these ''Memoirs'' as a teenager and knew of the scandal attached to her parents, but as a child, according to Seymour, she only knew the loving image presented to her by her family.<ref>St Clair, 179-188; Seymour, 31-34; Clemit, "Legacies of Godwin and Wollstonecraft" (CC), 27-28.</ref>lol


The letters of Louisa Jones, whom Godwin employed as housekeeper and nurse, suggest that Mary's earliest years were happy ones.<ref>Seymour, 38, 49.</ref> Godwin knew he could not raise his daughters by himself and had been casting about for a second wife.<ref>St Clair, 199–207.</ref> In December 1801, he married Mary Jane Clairmont, a well-educated woman with two young children of her own—Charles and [[Claire Clairmont|Claire]]—and let Louisa go.<ref group=note>Claire's first name was "Jane", but from 1814 (see Gittings and Manton, 22) she preferred to be called "Claire" (her second name was "Clara"), which is how she is known to history. To avoid confusion, this article calls her "Claire" throughout.</ref> Disliked by most of Godwin’s friends, the new Mrs Godwin was quick-tempered and quarrelled frequently with her husband;<ref>Seymour, 47–49; St Clair, 238-54.</ref><ref group=note>William St Clair, in his biography of the Godwins and the Shelleys, notes that "it is easy to forget in reading of these crises [in the lives of the Godwins and the Shelleys] how unrepresentative the references in surviving documents may be. It is easy for the biographer to give undue weight to the opinions of the people who happen to have written things down." (246)</ref> but the marriage was a success.<ref>St Clair, 243–44, 334; Seymour, 48.</ref> Mary Godwin came to detest her stepmother,<ref>Letter to Percy Shelley, [[28 October]] [[1814]]. ''Selected Letters'', 3; St Clair, 295; Seymour 61.</ref> who Godwin's 19th-century biographer C. Kegan Paul later suggested, had favoured her own children over Mary Wollstonecraft’s.<ref>St Clair, 295.</ref>
The letters of Louisa Jones, whom Godwin employed as housekeeper and nurse, suggest that Mary's earliest years were happy ones.<ref>Seymour, 38, 49.</ref> Godwin knew he could not raise his daughters by himself and had been casting about for a second wife.<ref>St Clair, 199–207.</ref> In December 1801, he married Mary Jane Clairmont, a well-educated woman with two young children of her own—Charles and [[Claire Clairmont|Claire]]—and let Louisa go.<ref group=note>Claire's first name was "Jane", but from 1814 (see Gittings and Manton, 22) she preferred to be called "Claire" (her second name was "Clara"), which is how she is known to history. To avoid confusion, this article calls her "Claire" throughout.</ref> Disliked by most of Godwin’s friends, the new Mrs Godwin was quick-tempered and quarrelled frequently with her husband;<ref>Seymour, 47–49; St Clair, 238-54.</ref><ref group=note>William St Clair, in his biography of the Godwins and the Shelleys, notes that "it is easy to forget in reading of these crises [in the lives of the Godwins and the Shelleys] how unrepresentative the references in surviving documents may be. It is easy for the biographer to give undue weight to the opinions of the people who happen to have written things down." (246)</ref> but the marriage was a success.<ref>St Clair, 243–44, 334; Seymour, 48.</ref> Mary Godwin came to detest her stepmother,<ref>Letter to Percy Shelley, [[28 October]] [[1814]]. ''Selected Letters'', 3; St Clair, 295; Seymour 61.</ref> who Godwin's 19th-century biographer C. Kegan Paul later suggested, had favoured her own children over Mary Wollstonecraft’s.<ref>St Clair, 295.</ref>

Revision as of 01:53, 26 May 2008

Richard Rothwell's portrait of Mary Shelley was shown at the Royal Academy exhibition in the summer of 1840, accompanied by lines from Percy Shelley's The Revolt of Islam calling her a "child of light".[1]

Mary Shelley (née Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin), (30 August 17971 February 1851) was a British novelist, short story writer, dramatist, essayist, biographer, travel writer, and editor of the works of her husband, Romantic poet and philosopher Percy Bysshe Shelley. She was the daughter of the political philosopher William Godwin and the writer, philosopher, and feminist Mary Wollstonecraft. Mary Shelley is best known for her Gothic novel Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus (1818).

After the death of Mary Wollstonecraft eleven days after her daughter's birth, Mary Godwin was brought up, along with her older sister Fanny Imlay, by William Godwin. When she was three, he married his neighbour, Mary Jane Clairmont. Mary Godwin received a rich, if informal, education under William Godwin, who brought her up to believe in his liberal political theories, including republicanism, radicalism, and the perfectibility of humankind.

In 1814, Mary Godwin fell in love with the married philosopher-poet Percy Bysshe Shelley, one of William Godwin's political followers. That summer, despite her father's disapproval, the couple eloped to France, along with Mary's step-sister, Claire Clairmont. The three travelled through France to Switzerland and returned along the Rhine, by which time Mary Godwin was clearly pregnant. Over the next two years, the couple was ostracized, in constant debt, and lost their prematurely born daughter. They married in late 1816 after the suicide of Percy Shelley's first wife.

In 1817, they spent a famous summer with Lord Byron, John William Polidori, and Claire Clairmont near Geneva, Switzerland, where Mary conceived the idea for her novel Frankenstein. In 1818, the Shelleys left Britain for Italy, where their second and third child died before Mary Shelley gave birth to her last and only surviving child, Percy Florence. In 1822, Percy Bysshe Shelley drowned when his sailing boat sank during a storm in the Bay of Spezia. A year later, Mary Shelley returned to England. Though she had offers, she never remarried. Instead, she devoted herself to the upbringing of her son and a career as a professional author. The death of her father-in-law in 1844 left her financially comfortable for the first time in her life, but her last decade was dogged by illness, probably caused by the brain tumour that killed her at the age of 53.

Until the 1970s, Mary Shelley was principally known for her novel Frankenstein, which remains widely read and has inspired many theatrical and film adaptations. Mary Shelley's notes to her 1839 edition of Percy Shelley's poems have also remained in print, though she has often been accused of censoring her husband's poems to soften their radicalism or atheism. Recent decades have brought a reassessment of Mary Shelley's later political views, however, and a more comprehensive view of her achievement as a whole. Scholars have recently shown increasing interest in Mary Shelley's literary output, particularly her novels, which include Valperga (1823), The Last Man (1826), Perkin Warbeck (1830), Lodore (1835), and Falkner (1837). Scrutiny of Mary Shelley's later works has challenged the view that their author became conservative in her later years and abandoned the political ideals she once shared with her father and husband. Lesser-known works such as the travel book Rambles in Germany and Italy (1844) and the biographical articles for Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia (1829–46) show that Mary Shelley remained a political radical.

Biography

Early life

Page from William Godwin's journal recording Mary Shelley's birth on 30 August 1797 (left side, four rows down)

Mary Shelley was born Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin in Somers Town, London in 1797. She was the second child of the feminist philosopher, educator, and writer Mary Wollstonecraft and the first child of the philosopher, novelist, and journalist William Godwin. Wollstonecraft died of puerperal fever ten days after Mary was born; and Godwin was left to raise Mary, along with her older half-sister, Fanny Imlay, Wollstonecraft's child by the American speculator Gilbert Imlay.[2] A year after Wollstonecraft's death, Godwin published what he felt were sincere, open, and compassionate Memoirs (1798) of her. However, because he revealed her affairs and her illegitimate child, they were seen as shocking and in poor taste. Wollstonecraft, who had been praised while alive, was branded a "whore" after death because of Godwin's book. Mary Godwin read these Memoirs as a teenager and knew of the scandal attached to her parents, but as a child, according to Seymour, she only knew the loving image presented to her by her family.[3]lol

The letters of Louisa Jones, whom Godwin employed as housekeeper and nurse, suggest that Mary's earliest years were happy ones.[4] Godwin knew he could not raise his daughters by himself and had been casting about for a second wife.[5] In December 1801, he married Mary Jane Clairmont, a well-educated woman with two young children of her own—Charles and Claire—and let Louisa go.[note 1] Disliked by most of Godwin’s friends, the new Mrs Godwin was quick-tempered and quarrelled frequently with her husband;[6][note 2] but the marriage was a success.[7] Mary Godwin came to detest her stepmother,[8] who Godwin's 19th-century biographer C. Kegan Paul later suggested, had favoured her own children over Mary Wollstonecraft’s.[9]

The Polygon (at left) in Somers Town, London, between Camden Town and St Pancras, where Mary Shelley was born and spent her earliest years

Though Mary Godwin received little formal education, her father tutored her in a broad range of subjects; he often took the children on educational outings, and they had access to his library and to the many intellectuals who visited him, including the Romantic poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge and the former vice-president of the United States, Aaron Burr.[10] Godwin admitted he was not educating the children according to Mary Wollstonecraft's philosophy, but under the direction of his wife, Mary Godwin nonetheless received an unusual and advanced education for a girl of the time. She had a governess, a daily tutor, and read many of her father's children's books on Roman and Greek history in manuscript.[11] She also attended a boarding school in Ramsgate for six months in 1811.[12] When she was fifteen, Godwin described her as "singularly bold, somewhat imperious, and active of mind. Her desire of knowledge is great, and her perseverance in everything she undertakes almost invincible".[13]

In June 1812, William Godwin sent Mary to stay with the family of the radical William Baxter, near Dundee, Scotland,[14][note 3] to whom he wrote, "I am anxious that she should be brought up . . . like a philosopher, even like a cynic".[15] Scholars have only speculated as to why she was sent, postulating that it was for her health, to remove her from the seamy side of business, or to introduce her to radical politics.[16] Mary Godwin revelled in the spacious surroundings of Baxter's house and in the companionship of his four daughters, and she returned in the summer of 1813 for a further stay of ten months.[17] It was here that she believed she became an author, writing in the 1831 introduction to Frankenstein: "I wrote then—but in a most common-place style. It was beneath the trees of the grounds belonging to our house, or on the bleak sides of the woodless mountains near, that my true compositions, the airy flights of my imagination, were born and fostered."[18]

Percy Bysshe Shelley

In the cemetery of St Pancras Old Church (shown here in 1815), on Mary Wollstonecraft's grave, on 26 June 1814, Mary declared she loved Percy. On 27 June, they promised eternal love. He presented her with a copy of his poem Queen Mab.[19]

Mary Godwin may have first met the radical poet-philosopher Percy Bysshe Shelley and his wife Harriet in the interval between her two stays in Scotland.[20][note 4] By the time she returned home for a second time on 30 March 1814, Percy Shelley had become estranged from his wife and was regularly visiting Godwin, whom he had agreed to bail out of debt.[21] Mary and Percy began meeting each other secretly at Mary Wollstonecraft's grave in St Pancras Churchyard: and they fell in love—she was nearly seventeen, he nearly twenty-two.[22] To Mary's dismay, Godwin disapproved and did all he could to thwart the relationship and salvage the "spotless fame" of his daughter.[23][note 5] Mary, who later wrote of "my excessive and romantic attachment to my father", [24] was confused. She saw Percy Shelley as an embodiment of her parents' liberal and reformist ideas of the 1790s, particularly Godwin's opposition to the repressive monopoly of marriage (espoused in the 1793 Political Justice but since retracted).[25] On 28 July 1814, the couple eloped to France, taking Mary's stepsister, Claire Clairmont, with them.[26]

After convincing Mrs Godwin, who had pursued them to Calais, that they did not want to return, the trio travelled to Paris and then, by donkey, mule, and carriage, through a France recently ravaged by war, to Switzerland. “It was acting in a novel,” Mary Shelley recalled in 1826, “being an incarnate romance”.[27] They were often short of money, though Percy Shelley sold possessions and arranged loans along the way. He and Mary read works by Mary Wollstonecraft and others, kept a joint journal, and continued their own writing.[28] Despite its hardships, the adventure was sustained by youthful love and at times assumed the character of an idyll (at least for Mary and Percy). At Lucerne, lack of money forced the three to turn back. They travelled down the Rhine and by land to the Dutch port of Marsluys, arriving at Gravesend on 13 September 1814.[29]

Percy Bysshe Shelley was inspired by the radicalism of Godwin's Political Justice (1793). When the poet Robert Southey met Shelley, he felt as if he were seeing himself from the 1790s.[30] (Amelia Curran, 1819)

The situation awaiting Mary Godwin in England was fraught with complications, some of which she could not have foreseen. Either before or during the journey, she had become pregnant. She and Percy now found themselves penniless, and, to her genuine surprise, William Godwin refused to have anything to do with them.[31] Along with Claire, the couple moved into lodgings at Somers Town, and later, Nelson Square, where they maintained their intense programme of reading and writing and entertained Percy Shelley's friends, such as Thomas Jefferson Hogg and the writer Thomas Love Peacock.[32] Percy Shelley was sometimes forced to leave in order to dodge creditors.[33] On these occasions, the couple's distraught letters show their pain at separation.[34]

Pregnant and often ill, Mary Godwin had to cope with Percy's joy at the birth of his son by Harriet Shelley in late 1814 and with his constant outings with Claire Clairmont.[note 6] She was partly consoled by the visits of Hogg, whose companionship she warmed to, and who helped the couple financially.[35] Percy Shelley seems to have wanted Mary Shelley and Hogg to become lovers,[36] an idea that Mary did not dismiss, since in principle she believed in free love;[37] but she loved only Percy Shelley and seems to have gone no further than flirting with Hogg.[38][notes 1] On 22 February 1815, she gave birth to a two-months premature baby girl, given little chance of survival.[39] On 6 March, she wrote to Hogg:

My dearest Hogg my baby is dead—will you come to see me as soon as you can. I wish to see you—It was perfectly well when I went to bed—I awoke in the night to give it suck it appeared to be sleeping so quietly that I would not awake it. It was dead then, but we did not find that out till morning—from its appearance it evidently died of convulsions—Will you come—you are so calm a creature & Shelley is afraid of a fever from the milk—for I am no longer a mother now.[40]

The loss induced an acute depression in Mary Godwin, who was haunted by visions of her baby; but she conceived again and had recovered by the summer.[41] After a revival in Percy Shelley's finances after the death of his grandfather, Sir Bysshe Shelley, the couple holidayed in Torquay and then rented a two-storey cottage at Bishopsgate, on the edge of Windsor Great Park.[42][note 7] Little is known about this period in Mary Godwin's life, since her journal from May 1815 to July 1816 is lost. At Bishopsgate, Percy Shelley wrote his poem Alastor; and Mary Godwin gave birth there to a second child, William (after Godwin), nicknamed "Willmouse", on 24 January 1816.

Lake Geneva and Frankenstein

Draft of Frankenstein ("It was on a dreary night of November that I beheld my man completed...")

In May 1816, Mary Godwin, Percy Shelley, and their son travelled to Geneva with Claire Clairmont. They planned to spend the summer with the poet Lord Byron, whose recent affair with Claire had left her pregnant.[43] The party arrived at Geneva on 14 May 1816, where Mary called herself "Mrs Shelley", and Byron joined them on 25 May, with his young physician, John William Polidori (who originated modern vampire fiction).[44] Byron rented the Villa Diodati, close to Lake Geneva at the village of Cologny, and Percy Shelley a smaller building called Maison Chapuis, a vineyard away, on the waterfront.[45] They spent their time writing, boating on the lake, and talking into the wee hours.[46]

"It proved a wet, ungenial summer", Mary Shelley remembered in 1831, "and incessant rain often confined us for days to the house".[47][note 8] Amongst other subjects, the conversation turned to the experiments of 18th-century natural philosopher and poet Erasmus Darwin, who was said to have animated dead matter, and to galvanism and the feasibility of returning a corpse or assembled body parts to life.[48] Sitting around a log fire at Byron's villa, the company also amused themselves by reading German ghost stories,[note 9] prompting Byron to suggest they each write their own supernatural tale. Shortly afterwards, in a waking dream, Mary Godwin conceived the idea for Frankenstein:

I saw the pale student of unhallowed arts kneeling beside the thing he had put together. I saw the hideous phantasm of a man stretched out, and then, on the working of some powerful engine, show signs of life, and stir with an uneasy, half vital motion. Frightful must it be; for supremely frightful would be the effect of any human endeavour to mock the stupendous mechanism of the Creator of the world".[49][note 10]

She began writing what she assumed would be a short story. With Percy Shelley's encouragement,[note 11] she expanded this tale into her first novel, Frankenstein: or, The Modern Prometheus, published in 1818.[50] She later described that summer in Switzerland as the moment "when I first stepped out from childhood into life".[51]

Bath and Marlow

On their return to England in September, Mary and Percy moved—with Claire Clairmont, who took lodgings nearby—to Bath, where they hoped to keep Claire’s pregnancy secret.[52] At Cologny, Mary Godwin had received two letters from her half-sister, Fanny Imlay, who alluded to her "unhappy life"; on 9 October, Fanny wrote an "alarming letter" from Bristol, which sent Percy Shelley racing off to search for her, without success. On the morning of 10 October, Fanny Imlay was found dead in a room at a Swansea inn, along with a suicide note and a laudanum bottle. On 10 December, the heavily pregnant body of Percy Shelley's wife, Harriet, was retrieved from the Serpentine, a lake in Hyde Park, London.[53] Both suicides were hushed up. Harriet’s family obstructed Percy Shelley's efforts—supported wholeheartedly by Mary Godwin—to assume custody of his two children by Harriet.[note 12] His lawyers advised him to improve his case by marrying; so he and Mary, who was pregnant again, married on 30 December 1816 at St Mildred's Church, Bread Street, London.[54][note 13] Mr and Mrs Godwin were present: the marriage ended the family rift.[55]

Claire Clairmont gave birth to a baby girl on 13 January, at first called Alba, later Allegra.[56][note 14] In March that year, the Chancery Court denied Percy Shelley custody of his children on the grounds of his moral unfitness and later placed them with a clergyman's family.[57][note 15] Also in March, the Shelleys moved with Claire and Alba to Albion House, a large, damp home at Marlow, Buckinghamshire, on the river Thames, where Mary Shelley gave birth to her third child, Clara, on 2 September. At Marlow, they entertained their new friends Marianne and Leigh Hunt, worked diligently on their writing, and often discussed politics.[58][note 16] Since returning from Switzerland, Mary Shelley had been working on Frankenstein, which she finished in early in the summer of 1817: it was published anonymously in January 1818. However, because it was published with a preface by Percy Shelley and was dedicated to William Godwin, reviewers and consumers assumed it was by Percy.[59] At Marlow, she edited the joint journal of their 1814 Continental journey, adding material written in Switzerland in 1816, and Percy Shelley's poem "Mont Blanc", into the History of a Six Weeks' Tour, published in November 1817. That autumn, Percy Shelley often lived away from home in London, to evade creditors. The threat of a debtor's prison, combined with their ill health and fears of losing custody of their children, contributed to the couple's decision to leave England for Italy on 12 March 1818, taking Claire Clairmont and Alba with them.[60] They had no intention of coming back.[61]

Italy

William "Willmouse" Shelley, painted just before his death from malaria in 1819 (Amelia Curran, 1819)

One of the party's first tasks on arriving in Italy was to hand Alba over to Byron, who was living in Venice. He had agreed to bring her up so long as Claire had nothing more to do with her.[62][note 17] The Shelleys then embarked on a roving existence, never settling in any one place for long.[63][note 18] Along the way, they accumulated a circle of friends and acquaintances who often moved with them. The couple devoted their time to writing, reading, learning, sightseeing, and socialising. The Italian adventure was, however, blighted for Mary Shelley by the deaths of both her children—Clara, in September 1818 in Venice, and William, in June 1819 in Rome.[64][note 19] These bereavements left her in a deep depression that isolated her from Percy Shelley,[65] who wrote in his notebook:

My dearest Mary, wherefore hast thou gone,
And left me in this dreary world alone?
Thy form is here indeed—a lovely one—
But thou art fled, gone down a dreary road
That leads to Sorrow’s most obscure abode.
For thine own sake I cannot follow thee
Do thou return for mine.[66]

For a time, Mary Shelley found solace only in her writing.[67] The birth of her fourth child, Percy Florence, on 12 November 1819, finally lifted her spirits,[68] though she nursed the memory of her lost children till the end of her life.[69]

Italy provided the Shelleys, Byron, and other exiles with a political freedom unattainable at home. Despite its associations with personal loss, it became for Mary Shelley "a country which memory painted as paradise".[70] Their Italian years were a time of intense intellectual and creative activity for both Shelleys. While Percy composed a series of major poems, Mary wrote the autobiographical novel Matilda, the historical novel Valperga and the plays Proserpine and Midas. Mary wrote Valperga in order to help Godwin, who was still having financial difficulties. Percy refused to offer support, so she decided to do so herself.[71] She was often physically ill, however, and subject to depressions. She also had to cope with Percy Shelley’s interest in other women, such as Sophia Stacey, Emilia Viviani, and Jane Williams.[72] Since Mary Shelley shared his belief in the non-exclusivity of marriage, she formed emotional ties of her own among the men and women of their circle. She became particularly fond of the Greek revolutionary Prince Alexander Mavrocordato and of Jane and Edward Williams.[73][note 20]

In December 1818, the Shelleys travelled south with Claire Clairmont and their servants to Naples, where they stayed for three months, receiving no visitors.[74][note 21] In 1820, they found themselves plagued by accusations and threats from Paolo and Elise Foggi, former servants whom Percy Shelley had dismissed in Naples shortly after the Foggis had married.[75] The pair revealed that on 27 February 1819 in Naples, Percy Shelley had registered, as his child by Mary Shelley, a two-month-old baby girl named Elena Adelaide Shelley.[76] The Foggis also claimed, without proof, that the baby's mother was Claire Clairmont.[77] In order to explain this, historians and biographers have offered various possibilities: that Percy Shelley decided to adopt a local child; that the baby was his by Elise, Claire, or an unknown woman; or that she was Elise’s by Byron.[78][note 22] Mary Shelley insisted she would have known if Claire had been pregnant, but it is unclear how much she really knew.[79] The events in Naples, a city Mary Shelley later called a paradise inhabited by devils,[80] remain shrouded in mystery.[note 23] The only certainty is that she herself was not the child’s mother.[81] Elena Adelaide Shelley died in Naples on 9 June 1820.[82]

Claire Clairmont, Mary's half-sister and mistress of Lord Byron (Amelia Curran, 1819)

In the summer of 1822, a pregnant Mary moved with Percy, Claire, and Edward and Jane Williams to the isolated Villa Magni, at the sea's edge near the hamlet of San Terenzo in the Bay of Lerici. Once they were settled in, Percy broke the "evil news" to Claire that her daughter Allegra had died of typhus in a convent at Bagnacavallo.[83][note 24] Mary Shelley was distracted and unhappy in the cramped and remote Villa Magni, which she came to regard as a dungeon.[84][note 25] On 16 June, she miscarried and lost so much blood that her life was in danger. Rather than wait for a doctor, Percy Shelley sat her in a bath of ice to staunch the bleeding, an act the doctor later told him saved her life.[85] All was not well between the couple that summer, however, and Percy Shelley gave more attention to Jane Williams and other women than to his debilitated and depressed wife.[86][note 26] In his poetry, Mary Shelley is described in cold terms and no longer as his muse.[87]

The coast offered Percy Shelley and Edward Williams the chance to enjoy their "perfect plaything for the summer", a new sailing boat.[88] The boat had been designed by Daniel Roberts and Edward Trelawny, a fan of Byron's who had joined the party in January 1822.[89] On 1 July 1822, Percy Shelley, Edward Williams, and Captain Daniel Roberts sailed south down the coast to Livorno. There Percy Shelley discussed the launch of a radical magazine called The Liberal with Byron and Leigh Hunt.[90] On 8 July, he and Edward Williams set out on the return journey to Lerici with their eighteen-year-old boatboy, Charles Vivian.[91][note 27] They never reached their destination. A letter arrived at Villa Magni from Hunt to Percy Shelley, dated 8 July, saying, "pray write to tell us how you got home, for they say you had bad weather after you sailed monday & we are anxious".[92] "The paper fell from me," Mary told a friend later. "I trembled all over".[93] She and Jane Williams rushed desperately to Livorno and then to Pisa, in the fading hope that their men were still alive. Ten days after the storm, three bodies washed up on the coast near Viareggio, mid-way between Livorno and Lerici. Trelawny, Byron, and Hunt cremated Percy Shelley’s corpse on the beach at Viareggio.[94]

Return to England and writing career

[Frankenstein] is the most wonderful work to have been written at twenty years of age that I ever heard of. You are now five and twenty. And, most fortunately, you have pursued a course of reading, and cultivated your mind in a manner the most admirably adapted to make you a great and successful author. If you cannot be independent, who should be?
— William Godwin to Mary Shelley[95]

After her husband's death, Mary Shelley lived for a year with Leigh Hunt and his family in Genoa, where she often saw Byron and transcribed his poems. She decided to live by her pen and for her son, but her financial situation was precarious. On 23 July 1823, she left Genoa for England and stayed with her father and stepmother in the Strand until a small advance from her father-in-law enabled her to lodge nearby.[96] Sir Timothy Shelley had at first agreed to support his grandson, Percy Florence, only if he were handed over to an appointed guardian. Mary Shelley rejected this plan instantly.[97] She managed instead to wring out of Sir Timothy a limited and repayable allowance, but to the end of his days he refused to meet her in person and conducted his dealings with her through lawyers. Mary Shelley busied herself with editing her husband's poems, among other literary endeavors, but concern for her son restricted her freedom. Sir Timothy Shelley threatened to stop Percy Florence's allowance should any biography of Percy Bysshe Shelley be published.[98] In 1826, after the death of Charles Shelley (Percy Shelley's son by a previous marriage), Percy Florence became the legal heir of the Shelley estate. Sir Timothy raised Mary Shelley's allowance from £100 a year to £250, but their frosty relationship did not change.[99][note 28] Mary Shelley enjoyed the stimulating society of William Godwin's circle, but poverty prevented her from socialising as widely as she wished. She also felt ostracized by those who, like Sir Timothy, disapproved of her elopement and relationship with Percy Bysshe Shelley.[100]

In summer 1824, Mary Shelley moved to Kentish Town in north London to be near Jane Williams. She may have been, in the words of her biographer Muriel Spark, "a little in love" with Jane, who later disillusioned her by spreading hurtful gossip about her adequacy as a wife to Percy Shelley.[101][note 29] At around this time, Mary Shelley was working on her novel, The Last Man (1826); she also spent time assisting a series of friends who were writing memoirs of Byron and Shelley, the beginning of her attempts to immortalize Shelley.[102] She also met the American actor John Howard Payne and the American writer Washington Irving. Payne fell in love with her, and in summer 1826 asked her to marry him. She refused, saying that after being married to one genius, she could only marry another. Payne therefore tried without success to talk his friend Irving into proposing in his place. Mary Shelley was aware of Payne's endeavours, but how seriously she took them is not clear.[103]

Reginald Easton's miniature of Mary Shelley is allegedly drawn from her death mask (c. 1857).[104]

In 1827, Mary Shelley was party to a scheme whereby her friend Isabel Robinson and Isabel's lover, Maria Mary Dods, who wrote under the name David Lyndsay, were enabled to adopt a life together in France as man and wife.[105][note 30] With the help of Payne, whom she kept in the dark about the details, Mary Shelley obtained false passports for the couple, at considerable risk to her own reputation.[106] While visiting the couple in Paris, she fell ill with smallpox.[107]

During the period 1827–40, Mary Shelley was busy as an editor and writer. She wrote the novels, Perkin Warbeck (1830), Lodore (1835), and Falkner (1837). She contributed five volumes of Lives on Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and French authors, to Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopædia. She also wrote stories for lady's magazines. Needing money, Mary Shelley wrote to support herself and her father; both looked out for publishers for the other.[108] In 1830, she sold the copyright for a new edition of Frankenstein for £60 to Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley for their new Standard Novels series.[109] After Godwin's death in 1836, at the age of eighty, she worked dutifully on assembling his letters and a memoir for publication, as he had requested in his will—she was to be responsible for his posthumous reputation. After two years of work, however, she abandoned the project.[110] Throughout this period, she also championed Percy Shelley's poetry, promoting its publication and quoting it in her works. By 1837, Percy's works had become well-known and increasingly admired.[111] In the summer of 1838 Edward Moxon, the publisher of Tennyson and the son-in-law of Charles Lamb, proposed publishing a collected works of Percy Shelley. Mary was paid £500 to edit the Poetical Works (1838), which Sir Timothy still demanded not include a biography.[112]

Mary Shelley continued to treat potential romantic partners with caution. In 1828, she met and flirted with the French writer Prosper Mérimée, and her one surviving letter to him appears to be a deflection of his declaration of love.[113] She was delighted when her old friend from Italy, Edward Trelawny, returned to England, and they joked about marriage in letters to each other.[114] Their friendship had altered, however, when she refused to cooperate with his proposed biography of Percy Shelley; and he later reacted angrily when she omitted the atheistic section of Queen Mab from Percy Shelley's poems.[115] Oblique references in her journals, from the early 1830s until the early 1840s, suggest that Mary Shelley had feelings for the radical politician Aubrey Beauclerk, who may have disappointed her by twice marrying others.[116][note 31]

Mary Shelley's first concern during these years was the welfare of her son, Percy Florence. She honoured her late husband's wish that his son attend public school, and, with Sir Timothy's grudging help, had him educated at Harrow. To avoid boarding fees, she moved to Harrow on the Hill herself so that Percy could attend as a day scholar.[117] Though Percy went on to Trinity College, Cambridge and dabbled in politics and the law, he showed no sign of his parents' gifts.[118] However, he was devoted to his mother, and after he left the university in 1841, he came to live with her.

Final years and death

In 1840 and 1842, mother and son travelled together on the continent, journeys that Mary Shelley recorded in Rambles in Germany and Italy in 1840, 1842 and 1843 (1844).[119] In 1844, Sir Timothy Shelley finally died at the age of ninety, "falling from the stalk like an overblown flower", as Mary put it.[120] For the first time, she and her son were financially independent, though the estate proved less valuable than they had hoped.[121]

In order to fulfil Mary Shelley's wishes, Percy Florence and his wife Jane had the coffins of Mary Shelley's parents exhumed and buried with her in Bournemouth.[122][note 32]

In the mid 1840s, Mary Shelley was the target of a series of blackmailers. In Paris, she met a dashing Italian political exile and writer named Ferdinand Gatteschi, to whom she gave money and wrote unguarded letters. In 1845, Gatteschi used these letters in an attempt to blackmail her. Mary Shelley wrote to Claire Clairmont, "I am indeed humbled—& feel all my vanity & folly & pride—my credulity I can forgive but not my total want of common sense".[123] Her son's friend, lawyer Alexander Knox, came to the rescue. He set off for Paris, where he bribed a police chief into seizing Gatteschi's papers, including the letters in question.[note 33] Two weeks later, a forger calling himself G. Byron and posing as the illegitimate son of the late Lord Byron, contacted Mary Shelley offering to sell her letters written by herself and Percy Bysshe Shelley. Mary Shelley negotiated the purchase of some of them through her late husband's friend Thomas Hookham. Two years later, G. Byron resurfaced with more demands, threatening to release copies of the letters he had handed over. After further exchanges with Hookham, however, nothing more was heard from him.[124] In 1845, Percy Bysshe Shelley's cousin Thomas Medwin, once part of the Shelley circle in Italy, approached Mary Shelley claiming to have written a damaging biography of Percy Shelley that he was willing to suppress in return for £250, which he said was the price offered by a publisher.[125][note 34] The threat caused Mary Shelley much anxiety, but she refused to give in to Medwin. "An attempt to extort money finds me quite hardened, " she told Hunt. "I have suffered too much from things of this kind."[126]

In 1848, Percy Florence married Jane Gibson St John, and the marriage was a happy one. Mary Shelley and Jane were fond of each other,[127] and Mary lived with her son and daughter-in-law at Field Place, Sussex, the Shelleys' ancestral home, and at Chester Square, London, and accompanied them on travels abroad.

Mary Shelley's last years were, however, blighted by illness. From 1839, she suffered from headaches and bouts of paralysis in parts of her body, which sometimes prevented her from reading and writing.[128] On 1 February 1851, at Chester Square, she died of a suspected brain tumour at the age of fifty-three. According to Jane Shelley, Mary Shelley had asked to be buried with her mother and father; but Percy and Jane, considering the graveyard at St Pancras to be "dreadful", chose to bury her instead at St Peter's Church, Bournemouth, near their new home at Boscombe.[129][note 35] On the first anniversary of Mary Shelley's death, the Shelleys opened her box-desk. Inside they found locks of her dead children's hair, a notebook she had shared with Percy Bysshe Shelley, and a copy of his poem Adonaïs with one page folded round a silk parcel containing some of his ashes and the remains of his heart.[130]

Literary themes and styles

Mary Shelley lived a literary life. Her father encouraged her to learn to write by composing letters,[131] and her favourite occupation as a child was writing stories.[note 36] Unfortunately, all of Mary's juvenilia was lost when she eloped with Percy in 1814 and none of her surviving manuscripts can be definitely dated before 1814.[132] Her first published work is often thought to have been Mounseer Nongtongpaw,[133] comic verses written for Godwin's Juvenile Library when she was ten and a half; however, the poem is attributed to another writer in the most recent definitive collection of her works.[134] Percy Shelley enthusiastically encouraged Mary Shelley's writing: "My husband was, from the first, very anxious that I should prove myself worthy of my parentage, and enrol myself on the page of fame. He was forever inciting me to obtain literary reputation".[135]

Novels

Autobiographical elements

Sections of Mary Shelley's novels are often interpreted as masked rewritings of her own life and critics have pointed to the recurrence of the father-daughter motif as particularly striking evidence of this autobiographical style.[136] For example, commentators frequently read Mathilda autobiographically, identifying the three central characters as William Godwin, Mary Shelley, and Percy Shelley.[137] The central characters of The Last Man are modelled on Mary Shelley's Italian circle: Lord Raymond, who leaves England to fight for the Greeks and dies in Constantinople, is based on Lord Byron; and the utopian Adrian, Earl of Windsor, who leads his followers in search of a natural paradise and dies when his boat sinks in a storm, is a fictional portrait of Percy Bysshe Shelley.[138] However, Mary Shelley herself did not believe that authors were "merely copying from our own hearts",[139] as she wrote in her review of Godwin's novel Cloudesley. Godwin did not see Shelley's works as autobiographical either, writing that her characters were types rather than copies from real life.[140] Some modern critics, such as Patricia Clemit and Jane Blumberg, have followed Shelley and Godwin's lead, resisting autobiographical readings of Shelley's works.[141]

Novelistic genres

"[Euthanasia] was never heard of more; even her name perished....The private chronicles, from which the foregoing relation has been collected, end with the death of Euthanasia. It is therefore in public histories alone that we find an account of the last years of the life of Castruccio."
— From Mary Shelley, Valperga[142]

Mary Shelley's novels fuse the 1790s Godwinian novel with Walter Scott's new historical novel.[143] For example, Frankenstein addresses many of the same themes and employs similar literary devices as Godwin's Caleb Williams (1794).[144] However, Shelley critiques the Enlightenment ideals that Godwin promotes in his novels.[145] In The Last Man Shelley uses the philosophical form of the Godwinian novel to demonstrate the ultimate meaninglessness of the world.[146] While earlier Godwinian novels had shown how rational individuals could slowly improve society, The Last Man and Frankenstein demonstrate the individual's lack of control over history. Shelley's narrative style reflects this theme; many early Godwinian novels were written in first-person, while Shelley's novels were often written in third-person.[147]

Shelley also uses the historical novel to comment on gender relations; for example, Valperga is a feminist version of Scott's masculinist genre.[148] Introducing women into the story who are not part of the historical record, Shelley uses their narratives to question established theological and political institutions.[149] Shelley sets the male protagonist's compulsive greed for conquest in opposition to a female alternative: reason and sensibility.[150] In Perkin Warbeck, another of Shelley's historical novels, Lady Gordon stands for the values of friendship, domesticity, and equality; through her, Shelley offers a feminine alternative to the masculine power politics that destroy the male characters as well as to the typical historical narrative which only relates masculine events.[151]

In addition to the historical novel, Shelley used the Gothic to comment on gender issues. Gothic fiction was often employed by female writers to investigate female sexuality and in Frankenstein Shelley explores repressed female sexual desire through the figures of Victor Frankenstein and his creature.[152] She combines this with a critique of what she viewed as dangerous science: "the hubristic manipulation of the elemental forces of nature to serve man's private ends".[153]

Gender

With the rise of feminist literary criticism in the 1970s, Mary Shelley's works, particularly Frankenstein, began attracting much more attention from scholars. Feminist and psychoanalytic critics were largely responsible for the recovery of Shelley as a writer.[154] Ellen Moers was one of the first to claim that Frankenstein is a product of Shelley's tragic loss of a baby.[155] She argues that the novel is a "birth myth" that allows Shelley to come to terms with her own guilt over having been responsible for her own mother's death as well as for having failed as a parent.[156] Seen as a story "about what happens when a man tries to have a baby without a woman...[Frankenstein] is profoundly concerned with natural as opposed to unnatural modes of production and reproduction".[157] Victor Frankenstein's failure as a parent in the novel has been read as a reflection of the anxieties which accompany pregnancy, giving birth, and particularly maternity.[158]

Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar in their seminal book The Madwoman in the Attic (1979) argue that Shelley defined her writing persona largely through literature, and particularly through the works of her parents.[159] They contend that in Frankenstein in particular, Shelley was responding to the masculine literary tradition represented by John Milton's Paradise Lost. In their interpretation, Shelley reaffirms this masculine tradition, including the misogyny inherent in it, while at the same time her work "conceal[s] fantasies of equality that occasionally erupt in monstrous images of rage".[160] Seeing a slightly different dualistic pattern, Mary Poovey reads the first edition of Frankenstein as part of a larger pattern in Shelley's writing, which begins with literary self-assertion and ends with conventional femininity.[161] Poovey sees in Frankenstein's multiple narratives an opportunity for Shelley to split her artistic persona: she can "express and efface herself at the same time".[162] Shelley's own fears of self-assertion are reflected in the character of Frankenstein, who is punished for his egotism by losing all of his domestic ties.[163] Feminist critics often focus on how authorship itself, particularly female authorship, is represented in the novels.[164] For example, Shelley describes one of the heroines in Valperga, Beatrice, as strong and gifted; Shelley reveals that Beatrice is trapped in a society which does not appreciate, however Shelley undermines her heroine by "discrediting" her opinions throughout the novel.[165]

Shelleys writings focus on the role of the family in society and women's role within that family. She celebrates the "feminine affections and compassion" associated with the family and suggests that civil society will fail without them.[166] Shelley was "profoundly committed to an ethic of cooperation, mutual dependence, and self-sacrifice".[167] In Lodore, for example, the central story follows the fortunes of the wife and daughter of the title character, Lord Lodore, who is killed in a duel at the end of the first volume, leaving a trail of legal, financial, and familial obstacles for the two "heroines" to negotiate. The novel is engaged with political and ideological issues, particularly the education and social role of women.[168] It dissects a patriarchal culture that separated the sexes and pressured women into dependence on men.[note 37] In the view of Bennett, "the novel proposes egalitarian educational paradigms for women and men, which would bring social justice as well as the spiritual and intellectual means by which to meet the challenges life invariably brings".[169][note 38] However, Falkner is the only one of Mary Shelley's novels in which the heroine's agenda triumphs.[170] The novel’s resolution proposes that when female values triumph over violent and destructive masculinity, men will be freed to express the "compassion, sympathy, and generosity" of their better natures.[171]

File:Frontispiece to Frankenstein, 1831.jpg
The frontispiece to the 1831 Frankenstein by Theodor von Holst, one of the first two illustrations for the novel[172]

Enlightenment and Romanticism

Frankenstein, like much Gothic fiction of its period, mixes a visceral and alienating subject matter with speculative and thought-provoking themes.[173] Rather than focusing on the twists and turns of the plot, however, the novel foregrounds the mental and moral struggles of the protagonist, Victor Frankenstein, and Shelley imbues the text with her own brand of politicised Romanticism, one that criticised the individualism and egotism of traditional Romanticism.[174] Victor Frankenstein is like Satan in Paradise Lost and Prometheus: he rebels against tradition; he creates life; and he shapes his own destiny. However, these traits are not portrayed positively; as Blumberg writes, "his relentless ambition is a self-delusion, clothed as quest for truth".[175] He must abandon his family to fulfill his ambition.[176]

Although Mary Shelley believed, like her parents and her husband, in the Enlightenment idea that people could improve society through the responsible exercise of political power, she also believed that irresponsible use of power led to chaos.[177] Moreover, Shelley's works largely criticise the way that eighteenth-century thinkers such as her parents believed change could be brought about. For example, the creature in Frankenstein reads books associated with radical ideals but the education he gains from them is ultimately useless.[178] Shelley is not as optimistic about the power of people to effect change as Godwin and Wollstonecraft and she did not accept Godwin's theory that humanity could eventually be perfected.[179]

More so than Frankenstein, The Last Man, as literary scholar Kari Lokke writes, "in its refusal to place humanity at the center of the universe, its questioning of our privileged position in relation to nature...constitutes a profound and prophetic challenge to Western humanism."[180] Specifically, Mary Shelley, in making references to the failure of the French Revolution and the Godwinian, Wollstonecraftian, and Burkean responses to it, "attacks Enlightenment faith in the inevitability of progress through collective efforts".[181] As in Frankenstein, Shelley "offers a profoundly disenchanted commentary on the age of revolution, which ends in a total rejection of the progressive ideals of her own generation".[182] Importantly, not only does she reject these Enlightenment political ideals, but she also rejects the Romantic notion that the poetic or literary imagination can offer an alternative.[183]

Politics

Critics have until recently cited Lodore and Falkner as evidence of a conservative retrenchment by Mary Shelley. In 1984, Mary Poovey influentially identified the retreat of Mary Shelley’s reformist politics into the "separate sphere" of the domestic.[184] Poovey suggested that Mary Shelley wrote Falkner to resolve her conflicted response to her father's combination of libertarian radicalism and stern insistence on social decorum.[185] Anne K. Mellor largely agreed, arguing that "Mary Shelley grounded her alternative political ideology on the metaphor of the peaceful, loving, bourgeois family. She thereby implicitly endorsed a conservative vision of gradual evolutionary reform".[186] This vision allowed women to participate in the public sphere but it inherited the inequalities inherent in the structure of the bourgeois family.[187]

However, in the last decade or so this view has been challenged. For example, Jane Blumberg, in her study of Shelley's early novels argues that her career cannot be easily divided into radical and conservative halves. She contends that "Shelley was never a passionate radical like her husband and her later lifestyle was not abruptly assumed nor was it a betrayal. She was in fact challenging the political and literary influences of her circle in her first work."[188] In this reading, Shelley's early works are seen as a challenge to Godwin and Percy Bysshe Shelley's radicalism and the Victor Frankenstein's "thoughtless rejection of family", for example, is used as evidence of Shelley's constant concern for the domestic.[189]

Short stories

Shelley frequently wrote stories to accompany prepared illustrations for the gift books, such as this one, which accompanied "Transformation" in the 1830 Keepsake[190]

In the 1820s and 1830s, Mary Shelley frequently wrote short stories for gift books or annuals, including sixteen for The Keepsake, which was aimed at middle-class women and bound in silk, with gilt-edged pages.[191] Mary Shelley's work in this genre has been described as that of a "hack writer" and "wordy and pedestrian".[192] However, critic Charlotte Sussman points out that other leading writers of the day such as the Romantic poets William Wordsworth and Samuel Taylor Coleridge also took advantage of this profitable market. She explains that "the annuals were a major mode of literary production in the 1820s and 1830s", with The Keepsake being the most successful.[193] Many of Shelley's stories are set in places or times far removed from early nineteenth-century Britain, such as Greece or the reign of Henry IV. According to Sussman, "Mary Shelley's stores for the annuals often take up [the] gendered intersection of the human form and the commodity form, suggesting that the problem of valuing women's lives can be linked to the difficulty of creating lasting representations of women."[194] Shelley was particularly interested in "the fragility of individual identity" and often depicted "the way a person's role in the world can be cataclysmically altered either by an internal emotional upheaval, or by some supernatural occurrence that mirrors an internal schism".[195] In her stories, female identity is tied to a woman's value in the marriage market, an ephemeral value, while male identity can be transformed through economic exchange.[196] Although Mary Shelley wrote twenty-one short stories for the annuals between 1823 and 1839, she always saw herself, above all, as a novelist. She wrote to Leigh Hunt, "I write bad articles which help to make me miserable—but I am going to plunge into a novel and hope that its clear water will wash off the mud of the magazines".[197]

Travelogues

When they eloped to France in the summer of 1814, Mary Godwin and Percy Shelley began a joint journal,[198][note 39] which they published in 1817 under the title History of a Six Weeks' Tour, adding four letters, two by each of them, based on their visit to Geneva in 1816, and Percy Shelley's poem "Mont Blanc". The work celebrates youthful love and political idealism and consciously follows the example of Mary Wollstonecraft and others who had combined travelling with writing.[199] The perspective of the History is philosophical and reformist rather than that of a conventional travelogue; in particular, it addresses the effects of politics and war on France.[200] The letters the couple wrote on the second journey confront the "great and extraordinary events" of the final defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo after his "Hundred Days" return in 1815. They explore the sublimity of Lake Geneva and Mont Blanc as well as the revolutionary legacy of the philosopher and novelist Jean-Jacques Rousseau.[201]

Mary Shelley's last full-length book was Rambles in Germany and Italy in 1840, 1842 and 1843, written in the form of letters and published in 1844, which recorded her travels with her son Percy Florence and his university friends. In the tradition of Mary Wollstonecraft's Letters Written in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark and her own A History of a Six Weeks' Tour, Shelley maps her personal and political landscape in Rambles through the discourse of sensibility and sympathy.[202] For Shelley, building sympathetic connections between people is the way to build civil society and to increase knowledge: "knowledge, to enlighten and free the mind from clinging deadening prejudices—a wider circle of sympathy with our fellow-creatures;—these are the uses of travel".[203] Between observations on scenery, culture, and "the people, especially in a political point of view",[204] she uses the travelogue form to explore her roles as a widow and mother and to reflect on revolutionary nationalism in Italy.[205][note 40] She also records her "pilgrimage" to scenes associated with Percy Shelley.[206] According to critic Clarissa Orr, Mary Shelley's adoption of a persona of philosophical motherhood gives Rambles the unity of a prose poem, with "death and memory as central themes".[207] At the same time, Shelley makes an egalitarian case against monarchy, class distinctions, slavery, and war.[208]

Biographies

Between 1832 and 1839, Mary Shelley also wrote many biographies of "eminent" Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and French men and a few women for Dionysius Lardner's Lives, part of his Cabinet Cyclopaedia, "among the most distinguished of the many series which arose during the 1820s and 1830s" in response to the middle class's desire to educate itself.[209] Until the republication of these essays in 2002, their significance was not appreciated.[210][note 41] They reveal Mary Shelley's extensive knowledge, "manifested in her prodigious research across several centuries and in multiple languages", her ability to tell a gripping biographical narrative, and her interest in the "emerging forms of feminist historiography".[211] Shelley wrote in a style that combined secondary sources, memoir and anecdote, and authorial evaluation, a biographical style made popular by the eighteenth-century critic Samuel Johnson in his Lives of the Poets (1779–81).[212] She "begins entries with information about the life and character of the writer, gives examples from their work both in their original language and in translation..., and concludes each entry with a summary of the beauties and defects of the writer."[213] In her biography of Machiavelli she wrote that "there is no more delightful literary task than the justifying a hero or writer, who has been misrepresented or reviled".[214] For Shelley, biographical writing was supposed to, in her words, "form as it were a school in which to study the philosophy of history",[215] and to teach "lessons". These "lessons" consisted, most frequently and importantly, of criticisms of male-dominated institutions, such as primogeniture.[216] She emphasizes the domestic, romance, the family, sympathy, and compassion in the lives of the people she is writing about. She believed that these forces will improve society and that women can be at the forefront of them, tying her to other early feminist historians such as Mary Hays and Anna Jameson.[217] She castigates Jean-Jacques Rousseau, for example, for abandoning his children at a foundling hospital, decrying the "masculine egotism" associated with his philosophy.[218] Unlike most of her novels, which only had a print run of several hundred copies, the Lives had a print run of about 4,000 for each volume, thus according to literary scholar Greg Kucich "her use of biography to forward the social agenda of women's historiography became one of her most influential political interventions".[219]

Editorial work

"The qualities that struck any one newly introduced to Shelley, were, first, a gentle and cordial goodness that animated his intercourse with warm affection, and helpful sympathy. The other, the eagerness and ardour with which he was attached to the cause of human happiness and improvement; and the fervent eloquence with which he discussed such subjects....To defecate life of its misery and its evil, was the ruling passion of his soul: he dedicated to it every power of his mind, every pulsation of his heart. He looked on political freedom as the direct agent to effect the happiness of mankind; and thus any new-sprung hope of liberty inspired a joy and an exultation more intense and wild than he could have felt for any personal advantage."
— Mary Shelley, "Preface", Poetical Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley[220]

Soon after Percy Shelley’s death, Mary Shelley determined to write his biography. In a letter of 17 November 1822, she announced: "I shall write his life—& thus occupy myself in the only manner from which I can derive consolation".[221] However, her father-in-law, Sir Timothy Shelley, had effectively banned her from doing so.[222][note 42] Beginning in 1824, with the publication of Percy Shelley's Posthumous Poems, Mary Shelley dedicated herself to building up his poetic reputation. In 1839, while she was working on the Lives, she prepared a new edition of his poetry: the edition was, as literary critic Susan Wolfson puts it, "the canonizing event" in the history of her husband's reputation.[223] The following year, she edited a volume of essays, letters, translations, and fragments, and throughout the 1830s, she introduced a wider audience to his poetry by publishing assorted works in the Keepsake, a gift-book annual.[224]

Evading Sir Timothy's ban on a biography of his son, Mary Shelley included her own annotations and personal reflections on her husband's life and work in many of these edited works, most notably the Poetical Works.[225] Alluding to Paradise Lost, she said: "I am to justify his ways; I am to make him beloved to all posterity".[226] In fact, Blumberg argues that this was Mary Shelley's primary goal; she contends that Shelley's "overriding editorial concern" was "presenting [Percy Bysshe Shelley] to the world in the most popular form possible".[227] To make his works more acceptable to a Victorian audience, she chose to represent Percy Shelley as a lyrical poet, describing him as "etherialized, disembodied, and virtually depoliticized".[228] As Mary Favret writes, "the disembodied Percy identifies the spirit of poetry itself".[229]She explained his political radicalism through sentimentalism, arguing that his republicanism was simply sympathy for those who were suffering.[230] She recounted romantic stories of his benevolence, domesticity, and his love of the natural world.[231] Mary Shelley also described herself as "practical muse to the living poet", describing in her notes how she had suggested revisions as Percy was writing.[232]

Despite the emotional stress of this undertaking,[note 43] Mary Shelley arguably proved herself a professional and scholarly editor in many respects.[233] Working from Percy's messy notebooks, she attempted to decipher his handwriting and to decide on a chronology for his writings and she included poems detrimental to her own reputation.[234] However, she was forced into several compromises and "modern critics have found fault with the edition and claim variously that she miscopied, misinterpreted, purposely obscured, and attempted to turn the poet into something he was not".[235] Donald Reiman, described by Wolfson as "the best informed modern editor of [Percy Bysshe] Shelley" still refers to Mary Shelley's editions for "authoritative variant readings" but acknowledges that her editing style belongs "to an age of editing when the aim was not to establish accurate texts and scholarly apparatus but to present a full record of a writer's career for the general reader".[236][note 44] In principle, she believed in publishing every last word of her husband's work,[237] but she found herself obliged to omit certain passages, either by pressure from her publisher, Edward Moxon, or in deference to public propriety.[238] For example, she had removed the atheistical sections from Queen Mab for the first edition; after she restored them in the second edition, Moxon was prosecuted and found guilty of blasphemous libel. He was not punished, however.[239] Her omissions led to criticism, often stinging, from members of Percy Shelley's former circle,[240] and reviewers accused Mary Shelley, among other things, of indiscriminate inclusions.[241] Despite their troubled reception, her notes have remained an essential source for the study of Percy Shelley's work, with which they have often been reprinted, and as Bennett explains "biographers and critics agree that Mary Shelley's commitment to bring Shelley the notice she believed his works merited was the single, major force that established Shelley's reputation during a period when he almost certainly would have faded from public view".[242]

Reputation

Engraving by George Stodart after a monument of Mary and Percy Shelley by Henry Weekes (1853)

Mary Shelley was taken seriously as a writer in her own lifetime, though reviewers often missed the political edge to her novels. After her death, however, she was chiefly remembered only as the wife of Percy Bysshe Shelley and as the author of Frankenstein.[243] In fact, in the introduction to her letters published in 1945, editor Frederick Jones wrote, "a collection of the present size could not be justified by the general quality of the letters or by Mary Shelley's importance as a writer. It is as the wife of [Percy Bysshe Shelley] that she excites our interest".[244] This attitude had not disappeared by 1980 when Betty T. Bennett published the first volume of Mary Shelley's complete letters.[245] As she explains, "the fact is that until recent years scholars have generally regarded Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley as a result: William Godwin's and Mary Wollstonecraft's daughter who became Shelley's Pygmalion."[246] It was not until 1989, when Emily Sunstein published her prizewinning biography Mary Shelley: Romance and Reality, that a full-length scholarly biography analyzing all of Shelley's letters, journals, and works within their historical context was published.[247]

The well-meaning attempts of Mary Shelley's son and daughter-in-law to "Victorianise" her memory through the censoring of letters and biographical material contributed to a perception of Mary Shelley as a more conventional, less reformist figure than her works suggest. Her own timid omissions from Percy Shelley's works and her quiet avoidance of public controversy in the later years of her life added to this impression. Commentary by Hogg, Trelawny, and other admirers of Percy Shelley also tended to downplay Mary Shelley's radicalism. Trelawny's Records of Shelley, Byron, and the Author (1878) praised Percy Shelley at the expense of Mary, questioning her intelligence and even her authorship of Frankenstein.[248] Lady Shelley, Percy Florence's wife, responded in part by presenting a severely edited collection of letters she had inherited, published privately as Shelley and Mary in 1882.[249]

The eclipse of Mary Shelley's reputation as a novelist and biographer meant that, until the last thirty years, most of her works remained out of print, obstructing a larger view of her achievement. She was seen as a one-novel author, if that.[250] In recent decades, however, the republication of almost all her writings has stimulated a new recognition of its value. Her voracious reading habits and intensive study, revealed in her journals and letters and reflected in her works, is now better appreciated.[251] Shelley's recognition of herself as an author has also been recognized; after Percy's death, she wrote about her authorial ambitions: "I think that I can maintain myself, and there is something inspiriting in the idea". [252] Scholars now consider Mary Shelley to be a major Romantic figure, significant for her literary achievement and her political voice as a woman and a liberal.[253]

Selected list of works

See List of works by Mary Shelley for a complete list of her writings.

Collections of Mary Shelley's papers are housed in Lord Abinger's Shelley Collection on deposit at the Bodleian Library, the New York Public Library (particularly The Carl H. Pforzheimer Collection of Shelley and His Circle), the Huntington Library, the British Library, and in the John Murray Collection.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Claire's first name was "Jane", but from 1814 (see Gittings and Manton, 22) she preferred to be called "Claire" (her second name was "Clara"), which is how she is known to history. To avoid confusion, this article calls her "Claire" throughout.
  2. ^ William St Clair, in his biography of the Godwins and the Shelleys, notes that "it is easy to forget in reading of these crises [in the lives of the Godwins and the Shelleys] how unrepresentative the references in surviving documents may be. It is easy for the biographer to give undue weight to the opinions of the people who happen to have written things down." (246)
  3. ^ Dundee was a stronghold of radical and Jacobin dissent, and the Baxter family were Glassite Calvinists. (Seymour, 74-75)
  4. ^ There is no direct evidence that Mary Godwin met Percy Shelley between her two Scottish trips; Bennett believes that she "most likely" did, because he sometimes dined with the Godwins. (Seymour, 89; Bennett, An Introduction, 17)
  5. ^ Some critics have seen hypocrisy in Godwin's opposition to Mary's relationship with Percy, in view of his liberal politics; biographer Muriel Spark points out, however, that he may simply have felt that "a married man whose wife had often been the Godwins' guest" was an unsuitable partner for his daughter. (Seymour, 94, 100; Spark, 22-23)
  6. ^ "Journal 6th December—Very Unwell. Shelley & Clary walk out, as usual, to heaps of places...A letter from Hookham to say that Harriet has been brought to bed of a son and heir. Shelley writes a number of circular letters on this event, which ought to be ushered in with ringing of bells, etc., for it is the son of his wife." (Quoted in Spark, 39.)
  7. ^ Sir Bysshe died on 5 January 1815. Percy Shelley did not reap the financial benefits until the end of a Chancery suit in April. (Seymour, 127-28, 30)
  8. ^ It is now known that the violent storms were a repercussion of the volcanic eruption of Mount Tambora in Indonesia, the year before. See also The Year Without a Summer. (Sunstein, 118)
  9. ^ The group read the German ghost stories in a French translation, Fantasmagoriana, ou Receuil d’histoires d’apparitions de spectres, revenants, fantômes, etc.. Of the night of 18 June, Polidori wrote in his journal: "Twelve o’clock really began to talk ghostly". (Holmes, 328)
  10. ^ There is speculation that Mary Shelley's idea for Frankenstein was based on work by Andrew Crosse of Fyne Court, Broomfield, Somerset who carried out early experiments passing an electrical current through a chemical solution in an attempt to induce crystal formation. On the 26th day of the experiment he saw what he described as "the perfect insect, standing erect on a few bristles which formed its tail" probably from contaminated instruments. Seymour argues that evidence from Polidori's diary conflicts with Mary Shelley's account of when the idea came to her (157).
  11. ^ "But for his incitement it would never have taken the form in which it was presented to the world". Quoted from Mary Shelley’s introduction to the 1831 edition of Frankenstein (Holmes, 331)
  12. ^ Mary Godwin wrote: "I long more than ever that our house should be quickly ready for the reception of those dear children whom I love so tenderly then there will be a sweet brother and sister for my William". (Quoted in Spark, 54)
  13. ^ Percy Shelley called his marriage to Mary a "nominal union". (Qtd. in St. Clair, 415)
  14. ^ Alba was renamed "Allegra" in 1818. (Seymour, 177)
  15. ^ The court based its decision against Shelley "upon the fact that in his case immoral opinions had led to conduct that the court was bound to consider immoral", and that he would "inculcate similar opinions and conduct in his children".
  16. ^ Mary Shelley described their household as "very political as well as poetical". Percy Shelley wrote his major poem The Revolt of Islam at Marlow. (Sunstein, 136-37)
  17. ^ Claire Clairmont agreed to Byron's custody terms against her better judgement, to provide Allegra with a better future.
  18. ^ At various times, the Shelleys lived at Livorno, Bagni di Lucca, Venice, Este, Naples, Rome, Florence, Pisa, Bagni di Pisa, and San Terenzo.
  19. ^ Clara died of dysentery at the age of one, and William of malaria at three and a half. (Seymour, 214, 231)
  20. ^ The Williamses were not technically married; Jane was still the wife of an army officer named Johnson.
  21. ^ Their one visitor was a physician named Roskilly.
  22. ^ Elise had been employed by Byron as Allegra's nurse. Mary Shelley stated in a letter that Elise was pregnant by Paolo at the time, which was the reason they had married, but not that she had a child in Naples. Elise seems to have first met Paolo only in September. See Mary Shelley's letter to Isabella Hoppner, 10 August 1821, Selected Letters, 75–79.
  23. ^ "Establishing Elena Adelaide's parentage is one of the greatest bafflements Shelley left for his biographers." (Bieri, 106)
  24. ^ In March 1821, busy at Ravenna with his new mistress Countess Teresa Guiccioli, Byron had broken his promise to keep Allegra with him and had placed her in a convent.
  25. ^ Percy Shelley reported in May that Mary suffered "terribly from languor and hysterical affections".
  26. ^ Mary Shelley was slow to recover from her miscarriage: by the beginning of July, she was just able to "crawl from my bedroom to the terrace". See letter to Maria Gisborne, 15 August 1822, Selected Letters, 98.
  27. ^ Charles Vivian was one of three hands who had sailed the Don Juan down to Lerici from Genoa, Vivian had stayed on to crew the boat for Percy Shelley. (Seymour, 298)
  28. ^ In 1829, Sir Timothy Shelley raised Mary Shelley's allowance to £300 a year (Seymour 402).
  29. ^ The gist of Jane Williams's gossip was that Percy Shelley had preferred her to Mary in the last weeks of his life, owing to Mary's limitations as a wife. (Spark 116, 119)
  30. ^ Dods, who had an infant daughter, assumed the name Walter Sholto Douglas and was accepted in France as a man. These events did not come to light until the publication of Betty T. Bennett's edition of Mary Shelley's letters in 1980.
  31. ^ Beauclerk married Ida Goring in 1838 and, after Ida's death, Mary Shelley's friend Rosa Robinson in 1841. A clear picture of Mary Shelley's relationship with Beauclerk is difficult to reconstruct from the evidence.
  32. ^ The Shelleys left William Godwin's second wife, Mary Jane, buried in St Pancras churchyard. (Sunstein 383-84)
  33. ^ "Even now I can scarcely believe all is well," Mary Shelley wrote, "—my letters, my stupid nonsensical letters really rescued." (Spark, 140; Seymour, 506-07)
  34. ^ According to Bieri, Medwin claimed to possess materials relating to Naples. Medwin is the source for the theory that the child registered by Percy Shelley in Naples was his daughter by a mystery woman. See also, Journals, 249–50 n3.
  35. ^ Jane Shelley gave this explanation years later.
  36. ^ "It is not singular that, as the daughter of two persons of distinguished literary celebrity, I should very early in life have thought of writing. As a child I scribbled; and my favourite pastime, during the hours given me for recreation, was to 'write stories'." Mary Shelley, Introduction to the 1831 edition of Frankenstein, Longman edition of Frankenstein, 186–89.
  37. ^ As Vargo points out, for example, Mary Shelley emphasises that "Ethel had received, so to speak, a sexual education" (Lodore, Vol. III, Chap 2). Vargo, Introduction to Lodore, 35.
  38. ^ The novel ends, significantly, with Fanny Derham, the model of the independent woman.
  39. ^ Mary Shelley was responsible for rewriting the journal for publication and Percy Shelley edited it (Bennett, "Mary Shelley's letters" (CC), 217).
  40. ^ Mary Shelley donated the £60 fee for Rambles to the exiled Italian revolutionary Ferdinand Gatteschi, whose essay on the Carbonari rebels she included in the book.
  41. ^ However, "precise attribution of all the biographical essays" in these volumes "is very difficult", according to Kucich.
  42. ^ Sir Timothy Shelley made his allowance to Mary (on behalf of Percy Florence) dependent on her not putting the Shelley name in print.
  43. ^ As she worked, she wrote in her journal on 12 February 1839: "I am torn to pieces by memory. Would that all were mute in the grave!". Quoted in Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 205.
  44. ^ William Walling has written that "by twentieth-century standards, [Mary Shelley] was woefully remiss as an editor...[but she] should be judged as an editor by a standard somewhat broader than that of today's academic 'perfection'. By her own lights - and the editorial lights of her generation - she was often conscientious to a praiseworthy degree. Often, too, her distortions and suppression apparently grew out of nothing more sinister than a desire that Shelley's writings be as 'popular' as possible."(Qtd. in Blumberg, 163) However, Bennett writes that "Mary Shelley's letters reveal that her editorial principles, stated or implied, stand up well even by modern standards that understand to preserve all of a writer's works and present them as much as possible as the author wished." (Bennett, "Finding Mary Shelley", 303)

References

All essays from The Cambridge Companion to Mary Shelley are marked with a "(CC)" and those from The Other Mary Shelley with a "(OMS)".

  1. ^ Seymour, 458.
  2. ^ Seymour, 28–29; St Clair, 176-78.
  3. ^ St Clair, 179-188; Seymour, 31-34; Clemit, "Legacies of Godwin and Wollstonecraft" (CC), 27-28.
  4. ^ Seymour, 38, 49.
  5. ^ St Clair, 199–207.
  6. ^ Seymour, 47–49; St Clair, 238-54.
  7. ^ St Clair, 243–44, 334; Seymour, 48.
  8. ^ Letter to Percy Shelley, 28 October 1814. Selected Letters, 3; St Clair, 295; Seymour 61.
  9. ^ St Clair, 295.
  10. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 16–17.
  11. ^ Sunstein, 38–40; Seymour, 53; see also Clemit, "Legacies of Godwin and Wollstonecraft" (CC), 29.
  12. ^ Seymour, 61.
  13. ^ Sunstein, 58; Spark, 15.
  14. ^ Seymour, 74–75.
  15. ^ Quoted in Seymour, 72.
  16. ^ Seymour, 71-74.
  17. ^ Spark, 17–18; Seymour, 73-86.
  18. ^ Qtd. in Spark, 17.
  19. ^ St Clair, 358.
  20. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 17; St Clair, 357; Seymour, 89.
  21. ^ Sunstein, 70–75; Seymour, 88.
  22. ^ Spark, 19–22; St Clair, 358.
  23. ^ Seymour, 94, 100; Spark, 22–23.
  24. ^ Letter to Maria Gisborne, 30 October–17 November, 1824. Seymour, 49.
  25. ^ St Clair, 373; Seymour, 89 n, 94–96; Spark, 23 n2.
  26. ^ Spark, 24; Seymour, 98-99.
  27. ^ Quoted in Sunstein, 84.
  28. ^ Spark, 26–30.
  29. ^ Spark, 30; Seymour, 109, 113.
  30. ^ St Clair, 318.
  31. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 20; St Clair, 373; Sunstein, 88–89; Seymour, 115-16.
  32. ^ Spark, 31–32.
  33. ^ Spark, 36–37; St Clair, 374.
  34. ^ Sunstein, 91–92; Seymour, 122–23.
  35. ^ Spark, 38–44.
  36. ^ St Clair, 375.
  37. ^ Sunstein, 94–97; Seymour, 127
  38. ^ Spark, 41–46; Seymour, 126–27; Sunstein, 98–99.
  39. ^ Seymour, 128.
  40. ^ Quoted in Spark, 45.
  41. ^ St Clair, 375; Spark, 45, 48.
  42. ^ Sunstein, 93–94, 101; Seymour, 127–28, 130.
  43. ^ Gittings and Manton, 28–31.
  44. ^ Sunstein, 117.
  45. ^ Gittings and Manton, 31; Seymour, 152. Sometimes spelled “Chappuis”; Wolfson, Introduction to Frankenstein, 273.
  46. ^ Sunstein, 118.
  47. ^ Preface to the 1831 edition of Frankenstein; Sunstein, 118.
  48. ^ Holmes, 328; see also Mary Shelley’s introduction to the 1831 edition of Frankenstein.
  49. ^ Quoted in Spark, 157, from Mary Shelley's introduction to the 1831 edition of Frankenstein.
  50. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 30–31; Sunstein, 124.
  51. ^ Sunstein, 117.
  52. ^ Sunstein, 124–25; Seymour, 165.
  53. ^ St Clair, 413; Seymour, 175.
  54. ^ Sunstein, 129; St Clair, 414–15; Seymour, 176.
  55. ^ Spark, 54–55; Seymour, 176-77.
  56. ^ Spark, 57; Seymour, 177.
  57. ^ Spark, 58; Bennett, An Introduction, 21–22.
  58. ^ Seymour, 185; Sunstein, 136–37.
  59. ^ Seymour, 195-96.
  60. ^ Spark, 60–62; St Clair, 443; Sunstein, 143–49; Seymour, 191–92.
  61. ^ St Clair, 445.
  62. ^ Gittings and Manton, 39–42; Spark, 62–63; Seymour, 205–06.
  63. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 43.
  64. ^ Seymour, 214–16; Bennett, An Introduction, 46.
  65. ^ Sunstein, 170–71, 179–82, 191.
  66. ^ Quoted in Seymour, 233.
  67. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 47, 53.
  68. ^ Spark, 72.
  69. ^ Sunstein, 384–85.
  70. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 115.
  71. ^ Seymour, 251.
  72. ^ Bieri, 170–76; Seymour, 267–70, 290; Sunstein, 193–95, 200–1.
  73. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 43–44; Spark, 77, 89–90; Gittings and Manton, 61–62.
  74. ^ Holmes, 464; Bieri, 103–4.
  75. ^ Gittings and Manton, 46.
  76. ^ Gittings and Manton, 46; Seymour, 221–22.
  77. ^ Spark, 73; Seymour, 224; Holmes, 469–70.
  78. ^ Journals, 249–50 n3; Seymour, 221; Holmes, 460–74; Bieri, 103–12.
  79. ^ Seymour, 221; Spark, 86; Letter to Isabella Hoppner, 10 August 1821, Selected Letters, 75–79.
  80. ^ Seymour, 221.
  81. ^ Seymour, 221.
  82. ^ Holmes, 466; Bieri, 105.
  83. ^ Spark, 79; Seymour, 292.
  84. ^ Seymour, 301. Holmes, 717; Sunstein, 216.
  85. ^ Gittings and Manton, 71.
  86. ^ Holmes, 725; Sunstein, 217–218; Seymour, 270-73.
  87. ^ Seymour, 267-69.
  88. ^ Gittings and Manton, 71; Holmes, 715.
  89. ^ Seymour, 283-84, 298.
  90. ^ Holmes, 728.
  91. ^ Seymour, 298.
  92. ^ Letter to Maria Gisborne, 15 August 1815, Selected Letters, 99.
  93. ^ Letter to Maria Gisborne, 15 August 1815, Selected Letters, 99.
  94. ^ Seymour, 302–07.
  95. ^ Qtd. in Seymour, 319.
  96. ^ Spark, 100–04.
  97. ^ Spark, 102–03; Seymour, 321-22.
  98. ^ Spark, 106–07; Seymour, 336-37.
  99. ^ Seymour, 362.
  100. ^ Spark, 108.
  101. ^ Spark, 116, 119.
  102. ^ Seymour, 341, 363-65.
  103. ^ Spark, 111–13; Seymour, 370-71.
  104. ^ Seymour, 543.
  105. ^ Spark, 117–19.
  106. ^ Seymour, 384–85.
  107. ^ Seymour, 389-90.
  108. ^ Seymour, 404, 433-35, 438.
  109. ^ Seymour, 406.
  110. ^ Seymour, 450, 455.
  111. ^ Seymour, 453.
  112. ^ Seymour, 465.
  113. ^ See Bennett, Introduction to Selected Letters, xx, and Mary Shelley's letter of 24 May 1828, with Bennett's note, 198–99.
  114. ^ Spark, 122.
  115. ^ Seymour, 401-02, 467–68.
  116. ^ Spark, 133–34; Seymour, 424-26; Bennett, Introduction to Selected Letters, xx.
  117. ^ Spark, 124; Seymour, 424.
  118. ^ Spark, 127; Seymour, 429, 500-01.
  119. ^ Seymour, 489.
  120. ^ Spark, 138.
  121. ^ Seymour, 495.
  122. ^ Sunstein, 383–84.
  123. ^ Qtd. in Spark, 139.
  124. ^ Spark, 141–42; Seymour, 508-10.
  125. ^ Seymour, 515–16; Bieri, 112.
  126. ^ Qtd. in Spark, 143.
  127. ^ Spark, 143; Seymour, 528.
  128. ^ Spark, 144; Bennett, Introduction to Selected Letters, xxvii.
  129. ^ Seymour, 540.
  130. ^ Sunstein, 384–85.
  131. ^ Bennett, "Mary Shelley's letters" (CC), 212–13.
  132. ^ Nora Crook, "General Editor's Introduction", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 1, xiv.
  133. ^ Sussman, 163; St Clair, 297; Sunstein, 42.
  134. ^ Seymour, 55; Carlson, 245; "Appendix 2: 'Mounseer Nongtongpaw': Verses formerly attributed to Mary Shelley", Travel Writing: The Novels and Selected Works of Mary Shelley, Vol. 8, Ed. Jeanne Moskal, London: William Pickering (1996).
  135. ^ Quoted in Wolfson, Introduction to Frankenstein, xvii.
  136. ^ Mellor, 184.
  137. ^ See Nitchie, Introduction to Mathilda, and Mellor, 143.
  138. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 74; Lokke, "The Last Man" (CC), 119.
  139. ^ Qtd. in Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 190.
  140. ^ Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 191.
  141. ^ See, for example, Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 190-92; Clemit, "From The Fields of Fancy to Matilda", 64–75; Blumberg, 84-85.
  142. ^ Shelley, Valperga, 376–78.
  143. ^ Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 140-41, 176.
  144. ^ Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 143-44; Blumberg, 38-40.
  145. ^ Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 144.
  146. ^ Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 187.
  147. ^ Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 187, 196.
  148. ^ Curran, "Valperga" (CC), 106-07; Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 179; Lew, "God's Sister" (OMS), 164-65.
  149. ^ Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 183; Bennett, "Political Philosophy", 357.
  150. ^ Lew, "God's Sister" (OMS), 173-78.
  151. ^ Bunnell, 132; Lynch, "Historical novelist" (CC), 143-44; see also Lew, "God's Sister" (OMS), 164-65.
  152. ^ Mellor, 55-56.
  153. ^ Mellor, 89.
  154. ^ Mellor, xi.
  155. ^ Hoeveler, "Frankenstein, feminism, and literary theory" (CC), 46.
  156. ^ Hoeveler, "Frankenstein, feminism, and literary theory" (CC), 46-47; Mellor, 40-51.
  157. ^ Mellor, 40.
  158. ^ Mellor, 41.
  159. ^ Gilbert and Gubar, 223.
  160. ^ Gilbert and Gubar, 220; see also, Hoeveler, "Frankenstein, feminism, and literary theory" (CC), 47-48; see also, 52-53.
  161. ^ Poovey, 115-16, 126-27.
  162. ^ Poovey, 131; see also Hoeveler, "Frankenstein, feminism, and literary theory" (CC), 48-49.
  163. ^ Poovey, 124-25.
  164. ^ Hoeveler, "Frankenstein, feminism, and literary theory" (CC), 49.
  165. ^ O'Sullivan, "A New Cassandra" (OMS), 150-51.
  166. ^ Mellor, 117.
  167. ^ Mellor, 125.
  168. ^ Vargo, Introduction to Lodore, 21, 32.
  169. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 92, 96.
  170. ^ Ellis, "Falkner and other fictions" (CC), 152–53; O'Sullivan, "A New Cassandra" (OMS), 154.
  171. ^ Ellis, "Falkner and other fictions" (CC), 159–61.
  172. ^ Browne, Max. "Theodor Richard Edward von Holst". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved on 20 April 2008.
  173. ^ Spark, 154.
  174. ^ Mellor, "Making a 'monster'" (CC), 14; Blumberg, 54; Mellor, 70.
  175. ^ Blumberg, 47; see also Mellor, 77-79.
  176. ^ Blumberg, 47; see also 86-87 for a similar discussion of Castruccio in Valperga; Mellor, 152.
  177. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 36–42.
  178. ^ Blumberg, 21.
  179. ^ Blumberg, 37, 46, 48; Mellor, 70-71, 79.
  180. ^ Lokke, "The Last Man" (CC), 116; see also Mellor, 157.
  181. ^ Lokke, "The Last Man" (CC), 128; see also Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 197-98.
  182. ^ Clemit, Godwinian Novel, 198; see also 204-05.
  183. ^ Paley, "Apocalypse without Millennium" (OMS), 111-21; Mellor, 159.
  184. ^ Sites, "Utopian Domesticity", 82.
  185. ^ Poovey, 161.
  186. ^ Mellor, 86.
  187. ^ Mellor, 87.
  188. ^ Blumberg, 32.
  189. ^ Blumberg, 54.
  190. ^ Hofkosh, "Disfiguring Economies" (OMS), 207, 213.
  191. ^ Sussman, "Stories for The Keepsake" (CC), 163; Hofkosh, "Disfiguring Economies" (OMS), 205.
  192. ^ Qtd. in Sussman, "Stories for The Keepsake" (CC), 163.
  193. ^ Sussman, "Stories for The Keepsake" (CC), 163–65.
  194. ^ Sussman, "Stories for The Keepsake" (CC), 167.
  195. ^ Sussman, "Stories for The Keepsake" (CC), 167.
  196. ^ Sussman, "Stories for The Keepsake" (CC), 167, 176; Hofkosh, "Disfiguring Economies", (OMS), 207.
  197. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 72.
  198. ^ Seymour, 187.
  199. ^ Moskal, "Travel writing" (CC), 242.
  200. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 24–29.
  201. ^ Moskal, "Travel writing" (CC), 244; Clemit, "Legacies of Godwin and Wollstonecraft" (CC), 30.
  202. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 114–15, 118; Orr, "Mary Shelley's Rambles "; Schor, "Mary Shelley in Transit" (OMS), 239.
  203. ^ Qtd. in Schor, "Mary Shelley in Transit" (OMS), 239.
  204. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 117.
  205. ^ Moskal, "Travel writing", 247–50; Orr, "Mary Shelley's Rambles ".
  206. ^ Moskal, "Travel writing" (CC), 247–50; Bennett, An Introduction, 115.
  207. ^ Orr, "Mary Shelley's Rambles ".
  208. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 117–18.
  209. ^ Nora Crook, "General Editor's Introduction", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 1, xix; see also Kucich, "Biographer" (CC), 227.
  210. ^ Kucich, "Biographer" (CC), 227–28.
  211. ^ Kucich, "Biographer" (CC), 228.
  212. ^ Nora Crook, "General Editor's Introduction", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 1, xxvii; Tilar J. Mazzeo, "Introduction by the editor of Italian Lives", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 1, xli.
  213. ^ Lisa Vargo, "Editor's Introduction Spanish and Portuguese Lives", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives and other Writings, Vol. 2, xxii.
  214. ^ Qtd. in Nora Crook, "General Editor's Introduction", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 1, xxviii.
  215. ^ Qtd. in Kucich, "Biographer" (CC), 228.
  216. ^ Kucich, "Biographer" (CC), 236.
  217. ^ Kucich, "Biographer" (CC), 230-31, 233, 237; Nora Crook, "General Editor's Introduction", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 1, xxviii; Clarissa Campbell Orr, "Editor's Introduction French Lives", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 2, lii.
  218. ^ Kucich, "Biographer" (CC), 236; Clarissa Campbell Orr, "Editor's Introduction French Lives", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 2, l.
  219. ^ Kucich, "Biographer" (CC), 235; see Nora Crook, "General Editor's Introduction", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 1, xxv for the exact number; Tilar J. Mazzeo, "Introduction by the editor of Italian Lives", Mary Shelley's Literary Lives, Vol. 1, xli.
  220. ^ Shelley, "Preface", Poetical Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley, vii.
  221. ^ Quoted in Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 205.
  222. ^ Spark, 105–06.
  223. ^ Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 193, 209 n12; Bennett, An Introduction, 112; Fraistat, "Shelley Left and Right", Shelley's Prose and Poetry, 645.
  224. ^ Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 193.
  225. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 111–12.
  226. ^ Qtd. in Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 193.
  227. ^ Blumberg, 162.
  228. ^ Fraistat, "Shelley Left and Right", Shelley's Prose and Poetry, 645-46; see also Seymour, 466; Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 195, 203; Favret, "Sympathy and Irony" (OMS), 19, 22.
  229. ^ Favret, "Sympathy and Irony" (OMS), 28.
  230. ^ Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 194; Fraistat, "Shelley Left and Right", Shelley's Prose and Poetry, 647, Favret, "Sympathy and Irony" (OMS), 18, 29.
  231. ^ Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 203.
  232. ^ Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 198.
  233. ^ Bennett, Introduction to Selected Letters, xxiii–xxiv.
  234. ^ Seymour, 466; Blumberg, 160-61, 169-70.
  235. ^ Blumberg, 156.
  236. ^ Wolfson, "Editorial Privilege" (OMS), 68, n. 34.
  237. ^ Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 199; Spark, 130.
  238. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, 112; Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 209 n16.
  239. ^ Seymour, 467-68; Blumberg, 165-66.
  240. ^ Spark, 130–31; Seymour, 467-68.
  241. ^ Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 210 n26.
  242. ^ Bennett, "Finding Mary Shelley", 300-01; see also Wolfson, "Mary Shelley, editor" (CC), 198; Bennett, An Introduction, 110.
  243. ^ Mellor, xi, 39.
  244. ^ Qtd. in Blumberg, 2.
  245. ^ Bennett, "Finding Mary Shelley", 291.
  246. ^ Bennett, "Finding Mary Shelley", 291.
  247. ^ "Introduction" (OMS), 5.
  248. ^ Seymour, 550.
  249. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, ix–xi, 120–21; Schor, Introduction to Cambridge Companion, 1–5; Seymour, 548–61.
  250. ^ Bennett, "Finding Mary Shelley", 292-93.
  251. ^ Bennett, "Finding Mary Shelley", 298-99.
  252. ^ Qtd. in Bennett, "Finding Mary Shelley", 298.
  253. ^ Bennett, An Introduction, ix–xi, 120–21; Schor, Introduction to Cambridge Companion, 1–5; Seymour, 548–61.

Bibliography

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  • Shelley, Mary. The Last Man. Ed. Morton D. Paley. Oxford: Oxford Paperbacks, 1998. ISBN 0192838652.
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