May Revolution
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Date | May 25, 1810 |
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Location | Buenos Aires |
Also known as | Revolución de Mayo |
Outcome | Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros is deposed and the Primera Junta assumes government. Other cities in the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata are torn between joining the revolution or standing against it. |
Website | Education Ministry commemorative website Template:Es |
The May Revolution (Spanish: Revolución de Mayo) was a week-long series of events that took place from May 18 to May 25, 1810, in Buenos Aires, capital of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, a colony of the Spanish Empire which included the present-day nations of Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay, and Uruguay. The result was the ousting of Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros and the establishment of a local government, the Primera Junta (First Junta), on May 25. These events are commemorated in Argentina as "May Week" (Spanish: Semana de Mayo).
The May Revolution was a direct reaction to Spain's Peninsular War during the previous two years. In 1808 the Spanish king, Ferdinand VII, abdicated in favor of Napoleon, who granted the throne to his brother, Joseph Bonaparte. A Supreme Central Junta led resistance to Joseph's government and the French occupation of Spain, but eventually suffered a series of reversals that resulted in the loss of the northern half of the country. On February 1, 1810, French troops took Seville and gained control of most of Andalusia. The Supreme Junta retreated to Cádiz and dissolved in favor of a Regency Council of Spain and the Indies. News of these events arrived in Buenos Aires on May 18 via British ships bringing newspapers from Spain and the rest of Europe.
Viceroy Cisneros tried to conceal the news in order to maintain the political status quo, but a group of criollo lawyers and military officials organized an open cabildo (an extraordinary meeting of notables of the city) on May 22 to decide the future of the Viceroyalty. Delegates denied recognition to the Council of Regency in Spain and established a junta to govern in place of Cisneros, since the government that appointed him Viceroy no longer existed. To maintain a sense of continuity, Cisneros was initially appointed as the President of the Junta. However, this caused a great deal of popular unrest, so Cisneros resigned under pressure on May 25. The newly formed Primera Junta invited other cities of the Viceroyalty to send delegates to join the Buenos Aires Junta. This resulted in the outbreak of war between the regions that accepted the outcome of the events at Buenos Aires, and those that did not.
The May Revolution is considered the starting point of the Argentine War of Independence, although no formal declaration of independence was issued at the time, and the Primera Junta continued to govern in the name of the deposed king Ferdinand VII. As similar events occurred in many other cities of Spanish South America when news of the dissolution of the Spanish Supreme Junta arrived, the May Revolution is also considered one of the starting points for the Spanish American wars of independence. Historians today debate whether the revolutionaries were truly loyal to the Spanish crown, or whether the declaration of fidelity to the king was a necessary ruse to conceal the true objective of achieving independence from a population that was not yet ready to accept such a radical change. A formal declaration of independence was finally issued at the Congress of Tucumán on July 9, 1816.
Causes
International causes
![A king dressed with gold clothing](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/14/Joseph-Bonaparte.jpg/170px-Joseph-Bonaparte.jpg)
The United States declared their independence from the Kingdom of Great Britain in 1776, which led criollos to believe that revolution and independence from Spain could be realistic aims.[1] Between 1775 and 1783, the Thirteen Colonies started the American Revolution and waged the American Revolutionary War against their former rulers. The fact that Spain aided the colonies in their struggle against Britain weakened the argument that ending one's allegiance to the mother country could be considered a crime.[2]
The ideals of the French Revolution of 1789 were spreading as well. During the Revolution, centuries of monarchy ended with the overthrow and execution of King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette, and the removal of the privileges of the nobility. The French Revolution boosted liberal ideals in the political and economic fields. Liberal ideas expanded through the Atlantic Revolutions, and the concept of the divine right of kings was questioned by the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, the American All men are created equal declaration, and even the Spanish church.[3] The end of the notion of the divine right of kings gave a basis for republics in France and the United States to replace monarchies. It also gave rise to constitutional monarchies, such as in Great Britain.[4]
However, the spread of such ideas was forbidden in the Spanish territories, as was the sale of related books or their unauthorized possession. These bans were first instituted when Spain declared war on France after the execution of Louis XVI, and were retained after the peace treaty of 1796. News of the events of 1789 and copies of the publications of the French Revolution spread around Spain despite efforts to keep them at bay. Many enlightened criollos came into contact with liberal authors and their works during their university studies, either at Europe or the University of Chuquisaca.[5] Books from the United States found their way into the Spanish colonies through Caracas, due to the proximity of Venezuela to the United States and the West Indies.[6]
![Trumbull's Declaration of Independence portrait](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f9/Declaration_of_Independence_%281819%29%2C_by_John_Trumbull.jpg/220px-Declaration_of_Independence_%281819%29%2C_by_John_Trumbull.jpg)
The Industrial Revolution started in Britain, with the use of plateways, canals and steam power. This led to dramatic increases in the productive capabilities of Britain,[7] and created a need for new markets to sell their products. The Napoleonic Wars, where Britain was at war with France, made this a difficult task, after Napoleon imposed the Continental System, which did not allow Britain to trade with any other European country. Thus, Britain needed to be able to trade with the Spanish colonies,[8] but could not do so because the colonies were restricted to trade only with their own metropolis.[9] To achieve their economic objectives, Britain initially launched the British invasions of the Río de la Plata to conquer key cities in Spanish America. When that failed, they chose to promote the Spanish-American aspirations of emancipation from Spain.[9]
The mutiny of Aranjuez (1808) led to the Spanish King Charles IV abdicating in favor of his son, Ferdinand VII.[10] Charles IV requested that Napoleon restore him to the throne; instead, Napoleon crowned his own brother, Joseph Bonaparte, as the new Spanish King.[10] This event is known as the Abdications of Bayonne. Joseph's crowning was met with severe resistance in Spain, starting the Peninsular War, and the Junta of Seville took power in the name of the absent king. Until then, Spain had been a staunch ally of France against Britain, but at this point Spain allied with Britain against France instead. The Junta of Seville was eventually defeated, and was replaced by a Regency Council based in Cádiz.[11]
National causes
![A battle ending with a general surrendering to the other](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/7/74/La_Reconquista_de_Buenos_Aires.jpg/220px-La_Reconquista_de_Buenos_Aires.jpg)
Spain forbade its American colonies from trading with other nations or foreign colonies, and imposed itself as the only buyer and vendor for international trade. This situation damaged the viceroyalty, as Spain's economy was not powerful enough to accommodate the supply of goods coming from the colonies,[12] causing economic shortages and recession. The Spanish trade routes favored the ports of Mexico and Lima, to the detriment of Buenos Aires.[13] As a result, the city smuggled the products that could not be obtained legitimately. This smuggling, even though it was illegal, was allowed by most local authorities as a lesser evil, and it occasionally equalled in volume the legal commerce with Spain.[14] Two antagonistic factions emerged: the hacendados (owners of haciendas) wanted free trade so they could sell their products abroad; and the merchants, who benefited from the high prices of smuggled imports, opposed free trade because prices would come down.[15]
The Spanish monarchy appointed their own candidates to most of the political offices in the viceroyalty, usually favoring Spaniards from Europe.[16] In most cases, the appointees had little knowledge or interest in local issues. Consequently, there was a growing rivalry between criollos—people born in America—and peninsulars—European-born people. Most criollos thought that peninsulars had undeserved advantages and received preferential treatment in politics and society. The lower clergy had a similar sentiment about the higher echelons of the religious hierarchy.[17] Events developed at a slower pace than in the United States independence movement. This was in part because the entire educational system in Spanish America was controlled by the clergy; this led the population to hold the same conservative ideas and follow the same customs as Spain.[18]
![Black&White portrait of a noble woman](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/88/Carlota_Joaquina_por_Manuel_Ant%C3%B3nio_de_Castro.jpg/170px-Carlota_Joaquina_por_Manuel_Ant%C3%B3nio_de_Castro.jpg)
Buenos Aires and Montevideo successfully resisted two British invasions. In 1806, a small British army led by William Carr Beresford seized Buenos Aires for a brief time; the city was liberated by a Montevidean army led by Santiago de Liniers.[19] The following year, a bigger army seized Montevideo, but was overwhelmed by the forces of Buenos Aires; they capitulated and returned Montevideo to the viceroyalty.[19] There was no aid from Spain during either invasion. Preparations for the second invasion included the formation of criollo militias, in spite of the prohibition against them.[20] The biggest criollo army was the Patricios Regiment, led by Cornelio Saavedra. These events gave criollos military power and political influence that they did not have before. And since the victory was achieved without any help from Spain, it boosted criollo confidence in their independent capabilities.[21]
The Portuguese royal family left Europe and settled in colonial Brazil in 1808, after escaping the Napoleonic invasion of Portugal. Carlota Joaquina, sister of Ferdinand VII, was the wife of a Portuguese prince. As she avoided the later capture of the Spanish royal family, she attempted to take charge of the Spanish Viceroyalties as regent. This political project, known as Carlotism, was begun in hopes of preventing a French invasion of the Americas. A small secret society of criollos, composed of politicians as Manuel Belgrano and Juan José Castelli, and military as Antonio Beruti or Hipólito Vieytes, supported this project. They considered it an opportunity to get a local government instead of a European one, or a step towards a potential declaration of independence.[22] The project was resisted by Viceroy Liniers, most peninsulars, and criollos such as Mariano Moreno, Juan José Paso, and Cornelio Saavedra. They suspected that it concealed Portuguese expansionist ambitions over the region.[23] Carlota Joaquina finally declined the project, as her supporters intended her to head a constitutional monarchy, whereas she wanted to govern an absolute monarchy. Britain, which had a strong stance in the Portuguese Empire, opposed the project as well: they wanted to prevent Spain from splitting into many kingdoms, and considered Carlota Joaquina unable to prevent potential separatism.[24]
Prelude
Liniers government
![Portrait of Santiago de Liniers](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/70/Santiago_de_Liniers.jpg/170px-Santiago_de_Liniers.jpg)
After the British invasions (1806), Buenos Aires was successfully reconquered. The population did not allow Rafael de Sobremonte to continue as Viceroy. He had escaped to Córdoba with the public treasury while the battle was still in progress. There was a law enacted by Pedro de Cevallos that required that the treasury be moved to a safe place in the case of foreign attack, but Sobremonte was still seen as a coward by the population.[25] The Royal Audiencia of Buenos Aires did not allow his return to Buenos Aires and elected Santiago de Liniers, acclaimed as a popular hero, as an interim Viceroy. This was an unprecedented action, the first time that a Spanish viceroy was deposed by local government institutions, and not by the Spanish king himself.[26] But the appointment was ratified later by King Charles IV of Spain.[27] Liniers armed all the population of Buenos Aires, including criollos and slaves, and defeated a second British invasion attempt in 1807.[28]
The Liniers administration was popular among criollos, but not among peninsulars such as the merchant Martín de Álzaga or the governor of Montevideo, Francisco Javier de Elío.[29] They requested the Spanish authorities designate a new viceroy. In the wake of the outbreak of the Peninsular War, De Elío created a Junta in Montevideo, which would scrutinise all the orders coming from Buenos Aires and reserved the right to ignore them, without openly denying the authority of the Viceroy or declaring Montevideo independent.[30]
Martín de Álzaga began a mutiny to remove Liniers. On January 1, 1809, an open cabildo (an extraordinary meeting of neighbours at the local cabildo) chaired by Álzaga demanded the resignation of Liniers and appointed a Junta on behalf of Ferdinand VII; the Spanish militia and a group of people summoned by the council gathered to support the rebellion. A small number of criollos (notably Mariano Moreno) supported the mutiny as a means to gain independence, but most of them did not.[31] They felt that Álzaga wanted to remove the Viceroy to avoid his political authority, but intended to keep the social differences between criollos and peninsulars unchanged.[32] The riot was quickly routed when criollo militias led by Cornelio Saavedra surrounded the plaza and dispersed the insurgents. As a result of the failed mutiny, the rebel militias were disarmed. This included all peninsular militias, and the power of the criollos increased as a result. The rivalry between criollos and peninsulars deepened. The leaders of the plot, with the exception of Moreno, were exiled to Carmen de Patagones. Javier de Elío freed them from that location, and gave them political asylum at Montevideo.[33]
Cisneros government
![Portrait of Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/02/Baltasar_Hidalgo_de_Cisneros.jpg/170px-Baltasar_Hidalgo_de_Cisneros.jpg)
The Junta of Seville replaced Liniers with the naval officer Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, a veteran of the battle of Trafalgar, to end the political turmoil in the Río de la Plata. He arrived to Montevideo in June 1809 for the handover. Manuel Belgrano proposed that Liniers should resist on the grounds that he had been confirmed as Viceroy by the authority of a Spanish king, whereas Cisneros lacked such legitimacy.[34] The criollo militias were willing to support Liniers against Cisneros,[35] but Liniers handed over the government to him without resistance. Javier de Elío accepted the authority of the new Viceroy, and dissolved the Junta of Montevideo. Cisneros rearmed the disbanded peninsular militias, and pardoned the responsible parties of the mutiny.[36] Álzaga was not freed, but his sentence was changed to house arrest.[37]
There was concern about events in Spain and about the legitimacy of local authorities in Upper Peru as well. On May 25, 1809, a revolution in Chuquisaca deposed the governor Ramón García de León y Pizarro, replaced by Juan Antonio Alvarez de Arenales.[38] On July 16, in the city of La Paz, a second revolutionary movement led by Colonel Pedro Domingo Murillo deposed the governor and elected a Junta, the Junta Tuitiva de los Derechos del Pueblo ("Junta, keeper of the rights of the people").[39] A swift reaction from the Spanish authorities defeated those rebellions. An army of 1,000 men sent from Buenos Aires found no resistance at Chuquisaca, took control of the city, and deposed the Junta.[40] Murillo tried to defend La Paz, but his 800 men were completely outnumbered by the more than 5,000 men sent from Lima.[41] He was beheaded later, along with other leaders, and their heads exhibited as a deterrent.[42] These measures contrasted sharply with the pardon that Martín de Álzaga and others had received after serving a short time in prison, and the resentment of criollos against the peninsulars deepened.[43] Juan José Castelli was present at the deliberations of the University of Saint Francis Xavier, where Bernardo Monteagudo developed the Syllogism of Chuquisaca, a legal explanation to justify self-governance. This influenced his ideas during the "May week".[44]
On November 25, 1809, Cisneros created the Political Surveillance Court with the aim of pursuing afrancesados and independentists.[45] However, he rejected economist José María Romero's proposal to banish a number of people considered dangerous to the Spanish regime, such as Saavedra, Paso, Chiclana, Vieytes, Balcarce, Castelli, Larrea, Guido, Viamonte, Moreno and Sáenz.[46] He warned against spreading news that might be considered subversive. Criollos felt that soon any pretext would be enough to lead to the outbreak of revolution. On April 1810, Cornelio Saavedra expressed his famous quote to his friends: "It's not time yet, let the figs ripen and then we'll eat them".[47] He meant that he would not support rushed actions against the viceroy, but would do so at some moment that was strategically favourable, such as when Napoleon's forces gained a decisive advantage in their war against Spain.[48]
May week
![Portrait of Claude Victor-Perrin](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/90/Marechal-victor.jpg/170px-Marechal-victor.jpg)
Academics define "May Week" as the period of time in Buenos Aires beginning with the confirmation of the fall of the Junta of Seville, and ending with the dismissal of Cisneros and the establishment of the Primera Junta.[49]
On May 14, 1810, the British war schooner HMS Mistletoe arrived at Buenos Ares from Gibraltar with European newspapers reporting the dissolution of the Junta of Seville the previous January. The city of Seville had been invaded by French armies, who were already dominating most of the Iberian Peninsula. The newspapers reported that some of the former members of the Junta took refuge on the island of León in Cadiz. This was confirmed in Buenos Aires on the 17th, with the arrival in Montevideo of the British frigate HMS John Paris; the most recent news reported that members of the Junta of Seville had been refused. The Regency Council of Cádiz was not seen as a successor of the Spanish resistance, but as an attempt to restore absolutism in Spain. The Junta of Seville was seen as akin to the new ideas. South American patriots feared both a complete French victory in the peninsula and an absolutist restoration.[50] Cisneros tried to conceal the news by monitoring British warships and seizing every newspaper that arrived, but one of them came into the hands of Manuel Belgrano and his cousin Juan José Castelli.[51] They spread the news among other patriots and challenged the legitimacy of the Viceroy, who had been appointed by the fallen Junta.[51] When Cornelio Saavedra, head of the regiment of Patricians, was informed of these news, he decided that it was finally the ideal time to take action against Cisneros.[52] Martín Rodríguez proposed to overthrow the viceroy by force, but Castelli and Saavedra rejected this idea and proposed the convening of an open cabildo.[53]
Friday, May 18 and Saturday, May 19
![Portrait of a secret revolutionary meeting](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5e/Casa_de_Pe%C3%B1a.jpg/220px-Casa_de_Pe%C3%B1a.jpg)
Though Viceroy Cisneros had attempted to conceal the news of the Spanish defeat, the rumor had already spread throughout Buenos Aires. Most of the population was concerned; there was high activity at the barracks and in the Plaza, and most shops were closed.[54] The "Coffeehouse of Catalans" and the "Fonda of Nations", usual meeting places of criollos, became venues for political discussions and radical proclamations; Francisco José Planes shouted that Cisneros should be hanged in the Plaza in response to the execution of the leaders of the ill-fated La Paz revolution.[55] People who sympathized with the absolutist government were harassed, but the fights were of little consequence, because nobody was allowed to take muskets or swords out of the barracks.[56]
The Viceroy, trying to calm down the criollos, gave his own version of events through a proclamation. He asked for allegiance to King Ferdinand VII, but popular unrest continued to intensify. Despite being aware of the news,[57] he only said that the situation in the Iberian Peninsula was delicate; he did not confirm the fall of the Junta. His proposal was to make a government body that would rule on behalf of Ferdinand VII, together with viceroy of Peru José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa, governor of Potosí Francisco de Paula Sanz, and president of the royal audiencia of Charcas Vicente Nieto.[58]
Not fooled by the Viceroy's communiqué, some criollos met at the houses of Nicolás Rodríguez Peña and Hipólito Vieytes. During these secret meetings they named a representative commission, composed of Juan José Castelli and Martín Rodríguez, to request that Cisneros convene of an open cabildo to decide the future of the Viceroyalty.[59]
During the night of May 19, there were further discussions at Rodríguez Peña's house. Saavedra, called by Viamonte, joined the meeting. There were military leaders, such as Rodríguez, Ocampo, Balcarce, and Díaz Vélez; and civilian ones, such as Castelli, Vieytes, Alberti, and Paso. They arranged that Belgrano and Saavedra would meet with senior alcalde Juan José de Lezica, and Castelli with the procurator Julián de Leiva, and ask for their support. They requested that the Viceroy allowed an open cabildo, and said that if it was not freely granted, the people and the criollo troops would march to the Plaza, force the viceroy to resign by any means necessary, and replace him with a patriot government.[60] Saavedra commented Lezica that he was suspected of being a potential traitor because of his constant requests for cautious and measured steps. This comment was designed to pressure Lezica into speeding up the legal system to allow the people express themselves, or otherwise risk a major rebellion.[61] Lezica asked for patience and time to persuade the viceroy, leaving a massive demonstration as a last resourse. He argued that if the viceroy was deposed that way, it would constitute a rebellion, turning the revolutionaries into outlaws.[62] Manuel Belgrano gave the following Monday as the deadline to confirm the open cabildo before taking direct action.[63] Later, during the Revolution, Leiva would act as a mediator, being both a confidante for Cisneros and a trusted negotiator for the more moderate revolutionaries.[64]
Sunday, May 20
![Engraving of a meeting between Castelli and Cisneros](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/Castelli_y_Cisneros.jpg/170px-Castelli_y_Cisneros.jpg)
Lezica informed Cisneros of the request, so the Viceroy consulted Leyva, who favored convening an open cabildo. Before deciding, the Viceroy summoned military commanders to come to the fort at 7:00 pm. There were rumors that it could be a trap to capture them and take control of the barracks. To avoid the risk, they took command of the grenadiers that guarded the Fort and secured the keys of all entrances while meeting with the viceroy.[65] Cisneros demanded military support, so Colonel Cornelio Saavedra, head of the Regiment of Patricios, responded on behalf of all the criollo regiments. He compared the current international situation with that extant at the time of the mutiny of Álzaga over a year earlier, pointing out that Spain was now almost entirely under Napoleonic control. He complained that the undefeated Spanish provinces were very small in comparison with the Americas and rejected their claims of sovereignty over it. He concluded that the local armies did not want to follow the fate of Spain, but to look after themselves instead. Finally, he pointed out that the Junta of Seville that appointed Cisneros as viceroy no longer existed, so he rejected Cisneros' legitimacy as viceroy, and denied him the protection of the troops under his command.[66]
A meeting took place at Rodríguez Peña's house at midnight, where the commanders discussed the day's events. Castelli and Martín Rodríguez were sent to the Fort for an interview with Cisneros. Terrada, commander of the Infantry Grenadiers, joined them because the barracks of his military bodies were located under Cisneros' window, and his presence would prevent the viceroy from requesting military aid to take them prisoners.[67] The guards let them pass unannounced, and they found Cisneros playing cards with brigadier Quintana, prosecutor Caspe, and aide Coicolea. Castelli and Rodríguez demanded once again the convening of an open cabildo, and Cisneros reacted angrily, considering their request an outrage. Rodríguez interrupted him and forced him to give a definitive answer.[68] After a short private discussion with Caspe, Cisneros reluctantly gave his consent.[69] It would be done on May 22.
There was a theatre production on the theme of tyranny that night, called Rome Saved, which was attended by many of the revolutionaries. The lead actor was Morante, playing Cicero. The police chief requested Morante to feign illness and not appear, so the play could be replaced with Misanthropy and Repentance by the German poet August von Kotzebue. Rumors of police censorship spread quickly; Morante ignored the request and performed the play as planned. In the fourth act, Morante made a patriotic speech, talking about Rome being menaced by the Gauls and the need for strong leadership to resist the danger.[70] This scene flared the revolutionary spirits, which led to frenzied applause. Juan José Paso stood up and shouted ¡Viva Buenos Aires libre! ("Long live free Buenos Aires!"), and a small fight ensued.[70]
After the play, the revolutionaries returned to Peña's house. They learned the result of the last meeting, and were unsure whether Cisneros intended to keep his word. They organized a demonstration for the following day to ensure that the open cabildo was held as decided.[70]
Monday, May 21
![Paper detailing an invitation to the open cabildo](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9b/Invitaci%C3%B3n_al_Cabildo_Abierto.jpg)
At 3:00 pm, preparations were started for the cabildo. This was interrupted by 600 armed men grouped under the name "Infernal Legion" (Spanish: Legión Infernal). They occupied the Plaza de la Victoria and loudly demanded the convening of an open cabildo and the resignation of Viceroy Cisneros. They carried a portrait of Ferdinand VII and the lapels of their jackets bore a white ribbon symbolizing criollo-Spanish unity. The rioters were led by Domingo French, the mail carrier of the city, and Antonio Beruti, an employee of the treasury. Rumors circulated saying that Cisneros had been killed, and that Saavedra would take control of the government.[71] Saavedra was at the barracks at that moment, concerned about the demonstration. He thought the violence should be stopped and that radical measures such as the death of Cisneros should be prevented, but he also thought that the troops would mutiny if the demonstrations were repressed.[72] In the Plaza, the people did not believe Cisneros was going to allow the open cabildo the next day. Leiva left the Cabildo and Belgrano, representing the crowd, requested a definitive answer. Leiva explained that everything would go on as planned, but the Cabildo needed time to prepare. Leiva requested Belgrano help the Cabildo with the work, as his intervention would be seen by the crowd as a guarantee that their demands would not be ignored. The crowd left the main hall, but stayed in the Plaza. Belgrano protested the guest list, which consisted of the wealthiest citizens, and thought that if the poor people were left outside there would be further social unrest. The members of the Cabildo tried to convince him to give his support, but he left.
Belgrano's departure enraged the crowd, as he did not explain what had happened, and the people feared a betrayal. The demands for an open cabildo were replaced by demands for Cisneros' immediate resignation. The people finally settled down and dispersed through the intervention of Cornelio Saavedra, who said that the claims of the Infernal Legion had their military support.[73]
The invitations were distributed among 450 leading citizens and officials in the capital. The guest list was compiled by the Cabildo, and they tried to guarantee the result by selecting people that would be likely to support the Viceroy. The revolutionaries countered this move by making one of their own: Agustín Donado, in charge of printing the invitations, printed nearly 600 of them instead of just the 450 requested, and distributed the surplus among the criollos.[74] By the night, Castelli, Rodríguez, French and Beruti visited all the barracks to harangue the troops and prepare them for the following day.[75]
Tuesday, May 22
![Portrait of a debate](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/b3/Cabildo_abierto.jpg/220px-Cabildo_abierto.jpg)
According to the official records, only about 251 out of 450 invited guests attended the open cabildo.[76] French and Beruti, commanding 600 men armed with knives, shotguns, and rifles, controlled access to the square, to ensure that the open cabildo had a majority of criollos. All the noteworthy religious and civilian people were present, as well as militia commanders and many prominent residents. The only notable absence was that of Martín de Álzaga, still under house arrest. The troops were garrisoned and on alert, ready to take action in case of commotion.[77] The merchant José Ignacio Rezábal attended, but explained his doubts about doing so in a letter to the priest Julián S. de Agüero; he said his doubts were shared by other people close to him. He feared that no matter which party prevailed in the cabildo it would take revenge against the other, with the Mutiny of Álzaga a close antecedent.[78] He felt that the open cabildo would lack legitimacy if the criollos were allowed to take part in it in great numbers, because of the aforementioned manipulation of the guest list.[79]
The meeting lasted from morning to midnight, including stages such as the reading of the proclamation, the debate, and the vote. The system of vote did not use secret ballots: votes were heard one at a time and recorded in the minutes. The main theme of the debate was the government's legitimacy and the authority of the Viceroy. The principle of retroversion of the sovereignty to the people stated that, with the legitimate monarch missing, power returned to the people; they were entitled to form a new government. This principle was commonplace in Spanish scholasticism and rationalist philosophy, but had no precedent of being applied in case law.[80] The validity of this principle divided the assembly in two main groups: one group rejected it and argued that the situation should remain unchanged; they supported Cisneros in his office of Viceroy; the other group supported change, and considered that they should establish a Junta, like the ones established in Spain, to replace the Viceroy. There was also a third position in the middle ground.[81] The promoters of change did not recognize the authority of the Regency Council, and argued that the colonies in America were not consulted in its formation. The debate tangentially discussed the rivalry between criollos and peninsulars; proponents of keeping the Viceroy felt that the will of peninsulars should prevail over that of criollos.
One of the speakers for the first position was the bishop of Buenos Aires, Benito Lue y Riega, leader of the local church. Lue y Riega argued that:
Not only there is no reason to get rid of the Viceroy, but even if there was no part of Spain that was not subdued, the Spaniards in America ought to retake it and resume command over it. America should only be ruled by the natives of the country when there is no longer a Spaniard there. If even a single member of the Central Junta of Seville were to land on our shores, we should receive him as the Sovereign.[82]
Juan José Castelli was the main orator for the revolutionaries. He based his speech on two main ideas: the expiration of the legitimate government—he stated that the Junta of Seville was dissolved and had no rights to designate a Regency—and the principle of retroversion of sovereignty.[83] He spoke after Riega, arguing that the American people should assume control of their government until Ferdinand VII could return to the throne.
Nobody could call the whole nation a criminal, nor the individuals that have aired their political views. If the right of conquest belongs, by right, to the conqueror country, it would be fair if Spain quit resisting the French and submitted to them, by the same principles for which it is expected that the Americans submit themselves to the peoples of Pontevedra. The reason and the rule must be equal for everybody. There are no conquerors or conquered here; there is no one here but Spanish people. The Spaniards of Spain have lost their land. The Spanish Americans try to save theirs. Let the ones from Spain deal with themselves as they can; do not worry, we Americans know what we want and where we go. Thus, I suggest we vote: that we enact an authority other than the Viceroy, that will be subject to the metropole if it gets saved from the French, and that will be independent if Spain is finally subjugated.[84]
Pascual Ruiz Huidobro stated that since the authority that had appointed Cisneros expired, he should no longer have a place in the government. He felt that the Cabildo should be in government, as it was the representative of the people. His vote was supported by Melchor Fernández, Juan León Ferragut, Joaquín Grigera, and others.[85]
![Portrait of Cornelio Saavedra](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/97/Cornelio_Saavedra_-_1810.jpg/170px-Cornelio_Saavedra_-_1810.jpg)
Attorney Manuel Genaro Villota, representative of the conservative Spanish, said that the city of Buenos Aires had no right to make unilateral decisions about the legitimacy of the Viceroy or the Regency Council without the participation of other cities of the Viceroyalty. He argued that such an action would break the unity of the country, establishing as many sovereignties as there were cities. His intention was to keep Cisneros in power by delaying any possible action.[86] Juan José Paso accepted him being right at the first point, but argued that the situation in Europe and the possibility that Napoleon's forces could conquer the American colonies demanded an urgent resolution.[87] He then expostulated the "argument of the elder sister", reasoning that Buenos Aires should take the initiative and make the changes deemed necessary and appropriate, upon the express condition that the other cities would be invited to comment on it as soon as possible.[88] The rhetorical figure of the "elder sister", comparable to negotiorum gestio,[89] is a concept that makes an analogy between the relationship of Buenos Aires and other cities of the viceroyalty with a filial relationship.[90]
The priest Juan Nepomuceno Solá then proposed that provisional command should be given to the Cabildo, until the formation of a governing Junta made up of representatives from all populations of the Viceroyalty. His motion was supported by Manuel Alberti, Azcuénaga, Escalada, Argerich or Aguirre, and others.[91]
Cornelio Saavedra suggested that control should be delegated instead to the Cabildo until the formation of a governing junta in the manner and form that the Cabildo would deem as appropriate. He used the phrase "(...) and there is no doubt that it is the people that make the authority or command."[76] At the time of the vote, Castelli's position coincided with that of Saavedra.[92]
Manuel Belgrano was standing near a window, so that in case of a problematic development he could give a signal by waiving a white cloth. Then the people gathered in the Plaza would have forced their way into the Cabildo. However, there were no problems at all, and this emergency plan was not implemented.[93] The historian Vicente Fidel López, son of Vicente López y Planes, revealed that his father, present in the event, saw that Mariano Moreno was worried near the end, despite of the majority achieved. Moreno told Planes that the Cabildo was about to betray them.
Wednesday, May 23
The debate took all day, and the votes were counted very late that night. After the presentations, people voted for the continuation of the Viceroy, alone or associated, or his dismissal. The ideas explained were divided into a small number of proposals, designated with the names of their main supporters, and the people then voted for one of those proposals. The voting lasted for a long time, and the result was to dismiss the Viceroy by a large majority: 155 votes to 69.
Manuel José Reyes stated that he found no reason to depose the viceroy, and that it would be enough to designate a Junta headed by Cisneros. His proposal had nearly thirty votes. Another thirty votes supported Cisneros as well, but without making any changes to the political system. A small group supported the proposal of Martín José de Choteco, who also supported Cisneros.[94]
The votes against Cisneros were divided into many different proposals as well. Many of them supported that the new authorities replacing the viceroy should be elected by the Cabildo. Pascual Ruiz Huidobro voted that the Cabildo should rule in the interim and designate a new government, but this proposal made no reference to popular sovereignty or the creation of a Junta. The proposal had thirty-five votes, and many of them saw Huidobro as the better candidate for the new government that would be created if the proposal prevailed.[95] Juan Nepomuceno Solá voted that the Cabildo should govern in the interim, while making a Junta composed of deputees from all the provinces of the viceroyalty. This proposal had nearly twenty votes. Cornelio Saavedra got the largest portion of votes, and the remaining votes were distributed among proposals with few votes.
At dawn on May 23, the Cabildo released a document stating that the Viceroy would end his mandate. The maximum authority would be temporarily transferred to the Cabildo, until the designation of a governing Junta.[96] Notices were placed at various points throughout the city announcing the imminent creation of a Junta and the summoning of representatives from the provinces. The notices also called for the public to refrain from attempting actions contrary to public policy.[97]
Thursday, May 24
![Portrait of a man in military uniform](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/45/Domingo_French.jpg/170px-Domingo_French.jpg)
The Cabildo interpreted the results of the open cabildo and formed the new Junta, which would be in office until the arrival of representatives from the other cities. Leyva arranged that former viceroy Cisneros was designated president of the Junta and commander of the armed forces. He was chosen along with other four members: the criollos Cornelio Saavedra and Juan José Castelli, and the peninsulars Juan Nepomuceno Solá and José Santos Inchaurregui.[98] There are many interpretations of the motives for this action. A constitutional code of thirteen articles was written by Leyva to regulate the actions of the Junta. The Junta could not exercise judicial power, which was reserved for the Royal Audiencia. Cisneros could not act without the support of the other members of the Junta, and the Cabildo would be able to depose those who neglected their duty. The Cabildo's consent would be required to create new taxes. Finally, the Junta would sanction a general amnesty on those who had aired opinions at the open cabildo, and call the other cities for deputees. The armed forces's commanders, including Saavedra and Pedro Andrés García, agreed to this code. The Junta swore the oath of office that afternoon.[99]
The news took the revolutionaries by surprise. They were unsure of what to do next, and feared that they would be punished like the revolutionaries of Chuquisaca and La Paz. Moreno abjured relations with the others and shut himself in his home.[100] There was a meeting at Rodríguez Peña's house. They felt that the Cabildo wouldn't go on with such a plot without the blessing of Saavedra, and that Castelli should resign from the Junta. Tagle rejected the proposal: he thought that Saavedra may had accepted out of weakness or naivety, and that Castelli should stay near to counter the other's influence over him.[101] Meanwhile, the Plaza was invaded by a mob led by French and Beruti. Cisneros staying in power, albeit in a different office than Viceroy, was seen as an insult to the will of the open cabildo. Colonel Martín Rodriguez explained that if their soldiers were ordered to support Cisneros, they would be ordered to open fire on the population; most of the soldiers would revolt, as they shared the desire to remove the Viceroy from power.[102]
That night, Castelli and Saavedra informed Cisneros of their resignation from the newly formed Junta. They explained that the population was on the verge of violent revolution and would remove Cisneros by force if he didn't resign as well. They pointed out that they did not had the power to stop that: neither Castelli to stop his friends, nor Saavedra to prevent the Regiment of Patricians from mutiny.[103] Cisneros wanted to wait for the following day, but they said that there wasn't time for further delays, so he finally accepted to resign. He wrote his resignation and sent it to the Cabildo, which would consider it on the following day. Chiclana felt encouraged when Saavedra resigned, and started to request signatures for a manifesto of the will of the people. Moreno refused any further involvement, but Castelli and Peña trusted that he would eventually join them if events unfolded as they expected.[104]
Friday, May 25
![Depiction of the events of May 25](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/90/El_pueblo_quiere_saber_de_qu%C3%A9_se_trata.jpg/220px-El_pueblo_quiere_saber_de_qu%C3%A9_se_trata.jpg)
On the morning of May 25, despite the bad weather, a crowd gathered at Plaza de la Victoria, as did the militia led by Domingo French and Antonio Beruti. They all demanded the recall of the junta elected the previous day, the final resignation of Cisneros, and the composition of a new junta that did not include him. Historian Bartolomé Mitre stated that French and Beruti distributed blue and white ribbons, similar to the modern cockade of Argentina, among those present. Later historians doubt it, but consider it possible that the revolutionaries used distinctive marks of some kind for identification.[105] It was rumored that the Cabildo might reject Cisneros' resignation.[106] Due to delays in issuing an official resolution, people began to stir, clamoring "The people want to know what is being discussed!".
The Cabildo met at 9:00 am and rejected Cisneros' resignation. They considered that the crowd had no legitimate right to influence something that the Cabildo had already decided and performed. They considered that, as the junta was in command, the popular agitation should be suppressed by force, and made the members responsible for any changes.[107] To enforce those orders, they summoned the chief commanders, but they did not obey. Many of them, including Saavedra, did not appear. Those that did stated that they could not support the government order, and said the commanders would be disobeyed if they ordered the troops to repress the demonstrators.
The crowd's agitation increased, and they overran the chapter house. Leiva and Lezica requested that someone who could act as spokesman for the people should join them inside the hall and explain the people's desires. Beruti, Chiclana, French, and Grela were allowed to pass. Leiva attempted to discourage Pancho Planes from joining them,[108] but he entered the hall as well.[109] The Cabildo argued that Buenos Aires had no right to break the political system of the viceroyalty without discussing it with the other provinces; French and Chiclana replied that the call for a Congress had already been considered.[110] The Cabildo called the commanders to deliberate with them. As had happened several times in the last few days, Romero explained that the soldiers would mutiny if forced to fight against the rioters on behalf of Cisneros. The Cabildo still refused to give up, until the noise of the demonstration was heard in the hall. They feared that the demonstrators could overrun the building and reach them. Martín Rodríguez pointed out that the only way to calm the demonstrators was to accept Cisneros' resignation. Leiva agreed, convinced the other members, and the people returned to the Plaza. Rodríguez headed to Azcuenaga's house to meet the other revolutionaries to plan the final stages of the revolution. The demonstration overran the Cabildo again, this time reaching the hall of deliberations. Beruti spoke on behalf of the people, and said that the new Junta should be elected by the people and not by the Cabildo.[111] He threatened that, besides the nearly 400 people already gathered, the barracks were full of people loyal to them, and who would take control by force if needed. The Cabildo replied by requesting their demands in writing. After a long interval, a document containing 411 signatures was delivered to the Cabildo.[112] This paper proposed a new composition for the governing Junta, and a 500-man expedition to assist the provinces. The document — still preserved — listed most army commanders and many well-known residents, and contained many illegible signatures. French and Beruti signed the document, stating "for me and for six hundred more".[113] However, there is no unanimous view among historians about the authorship of the content of the document.
In the meantime, the bad weather improved, and the sun broke through the clouds, shining the sky. The people in the plaza saw it as a favorable omen for the revolution. The Sun of May was created in reference to this event a few years later.[112]
The Cabildo accepted the document and moved to the balcony to submit it directly to the people for ratification. But given the lateness of the hour and the weather, the number of people in the plaza had declined. Leiva ridiculed the claim of the remaining representatives to speak on behalf of the people. This wore the patience of the few who were still in the plaza, in the rain. Beruti did not accept any further delays, and threaten to call people to arms.[114] Facing the prospect of further violence, the popular request was read aloud and immediately ratified by the attendees. The rules governing the Junta were roughly the same as that issued the day before, with the additional provisions that the Cabildo would control the activity of the members of the Junta, and that the Junta itself would appoint replacements in case of vacancies.[115] Saavedra spoke to the crowd, and then moved on to the Fort, among salvos of artillery and the ringing of bells. Meanwhile, Cisneros dispatched José Melchor Lavin to Córdoba to warn Santiago de Liniers about what had happened in Buenos Aires, and requested military action against the Junta.
Members
![Allegoric images of the members of the Primera Junta](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/c0/Primera_Junta%2C_litograf%C3%ADa.jpg/220px-Primera_Junta%2C_litograf%C3%ADa.jpg)
The Primera Junta was composed as follows:
President
Voting members
- Dr. Manuel Alberti
- Col. Miguel de Azcuénaga
- Dr. Manuel Belgrano
- Dr. Juan José Castelli
- Domingo Matheu
- Juan Larrea
Secretaries
- Dr. Juan José Paso
- Dr. Mariano Moreno
Aftermath
![Portrait of the Primera Junta](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/91/Primera_Junta.jpg/220px-Primera_Junta.jpg)
The Council of Regency, the members of the Royal Audiencia of Buenos Aires, and the peninsular population did not accept that the declaration of loyalty to the captive King Ferdinand VII was genuine, and resisted accepting the new situation. The Royal Audiencia secretly swore allegiance to the Council of Regency and sent communiqués to the rest of the cities of the Viceroyalty, calling on them to deny recognition of the new government. To end these actions, the Junta convened all the members of the Audience and the former Viceroy Cisneros, with the pretext that their lives were in danger, and shipped them into exile aboard the British ship Dart. Captain Mark Brigut Larrea was instructed to avoid American ports and deliver all of them directly to the Canary Islands. Following this, they appointed a new group of members for the Audiencia, composed entirely of criollos loyal to the revolution.[116]
With the exception of the city of Córdoba, every city in the territory of modern Argentina endorsed the Primera Junta. The cities of the Upper Peru, however, did not take a position, due to the recent outcomes of the Chuquisaca and La Paz Revolutions. Asunción del Paraguay rejected the Junta and swore loyalty to the Regency Council. The Banda Oriental, under Francisco Javier de Elío, remained a royalist stronghold.[117]
Former Viceroy Santiago de Liniers organized a counter-revolution in Córdoba, and this became the first military campaign of the independent government. Despite the importance of Liniers himself, and his prestige as a popular hero for his role when the British invaded, the population of Córdoba preferred to support the revolution. This reduced the power of the counter-revolutionary army by means of desertions and sabotage. Liniers' troops were quickly defeated by the forces led by Francisco Ortiz de Ocampo. Ocampo refused to shoot the captive Liniers, who had fought alongside him against the British, so the execution ordered by the Junta was carried out by Juan José Castelli. After quelling this rebellion, the Junta sent military expeditions to many other cities, demanding support for the Primera Junta and the election of representatives to it.[118]
![Portrait of Mariano Moreno](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/fe/Mariano_Moreno_en_su_mesa_de_trabajo.jpg/220px-Mariano_Moreno_en_su_mesa_de_trabajo.jpg)
Montevideo, which had a historical rivalry with the city of Buenos Aires, opposed the Primera Junta and was declared the new capital of the Viceroyalty by the Regency Council, which appointed Francisco Javier de Elío as the new Viceroy. The city was well defended, so it could easily resist an invasion. Peripheral cities over the Banda Oriental acted contrary to Montevideo's will and supported the Buenos Aires Junta. They were led by José Gervasio Artigas, who kept Montevideo under siege. The final defeat of the Montevidean royalists was carried out by Carlos María de Alvear.[119]
The Captaincy General of Chile followed a process analogous to that of the May Revolution, electing a Government Junta that inaugurated the brief period known as Patria Vieja. The Junta was defeated in 1814 at the battle of Rancagua, and the subsequent Reconquista of Chile would made it a royalist stronghold once more. The Andes mountain range provided an effective natural barrier between the Argentine revolutionaries and Chile, so there was no military confrontation between them until the Crossing of the Andes, led by José de San Martín in 1817. This campaign would signify the defeat of the Chilean royalists.[120]
The Primera Junta increased in size when it incorporated the representatives sent by the provinces. From then on, the Junta was renamed the Junta Grande. It was dissolved shortly after the June 1811 Patriot defeat at the Battle of Huaqui, and two successive triumvirates exercised executive power over the United Provinces of South America. In 1814, the second triumvirate was replaced by the authority of the Supreme Director.[121] Meanwhile, Martín Miguel de Güemes contained the royalist armies sent from Peru at Salta, while San Martín advanced towards the royalist stronghold of Lima by sea, on a Chilean-Argentine campaign. The independence war gradually displaced towards northern South America.[122] Argentina would eventually fall into a Civil War.
Consequences
According to historian Félix Luna's Breve historia de los Argentinos, one of the most important societal consequences of the May Revolution was the paradigm shift in the way the people and its rulers related. Until then, the conception of the common good prevailed: while royal authority was fully respected, if an instruction from the crown of Spain was considered detrimental to the common good of the local population, it was half-met or simply ignored.[16] With revolution, the concept of common good gave way to that of popular sovereignty, as theorized by Moreno, Castelli, and Monteagudo, among others. This idea held that, in the absence of a legitimate authority, the people had the right to appoint their own leaders. Over time, popular sovereignty would give way to the majority rule doctrine. This maturation of ideas was slow-paced and gradual, and it took many decades to crystallize into stable electoral and political systems, but it was what ultimately led to the adoption of the republican system as the form of government for Argentina.[123] Domingo Faustino Sarmiento stated similar views in his Facundo, noting that cities were more pervious to republican ideas, while rural areas were more resistant to them, which led to the surge of caudillo leaders.[124]
Another consequence, also according to Luna, was the disintegration of the territories that once belonged to the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata into several different units. Most of the cities and provinces had distinctive populations, economies, attitudes, contexts, and interests. Until then, all of these peoples were held together by the authority of the Spanish government, but with its disappearance, people from Montevideo, Paraguay, and Upper Peru began to distance themselves from Buenos Aires. The period of existence of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata, barely 38 years, impeded the consolidation of a patriotic feeling and failed to bring a sense of community to all of the population.[125] The new country lacked an established concept of national identity capable of uniting the population under a common idea of statehood.[126] Juan Bautista Alberdi sees the May Revolution as one of the early manifestations of the power struggles between the city of Buenos Aires and the provinces—one of the axial conflicts at play in the Argentine civil wars. Alberdi wrote in his book "Escritos póstumos":
The revolution of May 1810 in Buenos Aires, intended to win the independence of Argentina from Spain, also had the consequence of emancipating the province of Buenos Aires from Argentina or, rather, to impose the authority of this province to the whole nation emancipated from Spain. That day, Spanish power ended over the Argentine provinces, and that of Buenos Aires was established.[127]
Historical perspectives
Historiographical studies of the May Revolution do not face many doubts or unknown details. Most of the information was properly recorded at the time, and was made available to the public by the Primera Junta as patriotic propaganda. Because of this, the different historical views on the topic differ in their interpretations of the meanings, causes, and consequences of the events rather than the accuracy of the depiction of the events themselves. The modern version of events does not differ significantly from the contemporary one.[128]
The first people to write about the Revolution were participants who wrote memoirs, biographies, and diaries. However, their works were motivated by purposes other than historiographic ones, such as to explain the reasons for their actions, clean their public images, or to manifest their support or rejection of the public figures and ideas of the time.[129] For example, Manuel Moreno wrote the biography of his brother Mariano to use it as propaganda for the revolutions in Europe,[130] and Cornelio Saavedra wrote his autobiography at a moment when his image was highly questioned, to justify himself to his sons.[131]
The first remarkable historiographical school of interpretation of the history of Argentina was founded by romantic authors of the 1830s, like Bartolomé Mitre.[132] Mitre regarded the May Revolution as an iconic expression of political egalitarianism: a conflict between modern freedoms and oppression represented by the Spanish monarchy, and the attempt to establish a national organization on constitutional principles as opposed to the charismatic authority of the caudillos.[133] Their views were treated as canonical until the end of the 19th century, when the proximity of the centennial encouraged authors to seek new perspectives. Such authors would differ about the weight of the causes of the May Revolution or whose intervention in the events was more decisive, but the main points made by Mitre were kept,[134] such as considering the revolution the birth of modern Argentina,[135] and considering it an unavoidable event.[136] They introduced the idea of popular intervention as another key element.[137] By the time of the World Wars, liberal authors attempted to impose an ultimate and unquestionable historical perspective; Ricardo Levene and the Academia Nacional de la Historia were exponents of this tendency.[138] which kept most perspectives of Mitre. Left-wings authors took a revisionist view based on nationalism and anti-imperialism; they minimized the dispute between criollos and peninsulars and explained events as a dispute between enlightenment and absolutism.[139] However, most of their work was focused on other historical periods.[140]
The May Revolution was not the product of the actions of a single political party with a clear and defined agenda, but a convergence of sectors with varying interests. Thus, there are a number of conflicting perspectives about it because different authors choose to highlight different aspects.[141] Mitre used The Representation of the Hacendados and the merchant party to state that the May Revolution intended to obtain free trade and economic integration with Europe;[142] right-wing revisionists center around Saavedra and the social customs of the time to describe the revolution under conservative principles;[143] and left-wing revisionists use the example of Moreno, Castelli, and the rioters led by French and Beruti to describe it as a radical revolution.[144]
Revolutionary purposes
![Portrait of Ferdinand VII](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4d/Ferdinand_VII_of_Spain_%281814%29_by_Goya.jpg/220px-Ferdinand_VII_of_Spain_%281814%29_by_Goya.jpg)
The government created on May 25 pronounced itself loyal to the deposed Spanish king Ferdinand VII, but historians do not agree on whether such loyalty was genuine or not. Since Mitre, many historians feel that this professed loyalty was merely a political deception to gain autonomy.[145][146][147] The Primera Junta did not pledge allegiance to the Regency Council of Spain and the Indies, an agency of the Spanish monarchy still in operation, and in 1810 the possibility that Napoleon would defeated and Ferdinand returned to the throne (which would finally happened on December 11, 1813, with the signing of the Treaty of Valençay) still seemed remote and unlikely.[48] The purpose of the deception would have been to gain time to strengthen the position of the patriotic cause and avoid reactions that may have led to a revolution, on the grounds that monarchical authority was still being respected and that no revolution had taken place. The ruse is known as the "Mask of Ferdinand VII", and it was upheld by the Primera Junta, the Junta Grande, and the First and Second Triumvirates. The Assembly of Year XIII was intended to declare independence, but failed to do so because of other political conflicts between its members. However, it suppressed mention of Ferdinand VII in official documents. The supreme directors considered other options, such as negotiating with Spain or becoming a British protectorate, until the declaration of independence of 1816.
The change was potentially favorable for Britain, as trade was facilitated with the cities of the area without being hampered by the monopoly that Spain had maintained over their colonies for centuries.[148] However, Britain's first priority was the war in Europe against France, and they could not appear to support American independence movements or allow the military attention of Spain to be divided onto two different fronts. Consequently, they pushed for independence demonstrations not being made explicit. This pressure was exerted by Lord Strangford, the British ambassador at the court of Rio de Janeiro; he expressed support for the Junta, but under the condition that "...the behavior is consistent, and that [the] Capital [is] retained on behalf of Mr. Dn. Ferdinand VII and his legitimate successors."[149] Later conflicts between Buenos Aires, Montevideo, and Artigas led to internal conflicts on the British front, between Strangford and the Portuguese regent John VI of Portugal.[149]
Since Juan Bautista Alberdi, later historians such as Norberto Galasso,[150] Luis Romero, and José Carlos Chiaramonte[151] doubted Mitre's interpretation, and had a different one. Alberdi thought that "The Argentine revolution is a chapter of the Hispanoamerican revolution, which is such of the Spanish one, and this, as well, of the European revolution."[152] They did not consider it a dispute between independentism and colonialism, but instead a dispute between new libertarian ideas and absolutism. The intention was not to cut ties with Spain, but to reformulate the relationship. Thus, it would have the characteristics of a civil war instead.[153] Some points that would justify the idea would be the inclusion of Larrea, Matheu, and Belgrano in the Junta and the later appearance of José de San Martín: Larrea and Matheu were Spanish, Belgrano studied for many years in Spain,[154] and San Martín had spent most of his adult life waging war in Spain against the French.[155] When San Martín talked about enemies, he called them "royalists" or "Goths", but never "Spanish".[156]
According to those historians, the Spanish revolution against absolutism got mixed up with the Peninsular War. Charles IV was seen as an absolutist king, and when he stood against his father, many Spaniards got the mistaken impression that Ferdinand VII sympathized with the new enlightened ideas.[157] Thus, the revolutions made in the Americas in the name of Ferdinand VII (such as the May Revolution, the Chuquisaca Revolution, or the one in Chile) would have been seeking to replace absolutist power with power formulated under the new ideas. Even if Spain was at war with France, the ideals of the French Revolution (liberty, equality and fraternity) were still respected.[158] Those revolutions pronounced themselves enemies of Napoleon, but did not face any active French military attack; they promoted instead fights between Spanish armies for keeping the old order or maintaining the new one. This situation would change with the final defeat of Napoleon and the return of Ferdinand VII to the throne, as he began the Absolutist Restauration and persecuted those holding the new libertarian ideas within Spain. For people in South America, the idea of remaining part of the Spanish Empire, but with a new relationship with the mother country, was no longer a feasible option: the only remaining options at this point were a return to absolutism, or independentism.[159]
Legacy
![Commemorative monument at Plaza de Mayo](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/06/Piramide-de-Mayo-Buenos-Aires.jpg/170px-Piramide-de-Mayo-Buenos-Aires.jpg)
May 25 is a patriotic date in Argentina, known as First Patriotic Government, with the character of a national Day. The public holiday is set by law 21.329 and it is immovable, meaning it is celebrated exactly on May 25 regardless of day of the week.[160] The Argentina Centennial and the Argentina Bicentennial were celebrated in 1910 and 2010.
May 25 was designated as a patriotic date in 1813, but the Argentine Declaration of Independence provides an alternative national day. In the beginning, this added to the conflicts between Buenos Aires and the provinces during the Argentine Civil War, because the date in May related to Buenos Aires and the date of July 9 related to the whole country.[161] As a result, the unitarian Bernardino Rivadavia canceled the celebration of July 9, and the federalist Juan Manuel de Rosas re-allowed it, but without giving up celebrations in May. By 1880, with the federalization of Buenos Aires, the local connotations were removed and the May Revolution was considered the birth of the nation.[161]
The date, as well as a generic image of the Buenos Aires Cabildo, are used in different variants to honor the May Revolution. Two of the most notable are the Avenida de Mayo and the Plaza de Mayo at Buenos Aires, near the location of the Cabildo. The Pirámide de Mayo was erected in the Plaza a year after the revolution, and was rebuilt to its present form in 1856. "May 25" (in Spanish, "Veinticinco de Mayo") is the name of several administrative divisions, cities, public spaces, and landforms of Argentina. There are departments of this name in the provinces of Chaco, Misiones, San Juan, Rio Negro, and Buenos Aires, the latter one holding the Veinticinco de Mayo city. The cities of Rosario (Santa Fe), Junín (Buenos Aires), and Resistencia (Chaco) have eponymous squares. The King George Island is under sovereignty claims of Argentina, Britain, and Chile, as part of the Argentine Antarctica, British Antarctic Territory, and Chilean Antarctic Territory, with Argentina naming it "Isla 25 de Mayo".[162]
A commemorative Cabildo is used on coins of 25 cents,[163] and an image of the Sun of May appears on the 5-cent coin of the current Argentine Peso.[164] An image of the Cabildo during the Revolution appeared on the back of the 5-peso banknote of the former Peso Moneda Nacional.
References
- ^ Moses, pp. 36-37
- ^ Moses, p. 35
- ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 387 Spanish: Francisco Suárez sostenía que el poder, la autoridad, no pasa de Dios al gobernante, sino por intermedio del pueblo [...]; si esos gobernantes no cumplen su función de gerentes del bien común se transforman en tiranos, los pueblos tienen derecho a resistir la opresión. [...] Proponía, pues, la doctrina del origen democrático del poder
English: Francisco Suárez maintained that power, authority, does not pass from God to the governor, but through the peoples [...]; if those governors do not fulfill their function of administrators for the common good they become tyrants, the people has the right to resist their oppression. [...] He proposed, thus, the doctrine of the democratic origin of power - ^ Brownson, p. 86
- ^ Moses, p. 29
- ^ Moses, p. 34
- ^ Mantoux, p. 25
- ^ Heckscher, p. 243
- ^ a b Kaufmann, p.8
- ^ a b Fremont-Barnes, p. 29
- ^ Shumway, p. 19
- ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 28 Spanish: España había demostrado que económicamente no podía ejercer el papel de una metrópoli porque no tenía capacidad para abastecer a sus dominios de las mercaderías necesarias ni podía absorber los productos primarios que aquéllos poducían: sólo una forzada política comercial lograba mantener la hegemonía de los comerciantes de Cádiz.
English: Spain demonstrated that in the economic field, it could not play the role of a trade capital because it could not afford to supply its colonies with the goods they needed or buy the raw materials that they produced: only a forced trade policy managed to keep the hegemony of the merchants of Cádiz. - ^ Shumway, pp. 8-9
- ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 391 Spanish: Los ingleses tuvieron en las colonias españolas, a pesar del monopolio comercial metropoletano, fuertes intereses: el comercio ilícito se aproximaba en su monto casi al valor del autorizado por España; el contrabando se convirtió en un medio importante de vida para los propios colonos y también para los gobernantes encargados de reprimirlo.
English: The British had strong interests in the Spanish colonies, despite the metropolitan monopoly on commerce: legal commerce had amounts near the value of that authorized by Spain; smuggling became an important way to survive for colonials, and for the governors who were in charge of stopping it. - ^ Shumway, p. 15
- ^ a b Shumway, p. 3
- ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 391 Spanish: ...la aparición de un sector criollo que aguantaba el predominio de los españoles nativos en las funciones públicas, sentimiento que se extendía también al bajo clero.
English: ...the rise of a criollo segment of the population that endured a predominance of native Spaniards in public office, a sentiment shared by the lower clergy. - ^ Moses, p. 4
- ^ a b Shumway, p. 17
- ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 376 Spanish: El blanco estaba obligado a servir en la milicia personalmente, [...] eran los únicos que podían llevar armas y hacer uso de ellas; el privilegio fue superado en los momentos de gran apremio en que era preciso contar con mayores contingentes para la defensa
English: The white had the duty to serve in the militia personally, [...] they were the only ones who could carry and use weapons; the privilege was lifted at the moments of great danger when it was needed to count with larger armies for defense - ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 28 Spanish: El pacto con España estaba gravemente vulnerado en el Río de la Plata a partir de las Invasiones Inglesas: la metrópoli no había podido defender a sus colonias del ataque externo y habían sido los habitantes de Buenos Aires y de la Banda Oriental los que rechazaron el intento británico.
English: The pact with Spain was gravely wounded in the Río de la Plata after the British invasions: the metropole could not defend its colonies from the foreign attack, and it was the peoples from Buenos Aires and the Banda Oriental who defeated the British attempt. - ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 20 Spanish: Para unos, la solución de aceptar a Carlota Joaquina como heredera de Carlos IV era una aceptable fórmula de transición hacia una independencia ordenada. Para otros, una simple fachada que era conveniente usar hasta tanto madurasen las condiciones para una ruptura con España. Aunque también se pensaba que proporcionaba los elementos para preservar la fidelidad al rey cautivo.
English: For some, the solution of accepting Carlota Joaquina as heir to Charles IV was an acceptable formula for an orderly transition to independence. For others, it was a simple facade that was convenient to use until conditions were ripe for a break with Spain. It was also thought of as being capable of providing a way to preserve fidelity to the captive king. - ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 20 Spanish: El carlotismo estaba pues cargado de ambigüedades y equívocos, los que, a la larga, terminaron por debilitarlo como proyecto alternativo. Se sospechaba que tras su formulación se ocultaban apenas el brazo expansionista de Portugal o las apetencias británicas.
English: Carlotism was loaded with ambiguities and misunderstandings which ultimately weakened it as an alternative project. It was suspected that behind its formulation was hidden the expansionist arm of Portugal or British desires. - ^ Kaufmann, p. 58
- ^ Luna, Breve..., p. 52 Spanish: Sobremonte, en efecto aparece como un timorato a los ojos de los porteños por acatar instrucciones que databan de la época de Cevallos, según las cuales, si había un ataque exterior, el primer deber del virrey era asegurar los fondos reales y el dinero de los particulares y escapar, poniéndolos a buen recaudo. Lo hizo, y quedó ante la historia como un cobarde
English: Sobremonte indeed appears as a timid in the eyes of the locals by complying with instructions dated from the time of Cevallos, whereby, if there was a foreign attack, the first duty of the Viceroy was to secure the royal funds and private money and escape, making them safe. He did, and has gone down in history as a coward. - ^ Luna, Breve..., p. 52 Spanish: Este es un precedente fundamental: el pueblo de Buenos Aires derroca al virrey, algo nunca visto en el imperio español.
English: This was a fundamental precedent: the people of Buenos Aires deposed the viceroy, something never seen in the Spanish Empire - ^ Luna, ...Santiago de Liniers, p. 120 Spanish: Pronto llegaron los reconocimientos: en primer lugar el del Rey Carlos IV. Liniers obtuvo el ascenso a brigadier, [...] y finalmente el cargo efectivo de virrey.
English: The acknowledgements arrived soon: the first to arrive was that of King Charles IV. Liniers got promoted to brigadier, [...] and eventually to the effective office of viceroy. - ^ Mitre, pp. 167-208
- ^ Luna, ...Santiago de Liniers, p. 128 Spanish: En esto tuvieron mucha responsabilidad los miembros del sector español monopolista, del que Álzaga formaba parte. Ese grupo tenía también mucha fuerza en Montevideo, pues sus miembros pugnaban, desde hacía tiempo, por desembarazarse de la tutela de Buenos Aires. Poco les costó poner a Elío de su parte.
English: In this there was much responsibility of the members of Spanish monopolist faction, Álzaga among them. Ths group was strong as well in Montevideo, as their members sought since time ago to leave the tutelage of Buenos Aires. It was easy for them to have Elío on their side. - ^ Javier de Elío, cited by Mitre, pp. 251-252 Spanish: "La Junta se erige con el laudable, católico y religioso designio de conservar incólumnes e intactos los derechos del rey natural don Fernando VII [...] y que será al fin una Junta que obrará en todo con acuerdo de la capital"
English: "The Junta is established with the laudable, catholic and religious design of keeping intact the rights of the natural king, Don Ferdinand VII [...] and that it will be a Junta that will work in everything with agreement from the capital" - ^ Luna, ...Juan José Castelli, p. 55Spanish: Algunos criollos, como Mariano Moreno, depositan su esperanza en la asonada alzaguista. Pero el "partido de la independencia" considera que, en la disyuntiva entre Álzaga y Liniers, el más peligroso para sus planes es el jefe del Cabildo.
[Some criollos, like Mariano Moreno, placed their hopes in the Álzaguista riot. But the "Independence party" considered that, when choosing between Álzaga and Liniers, the most dangerous for their plans was the head of the cabildo.] Error: {{Lang-xx}}: text has italic markup (help) - ^ Luna, ...Juan José Castelli, p. 55 Spanish: No es una contradicción: la independencia que busca Álzaga es la de los ricos peninsulares, para perpetuar su dominio en Buenos Aires.
English: It is not a contradiction: Álzaga seeks independence for the rich peninsulars, to perpetuate their dominion in Buenos Aires. - ^ Pigna, p. 221 Spanish: Los dirigentes de esta "asonada", como se la llamó y como pasó a la historia, entre ellos el propio Álzaga, fueron detenidos y enviados a la zona de lo que hoy es Carmen de Patagones. Poco después fueron rescatados por Elío y llevados a Montevideo.
English: The leaders of this "asonada", as it was called and as it was recorded by history, Álzaga himself among them, were detained and sent to Carmen de Patagones. A short time later they were rescued by Elío and taken to Montevideo. - ^ Belgrano, p. 65 Spanish: Entonces aspiré a inspirar la idea á Liniers de que no debía entregar el mando, por no ser autoridad legítima la que lo despojaba.
English: Then I tried to inspire Liniers the idea that he should not hand over government, as it was not a legitimate authority the one that deposed him. - ^ Belgrano, p.65 Spanish: los ánimos de los militares estaban adheridos á esta opinión.
English: The will of the military was sharing this opinion. - ^ Pigna, p. 224Spanish: En la Banda Oriental, Elío disolvió la Junta de Montevideo y aceptó la autoridad del nuevo virrey, que volvió a armar a las milicias españolas y decretó una amnistía que dejó en libertad a los que habían conspirado contra Liniers.
English: At the Banda Oriental, Elío dissolved the Junta of Montevideo and accepted the authority of the new viceroy, who rearmed the Spanish militias and decreed an amnesty that set free those who had conspired against Liniers. - ^ Scenna, p. 24 Spanish: Permitió [Cisneros] que Martín de Álzaga regresara a Buenos Aires con una suave prisión domiciliaria, más teórica que real
English: [Cisneros] allowed Martín de Álzaga to return to Buenos Aires with a soft house arrest, more theoric than real - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 398 Spanish: Después de algunos hechos de violencia, el presidente García Pizarro renunció al cargo el 25 de mayo de 1809 y el mando fue asumido por la Audiencia, que nombró comandante general de armas al teniente coronel Juan Antonio Álvarez de Arenales
English: After some violent events, president García Pizarro resigned on May 25, 1809, and the Audiencia asumed govenment, appointing liutenant colonel Juan Antonio Álvarez de Arenales as general commander of weapons - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 398 Spanish: Un movimiento insurreccional [...] se produjo el 16 de julio, bajo la dirección de Pedro Domingo Murillo y de Juan Pedro Idaburu. Los rebeldes impusieron la renuncia del gobernador y del obispo y constituyeron una junta con carácter de cuerpo consultativo.
English: A separatist movement [...] took place on July 16, under the direction of Pedro Domingo Murillo and Juan Pedro Idaburu. The rebels imposed the resigning of the governor and the bishop and constitued a junta as a consultative body. - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 398 Spanish: El mariscal Vicente Nieto fue designado por Liniers para pacificar a Chuquisaca; cuando llegó a a villa rebelde con 900 o 1000 hombres, la halló tranquila y dispuesta a someterse; la junta revolucionaria quedó disuelta y se constituyó una nueva audiencia.
English: Vicente Nieto was appointed by Liniers to pacify Chuquisaca; when he arrived to the rebel village with 900 or 1000 men, he found it quiet and ready to obey; the revolutionary junta was abolished and a new Audiencia was appointed. - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 398 Spanish: En total la columna punitiva sumaba 5000 hombres, frente a los cuales los paceños sólo podían disponer de ochocientos fusiles y once piezas de artillería
English: In total, the punitive column had 5000 men, against whom the paceños could only dispose of eight hundred fusils and eleven pieces of artillery. - ^ Mitre, p. 286 Spanish: Los que sobrevivieron a la derrota fueron condenados a muerte por el inhumano Goyeneche, quien sin sujetarse a ninguna forma de juicio hizo ahorcar a nueve de ellos, mandando clavar de firme sus miembros ensangrentados en las columnas militarias, que en aquel país sirven de guía al caminante.
English: Those who survived the defeat were punished to death by the inhuman Goyeneche, who, ignoring any type of trial sent nine of them to the gallows, attaching their blooding members to the military columns that work asguide points for the walker. - ^ Mitre, pp. 287-288
Spanish: Esta aprobación de las matanzas de La Paz contribuyó a hacer más odioso el nombre de Cisneros entre los americanos, [...] que castigaba con el destierro y el suplicio en una parte, el mismo hecho que había alentado y premiado en Montevideo, sólo porque unos eran americanos y otros eran españoles.
English: His approval of the carnage in La Paz contributed to making Cisneros' name more hated among Americans, [...] Cisneros would punish with banishment and torture in one place the same action that was promoted and rewarded at Montevideo, just because some were Americans and the others were Spanish. - ^ Pacho O'Donnell. "El Silogismo de Charcas". El Grito Sagrado (in Spanish). Editorial Sudamericana. Retrieved January 27, 2010.
- ^ Pigna, p. 227 Spanish: Ante la posibilidad de que estos sucesos se repitieran, [...] el virrey decidió crear un Juzgado de Vigilancia Política [...].
English: With the possibility of such events taking place again, [...] the viceroy decided to create a Political Surveillance Court [...]. - ^ Scenna, p. 26 Spanish: En esa lista, dada por el mismo Romero a la posteridad, figuran Saavedra, Paso, Chiclana, Vieytes, Balcarce, Castelli, Larrea, Guido, Viamonte, Moreno, el presbítero Sáenz, el canónigo Belgrano y otros que no identifica.
English: Thatlist, given by Romero to posterity, includes Saavedra, Paso, Chiclana, Vieytes, Balcarce, Castelli, Larrea, Guido, Viamonte, Moreno, el presbyter Sáenz, canon Belgrano and other unidentified ones. - ^ Saavedra, p. 59 Spanish: No es tiempo, dejen ustedes que las brevas maduren y entonces las comeremos.
- ^ a b Saavedra, Cornelio (2009). Memoria autógrafa. Buenos Aires: Editorial del Nuevo Extremo. p. 59. ISBN 978-987-609-171-8.
Spanish: A la verdad, quién era en aquel tiempo el que no juzgase que Napoleón triunfaría y realizaría sus planes con la España? Esto era lo que yo esperaba muy en breve, la oportunidad o tiempo que creía conveniente para dar el grito de libertad en estas partes. Esta era la breva que decía era útil esperar que madurase.
English: At the hour of truth, who was there in that time that did not consider that Napoleon would triumph and realize his plans for Spain? This was what I expected would soon happen, which would give the opportunity to give the freedom cry in these parts. This was the fig which needed to mature; we had to wait. - ^ "Semana de Mayo". Efemérides Culturales Argentinas (in Spanish). Ministerio de Educación de la Nación, Subsecretaría de Coordinación Administrativa. 2001. Retrieved February 5, 2010.
- ^ Galasso, "El pueblo...", p. 43 Spanish: ...es necesario enarbolar alto las banderas, puesto que un doble peligro asecha: la imposición del poder francés y la restauración del absolutismo español.
English: ...it is needed to raise the flas high, because there is a double risk: the victory of the French power and the restoration of the Spanish absolutism. - ^ a b Pigna, p. 228Spanish: En un principio, el virrey trató de ocultar las novedades incautándose de todos los periódicos que traía el barco. Pero, según cuenta Mario Belgrano, uno de ellos llegó a manos de Belgrano y Castelli, que se encargaron de difundir la noticia.
English: In the beginning, the viceroy tried to conceal the news, seizing all newspapers brought by ship. But, as told by Mario Belgrano, one of them got into the hands of Belgrano and Castelli, who spread the news. - ^ Saavedra, p. 60 Spanish: ...Entonces me pusieron en las manos la proclama de aquel día. Luego que la leí, les dije: "Señores, ahora digo que no sólo es tiempo, sino que no se debe perder una sola hora".
English: ...Then they gave into my hands the proclamation of that day. Upon reading it, I said to them: "Gentlemen, now I won't say only that it is time, but also that not a single hour must be wasted". - ^ Luna, ...Juan José Castelli, p. 70 Spanish: Castelli y Saavedra, los jefes más notorios de esos días, desecharon el plan de Martín Rodríguez para derrocar a Cisneros por la fuerza.
English: Castelli and Saavedra, the most notable leaders of those days, rejected the plan of Martín Rodríguez to depose Cisneros by force. - ^ (Anonymous) López, p. 31 Spanish: Con esto todo se ha puesto en alboroto, la gente se concentra en los cuarteles, las calles están solas, pero la plaza está llena, y todas las tiendas y bandolas emparejadas, porque como tú sabes, son casi todas de godos.
English: With all this there is a great commotion, people goes to the barracks, the streets are empty, but the plaza is full, and all stores are closed, because as you know most of them belong to goths. - ^ (Anonymous) López, p. 31 Spanish: Tú sabes que no tiene empacho ni vergüenza para nada; pero tiene muchísimo talento, y es un patriota a macho: ¡figúrate que sostuvo que debíamos ahorcar al sordo en media plaza por los asesinatos de La Paz!
English: You know that he has no shame for anything, but he has much skill, and he is a male patriot: consider that he proposed that we should hang the deaf in the plaza for the murders in La Paz! - ^ (Annonymous) López, p. 39 Spanish: En las pulperías se notan muchas reuniones, y se arman pleitos a cada momento entre criollos y maturrangos, de los que resaltan bastante heridos a cuchillo porque a nadie se le deja sacar fusil o sable de los cuarteles.
English: There are many meetings at the cofees, with constant disputes among criollos and peninsulars, generating many knife injuries, because nobody is allowed to take muskets or swords out of the barracks. - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 404 Spanish: No menciona la sustitución de la Junta de Sevilla por el Consejo de Regencia, aunque estaba ya en su conocimiento.
English: He does not mention the substitution of the Junta of Seville by the Regency Council, even thought it was of his knowledge. - ^ (Anonymous) López, p. 31 Spanish: Dice que en sus manos está segura la patria, y que se va a poner de acuerdo con Abascal, con Sanz y con Nieto para formar un gobierno que represente aquí a Fernando VII. ¡Qué badulaque!
English: He says that in his hands the nation is secure, and that he will arrange with Abascal, Sanz and Nieto to appoint a government to represent Ferdinand VII here. What a dork! - ^ Luna, Moreno, pp. 85-86
- ^ (Anonymous) López, p. 31 Spanish: Al momento se fueron a ver al Alcalde Lezica y le exigieron un Cabildo Abierto, amenazándole de que si no se cita al vecindario acudirán todos a la Plaza Mayor con las tropas y con el pueblo para deponer al virrey, y nombrar un gobierno de patriotas.
English: They saw major Lezica right away and demanded an open cabildo, threatening that if the neighbourhood is not cited they would all march to the main plaza with the troops and the people to depose the viceroy, and appoint a government of patriots. - ^ (Saavedra) López, p. 44 Spanish: La cosa es tan seria, señor alcalde, que yo mismo estoy ya sindicado de traidor porque contengo a los paisanos, aconsejándoles moderación hasta que ustedes llamen al pueblo por los resortes legítimos. Si ustedes no me ayudan, y si para el lunes 21 no se convoca al pueblo, no me queda más remedio que ponerme a su cabeza, y ¡qué sé yo lo que vendrá! Ustedes serán los responsables de lo que suceda.
English: The thing is so serious, Mr. Mayor, that even I am considered a traitor by containing the people, suggesting them moderation until you call the people by the legal ways. If you do not help me, and if monday 21 the people is not called, I will have no other option than to lead them, and who knows what will come out of it! You would be the responsibles of what happens then. - ^ (Arzac) López, p. 32 Spanish: Que quiso, o que no quiso, Lezica vio que la cosa iba muy seria; y rogó que le dieran tiempo para conferenciar con el virrey y para reducirlo a prestar su consentimiento al Cabildo Abierto; haciendo presente a nuestros amigos que de otro modo el caso sería ya de una rebelión manifiesta y que eso lo debíamos dejar para el último extremo.
English: Whenever he wanted it or not, Lezica understood that things were very serious, and asked for time to deal with the viceroy and get his consent for the Open Cabildo; reminding our friends that otherwise it would be an open rebellion and that should be left as a last resource. - ^ (Belgrano) López, pp. 44–45 Spanish: Y dígale usted de nuestra parte que si el lunes no hay Cabildo Abierto, obraremos de nuestra cuenta; sin consideración a nadie, porque esto no admite vacilaciones ni términos medios: el pueblo quiere ser soberano y libre.
English: And tell him in our name that if by Monday there is no Open Cabildo we shall act on our own; without stopping for anyone, because this does not allow doubts or middle ground options: the people want to be sovereign and free. - ^ Galasso, p. 49 Spanish: Leiva, por su parte, se convierte en amigo de los revolucionarios [...] mientras también aparece como amigo y consejero ante el virrey.
English: Leiva, by his part, becomes a friend of the revolutionaries [...] while he also appears as a friend and counselor to the viceroy. - ^ (Arzac) López, p. 45 Spanish: Se convino que Terrada con J. R. Balcarce, Bustos y Díaz Vélez, tomasen el mando de los granaderos que daban guardia en el Fuerte; que se apoderasen de todas las llaves de las entradas, mientras los demás subían a los salones del virrey.
English: It was arranged that Terrada, with J. R. Balcarce, Bustos and Díaz Vélez would take command of the grenadiers guarding the Fort; secure all entrance keys, while the others headed to the viceroy halls. - ^ Saavedra, pp. 61-62Spanish: Señor, son muy diversas las épocas del 1º de enero de 1809 y la de mayo de 1810, en que nos hallamos. En aquella existía la España, aunque ya invadida por Napoleón; en ésta, toda ella, todas sus provincias y plazas están subyugadas por aquel conquistador, excepto solo Cádiz y la isla de León, como nos aseguran las gacetas que acaban de venir y V.E. en su proclama de ayer. ¿Y qué, señor? ¿Cádiz y la isla de León son España? Este territorio inmenso, sus millones de habitantes, han de reconocer soberanía en los comerciantes de Cádiz y en los pescadores de la isla de León? ¿Los derechos de la Corona de Castilla a que se incorporaron las Américas, han recaído en Cádiz y la isla de León, que son una parte de una de las provincias de Andalucía? No señor, no queremos seguir la suerte de la España, ni ser dominados por los franceses, hemos resuelto reasumir nuestros derechos y conservarnos por nosotros mismos. El que a V.E. dio autoridad para mandarnos ya no existe; de consiguiente usted tampoco la tiene ya, así que no cuente con las fuerzas de mi mando para sostenerse en ella.
English: Sir, January 1, 1809, and May 1810, in which we find ourselves, are very different times. At that time Spain had already invaded by Napoleon. All of Spain, all of its provinces and places but Cadiz and the Isle of León, are subjugated by that conqueror, as the newspapers that just arrived, and the Viceroy, in his proclamation of yesterday, say. And what, sir? Cadiz and the Isle of León are the whole of Spain? This immense territory, its millions of inhabitants, have to acknowledge sovereignty to the merchants of Cadiz and the fishermen of the Isle of León? Have the rights of the Crown of Castile, who conquered the Americas, fallen to Cadiz and the Isle of Leon, which are just part of one of the provinces of Andalucia? No sir, we do not want to follow the fortunes of Spain, nor be dominated by the French. We have decided to resume our duties and keep to ourselves. Those who had given the Viceroy the authority to rule us no longer exist; consequently, you don't have the authority any more. Do not count on the strength of my command to hold it. - ^ Martín Rodrígez, autobiography, cited by de Titto, p. 331 Spanish: Resultó el nombramiento en el doctor Castelli y yo, y para asegurarnos mejor, pedimos que el comandante de granaderos de infantería Terrada, fuese con nosotros; pues su batallón estaba acuartelado en el fuerte, y bajo los balcones del mismo Cisneros, y como en él había muchos oficiales españoles, temíamos que, al momento de la intimación, se asomase Cisneros a un balcón, llamase a los granaderos y nos hiciese amarrar.
English: The appointment was on doctor Castelli and me, and to secure ourselves, we asked that the commander of infantry grenadiers Terrada come with us, because his batallion was in the barracks of the fort, under the window of Cisneros himself, and as there were many Spanish officers in the fort, we feared that when we faced him Cisneros would look out the window, call the grenadiers and take us prisoners. - ^ Luna, ...Juan José Castelli, p. 70 Spanish: Rodríguez, que está exaltado, reclama una urgente contestación al pedido de Cabildo Abierto.
English: Rodriguez, who is outraged, demands an urgent reply to the request for an open cabildo. - ^ Luna, ...Juan José Castelli, p. 71 Spanish: Ofuscado e impotente, Cisneros sólo puede decir "Puesto que el pueblo no me quiere y el ejército me abandona, hagan ustedes lo que quieran"
English: Resented and impotent, Cisneros could only say "As the people does not want me and the army leaves me, you can do as you wish" - ^ a b c Buena Ventura Arzac (1810 (original date), 1896). "Buenos Aires, domingo 20 de mayo de 1810 a la una de la noche". La gran semana de 1810. Carlos Casavalle Editor. Retrieved January 27, 2010.
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(help) - ^ Juan Andrés Pueyrredón (1810). "San Isidro, 21 de mayo de 1810". La gran semana de 1810. Carlos Casavalle Editor. Retrieved January 27, 2010.
- ^ (Annonymous) López, p. 36 Spanish: Saavedra se había enojado mucho y anduvo muy inquieto toda la noche del viernes, repitiendo que era preciso contener al populacho y a los desaforados que lo animaban a tales extremos; pero que el oficial le repetía también: "No se engañe, coronel, la cosa no se puede atajar; y estoy cierto que si usted se empeña en contenerlos, a usted mismo lo han de hacer a un lado. Reflexione bien lo que va a hacer."
English: Saavedra was very angry and stayed nervous all Friday night, repeating that it was needed to contain the mob and the partisans that prompted him to extreme actions, but the official repeated him as well "Do not deceive yourself, colonel, this can not be stopped, and I'm sure that if you go on n containing them, they will turn you aside as well. Tink well what are you going to do". - ^ Pigna, p. 232 Spanish: El clima se fue caldeando y tuvo que intervenir [...] Cornelio Saavedra, que logró calmarlos garantizándoles el apoyo militar a sus reclamos.
English: The mood were becoming more violent, and Cornelio Saavedra had to take action, who calmed people down by guaranteeing military support to their demands. - ^ Pigna, p. 233 Spanish: Parece que don Agustín imprimió unas cuantas tarjetas de más y las repartió entre sus compañeros, que reemplazaron a varios realistas, que no pudieron ingresar.
English: It seems that Mr. Agustín printed many more invitations and distributed them among his teammates, who replaced many royalists, who could not get inside. - ^ Luna, ...Juan José Castelli, p. 75 Spanish: La misma noche del día 21, Castelli, Martín Rodríguez, Domingo French y Antonio Berutti recorrieron los cuarteles, arengando a las tropas, que a la mañana siguiente, se apostaron en los puntos estratégicos de la Plaza para controlar el acceso al Cabildo.
English: The night of the 21st, Castelli, Martín Rodríguez, French, and Beruti visited the barracks, haranguing the troops, who the next morning would position themselves at strategic points in the Plaza to control access to the Cabildo. - ^ a b "Actas capitulares desde el 21 hasta el 25 de Mayo de 1810, en Buenos Aires". Actas Capitulares. Buenos Aires cabildo. 23 May 1810 (original publication). Retrieved 2 January 2010.
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(help) - ^ Saavedra, p. 62 Spanish: Concurrieron todas las corporaciones eclesiásticas y civiles; un crecido número de vecinos y un inmenso pueblo, don Pascual Ruiz Huidobro y todos los comandantes y jefes de los cuerpos de la guarnición. Las tropas estaban fijas en sus respectivos cuarteles con el objeto de acudir donde la necesidad lo demandase.
English: All the civil and religious groups assisted; a growing number of residents and a huge population, Mr. Pascual Ruiz Huidobro, and all the commanders and chiefs of the garrisoned bodies. The troops were fixed in their respective barracks ready to march where they were needed. - ^ (Rezabal) López, pp. 51-53 Spanish: Usted comprenderá bien los temores que me asaltan desde que, por el suceso del 1° del año pasado, quedé sindicado y perseguido por el partido de Liniers, que a las claras es el que se ha declarado ahora contra el señor virrey y contra nosotros los europeos.
English: You shall understand well my fears since, after the event of the 1º of the former year, I was accused and harassed by the party of Liniers, who is clearly who have declared itself against the viceroy and us Europeans. - ^ (Rezabal) López, pp. 51-53 Spanish: los facciosos y alborotadores del día estaban resueltos a no permitir el Cabildo Abierto en la forma en que se ha citado, limitándolo a la parte sana y principal del pueblo, sino que exigían que se admitiese en él a la tropa y a los hijos de familia que andan todos rebelados contra sus padres, siguiendo el funesto ejemplo que se les dio el año seis contra el Excmo. señor Sobremonte de donde viene toda la corrupción y desquicio en que hoy nos hallamos envueltos.
English: The rioters of the day are decided not to allow to open cabildo in the established manner, limiting it to the healthy and main portion of the city, but they demanded the inclusion of the troops and sons of family, who are all rebelled against their parents, following the infamous example set at the year six against Sobremonte, source of all the corruption and madness in which we are now - ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 32 Spanish: Aunque la idea de que, cesada la autoridad legítima, el pueblo podía recomponerla por su voluntad era relativamente común en la doctrina escolástica española, en la Ilustración y en la filosofía racionalista, hacer de este principio un elemento activo, operativo, era revolucionario.
English: Although the idea that if legitimate authority ceased the population could reconstruct it by its will was relatively commonplace in Spanish scholastic doctrine and in rationalist philosophy, making this principle an active and operative element was revolutionary. - ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 34 Spanish: En el curso del debate se habían definido tres corrientes: la españolista, la revolucionaria, y una intermedia o moderada, capitaneada por el cura de Monserrat.
English: During the debate three lines were defined: the Spanish, the revolutionary, and an intermediate or moderated, captained by the bishop of Monserrat - ^ Pigna, p. 234 Spanish: No solamente no hay por qué hacer novedad con el virrey, sino que aún cuando no quedase parte alguna de la España que no estuviese sojuzgada, los españoles que se encontrasen en la América deben tomar y reasumir el mando de ellas y que éste sólo podría venir a manos de los hijos del país cuando ya no hubiese un español en él. Aunque hubiese quedado un solo vocal de la Junta Central de Sevilla y arribase a nuestras playas, lo deberíamos recibir como al Soberano.
- ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 32 Spanish: Dos ideas fundamentales lucen en el discurso de Castelli: caducidad del gobierno legítimo [...] y reversión o retroversión de la soberanía en el pueblo de Buenos Aires.
English: Two main ideas appear in Castelli's speech: caducity of the legitimate government [...] and reversion or reroversion of the sovereignty on the people of Buenos Aires. - ^ Pigna, p. 236 Spanish: Nadie ha podido reputar por delincuente a la nación entera, ni a los individuos que han abierto sus opiniones políticas. Si el derecho de conquista pertenece, por origen, al país conquistador, justo sería que la España comenzase por darle la razón al reverendo obispo abandonando la resistencia que hace a los franceses y sometiéndose, por los mismos principios con que se pretende que los americanos se sometan a las aldeas de Pontevedra. La razón y la regla tienen que ser iguales para todos. Aquí no hay conquistados ni conquistadores, aquí no hay sino españoles. Los españoles de España han perdido su tierra. Los españoles de América tratan de salvar la suya. Los de España que se entiendan allá como puedan y que no se preocupen, los americanos sabemos lo que queremos y adónde vamos. Por lo tanto propongo que se vote: que se subrogue otra autoridad a la del virrey que dependerá de la metrópoli si ésta se salva de los franceses, que será independiente si España queda subyugada.
- ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 408 Spanish: ...la fórmula decisiva, pues, fue esta y primó en buena parte de los concurrentes a la reunión: Melchor Fernández, [...] Juan León Ferragut, [...] Joaquín Grigera.
English: ...the key option, thus, was this one and it prevailed among a great portion of the assistants of the meeting: Melchor Fernández, [...] Juan León Ferragut, [...] Joaquín Grigera. - ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 32 Spanish: Era una hábil chicana: aceptarla implicaba perder la enorme ventaja de la oportunidad y postergar el cambio a un tiempo indefinido que podría estar encuadrado por circunstancias muy diferentes.
English: It was an intelligent trick: accepting it would mean losing the huge advantage of the opportunity, and would delay any changes until some undefined time, when circumstances might be very different. - ^ Pigna, p. 237 Spanish: Juan José Paso: "Dice muy bien el señor Fiscal, que debe ser consultada la voluntad general de los demás pueblos del Virreinato; pero piénsese bien que en el actual estado de peligros a que por su situación local se ve envuelta esta capital, ni es prudente ni conviene el retardo que importa el plan que propone. Buenos Aires necesita con mucha urgencia sea cubierto de los peligros que la amenazan, por el poder de la Francia y el triste estado de la Península. Para ello, una de las primeras medidas debe ser la inmediata formación de la junta provisoria de gobierno a nombre del señor don Fernando VII; y que ella proceda sin demora a invitar a los demás pueblos del Virreinato a que concurran por sus representantes a la formación del gobierno permanente"
English: Juan José Paso: "Rightly says Mr. Prosecutor, that the general will of the other peoples of the Viceroyalty must be consulted, but as we think about the current threats to this capital due to its local situation, the proposed plan is neither prudent nor appropriate due to the delays it involves. Buenos Aires very urgently needs to be sheltered from the dangers that threaten it, derived from the power of France and the sad state of the Peninsula. For this, one of the first steps should be the immediate conformation of an interim government Junta in the name of Don Ferdinand VII, so that it would proceed without delay to invite the other peoples of the Viceroyalty to join a permanent government through their representatives." - ^ Luna, Breve..., p. 62 Spanish: Buenos Aires obtuvo el derecho de introducir este cambio substancial en la estructura de poder virreinal, bajo la condición de convocar después a las otras jurisdicciones y pedirles su opinión.
English: Buenos Aires got the right to inroduce this substancial change in the structure of the viceroyalty, under the condition of calling the other jurisdictions and requesting their opinions afterwards. - ^ (Annonimous) López, p. 92 Spanish: Passo (sic) procuró rebatirlo, invocando el caso de urgencia, con la teoría jurídica del "negotiorum gestor". Buenos Aires, dijo, que es la hermana mayor de esas provincias y vecindarios, cuyos derechos se invoca, se encuentra de improviso con que todo el gobierno de la monarquía se ha derrumbado en derredor suyo. No hay rey, no hay sucesor, no hay nación española.
English: Passo (sic) tried to refute it, pointing the urgency, using the juridic theory of the "negotiorum gestio". Buenos Aires, he said, who is the eldest sister of this provinces, calling their rights, suddenly finds that the monarchic government has fallen. There is no king, no successor, no Spanish nation. - ^ Luna, Breve..., p. 62 Spanish: Oportunamente, la persona beneficiada se enterará, pero en principio se actúa como buen padre de familia o hermano mayor.
English: In due time, the benefited person will know about it, but in principle things are managed like a good parental figure or elder brother. - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 408 Spanish: Se adhirieron a su criterio 19 de los presentes, entre ellos Manuel Alberti, Azcuénaga, Antonio José de Escalada, Cosme Argerich, Juan Pedro de Aguirre.
English: 19 of the people supported his rationale, among them Manuel Alberti, Azcuénaga, Antonio José de Escalada, Cosme Argerich, Juan Pedro de Aguirre. - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 409 Spanish: La fórmula comprende la de Castelli, e incluye a los que dieron el voto con el agregado favorable al síndico.
English: The proposal includes that of Castelli, including those who voted with the attachment favourable to the Cabildo. - ^ Belgrano, Spanish: Allí presidió el orden; una porción de hombres estaban preparados para la señal de un pañuelo blanco, atacar á los que quisieran violentarnos [...] pero nada fué preciso, porque todo caminó con la mayor circunspección y decoro.
English: There was order, a portion of men were prepared to attack those who may want to hurt us at the signal of a white cloth [...] but none of that was needed, because everything run with the most circumspection and propriety. - ^ Galasso, El Pueblo..., pp. 59-60
- ^ Galasso, "El pueblo...", pp. 61-62
- ^ Pigna, p. 238 Spanish: Hecha la regulación con el más prolijo examen resulta de ella que el Excmo. Señor Virrey debe cesar en el mando y recae éste provisoriamente en el Excmo. Cabildo [...] hasta la erección de una Junta que ha de formar el mismo Excmo. Cabildo, en la manera que estime conveniente.
English: With the most careful examination, it turns out that the Honorable Viceroy must cease to control. Power rests provisionally on the Honorable [...] council to the erection of a Board, which is to be formed by the Cabildo, in the manner it deems appropriate. - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 410 Spanish: "Se hace saber al público, por medio del presente bando, para su gobierno e inteligencia, y que desechen cualesquiera deseos que hayan podido infundirle las últimas infaustas noticias recibidas de la península; bien entendido que este exmo. Cabildo procederá inmediatamente a la elección de la Junta que haya de encargarse del mando superior hasta que se congregue a los diputados que se convocarán de las provincias"
English: "Let the public know, by the current message, for its government and intelligence, and to dismiss any wishes causes by the infamous news from the peninsula; well understanded that this Cabildo will proceed right away to the election of a Junta that would manage the higher leadership until the arrival of the deputies that will be called from the provinces. - ^ Abad de Santillán, p. 410 Spanish: El 24 determinó el Cabildo que continúe en el mando el excelentisimo señor virrey Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, asociado a los señores Juan Nepomuceno de Solá, Juan José Castelli, Cornelio Saavedra y José Santos de Inchaurregui.
English: On the 24th the Cabildo ruled that the viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros would stay in government, associated with Juan Nepomuceno de Solá, Juan José Castelli, Cornelio Saavedra and José Santos de Inchaurregui. - ^ (Annonimous) López, p 64 Spanish: Lo único que te puedo decir es que hoy ha tenido lugar la comedia de la instalación del nuevo Gobierno encabezado por el virrey.
English: The only thing I can say is that today it took place the comedy of the establishment of the new government headed by the viceroy. - ^ (Moreno) López, p. 60 Spanish: Yo le juro a usted que si esto no se ataja, no quiero saber de nada, ni he de salir ya de mi casa para nada. No cuenten conmigo.
English: I swear to you that if all this is not contained, I don't want to know anything else, nor I would leave my home for anything. Do not count with me. - ^ (Tagle) López, p. 60 Spanish: Miren ustedes; Castelli debe aceptar. Fíjense ustedes en que si don Cornelio ha hecho lo que se sospecha, habrá sido por debilidad o por inadvertencia, y que no se le debe dejar solo. Nuestra única garantía, pues, es de que lo acompañe Juan José mientras nos desenvolvemos y obra el pueblo. Castelli impedirá toda medida peligrosa: asistirá al conciliábulo, le mostrará a don Cornelio el abismo a que nos llevan, le hará oír la voz del patriotismo y cómo es que quieren abusar de su rectitud y de su ánimo moderado, para perdernos; y don Cornelio es hombre que desde que se aperciba de todo esto, ha de volver sobre sus pasos y se ha de poner todo entero con nosotros: yo tendré confianza en él, desde que éste -designando a Castelli-, esté a su lado y entre a la Junta del virrey.
English: Consider it, Castelli must accept. Consider that if don Cornelio has done what we suspect, it must have been out of weakness or naivety, and he must not be left alone. Our sole guarantee, thus, is that Luan Jose joins him while we work and the people riots. Castelli will prevent any dangeroud measure, he will join the group, he will point don Cornelio the abyss they lead us to, he will make him hear the voice of patriotism, and how they want to abuse of his moral strength and moderated manners, to defeat us; and don Cornelio is a man that would go backwards when he realizes all this, joining us in fully: I will trust him, as long as him (Castelli) is by his side and joins the junta of the viceroy. - ^ Pigna, p. 238 Spanish: Si nosotros nos comprometemos a sostener esa combinación que mantiene en el gobierno a Cisneros, en muy pocas horas tendríamos que abrir fuego contra nuestro pueblo, nuestros mismos soldados nos abandonarían; todos sin excepción reclaman la separación de Cisneros.
English: If we pledge to sustain a combination that keeps Cisneros in government, within a few hours we would have to open fire against our people; our soldiers may leave us; everyone without exception is demanding the removal of Cisneros. - ^ (Arzac) López, p. 66 Spanish: don Cornelio y Castelli le dijeron a Cisneros, que por mejor voluntad que tuvieran para acompañarlo, les era imposible responder del orden público: que el pueblo estaba armado, concentrado en los cuarteles, resuelto a derrocar al gobierno y hacer una revolución si el virrey no renunciaba en aquella misma noche: que su influjo era nulo para evitar esto; y que ni el uno podría contener a sus amigos, ni el otro contener a su propio regimiento, que estaba ya sublevado y decidido a seguir a sus oficiales.
English: Don Cornelio and Castelli told Cisneros that, no matter the good will they may offer, it was impossible for them to control the public order: that the people was armed, in the barracks, ready to depose the government and make a revolution if the viceroy did not resign that same night: that their influence to stop this was null, and neither one could contain his friends nor the other his own regiment, which was already mutinied and decided to follow their officials. - ^ (Arzac) López, p. 68 Spanish: Hemos mandado llamar a Moreno, pero nos ha contestado con Boizo que después de lo que ha pasado, no saldrá de su casa para nada. Peña y Castelli se han reído, y cuentan con que ha de ayudarnos cuando vea que la cosa se hará a su gusto.
English: We have called Moreno, but he has replied through Bozio that after what has happened he will not eave his home for anything. Peña and Castelli laughed, and counted that he will help us when he see that things develop as he wishes. - ^ "18 de Mayo – Día de la Escarapela Argentina" (in Spanish). Mercedes, Corrientes: Mi Mercedes. 17/05/2008. Retrieved February 5, 2010.
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(help) - ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 37 Spanish: Se sabía que el Cabildo rechazaría la dimisión del virrey, y así fue a primera hora.
English: It was known that the Cabildo might reject the viceroy's resignation, and that was in the early hours. - ^ (Arzac) López, p. 67 Spanish: dicen que no admiten la renuncia: que nosotros no somos pueblo, y que no tenemos derecho de influir en la menor innovación de lo que está resuelto y hecho; que teniendo la Junta el mando de las armas, está estrechada a sujetar con ella a los descontentos, y a tomar contra nosotros providencias prontas y vigorosas; y que de lo contrario, el ayuntamiento hace responsables a los Miembros de la Junta de las consecuencias que puedan venir por cualquier variación de lo ya resuelto. ¿Qué tal? Esto se llama ser mentecatos.
English: They say that they do not accept the resignation: that we are not population, and that we have no right to influence over the slightest innovation of what is ruled and done; that the Junta, having the command of weapons, it is compelled to contain with them the discontents and take against us swift and strong measures, and that otherwise the cabildo would make the members of the Junta accountable of the possible consequences for change to what is already ruled. What about it? that is called to be a goof. - ^ (Argerich) López, p. 71 Spanish: En el momento se adelantaron Beruti, Chiclana, French y el doctor Grela. Pancho Planes iba también a entrar, pero Leiva le puso la mano y le dijo: -No amigo mío, usted es muy loco para este negocio; con estos caballeros hay lo bastante pues son hombres de representación, y lo mejor es que no haya tantos con quien hablar.
English: At that moment Beruti, Chiclana, French and doctor Grela step forward. Pancho Planes was about to go inside as well, but Leiva hold him and said. -No my friend, you are very mad for this business, this men are enough as they are representative men,and it's better if there aren't so much people to speak to. - ^ (Argerich) López, p. 71 Spanish: En esto, el doctor Planes se había introducido furtivamente en la sala, y con todo atrevimiento, levantó la voz
English: By then, doctor Planes had sneaked into the hall, and with great audacity he raised his voice - ^ (Argerich) López, p. 71 Spanish: El Cabildo objetó que aquello era variar todo el orden de la monarquía sin consultar a los demás pueblos del virreinato; pero French y Chiclana contestaron que no, porque en esa misma representación se decía que se convocará un congreso nombrado por todos esos pueblos con libertad.
English: The Cabildo complained that this would modify all the structure of the monarchy without consulting the other cities of the viceroyalty; but French and Chiclana denied so, because that very same representation said that it called for a Congress appointed by all such cities in freedom. - ^ (Beruti) López, p. 76 Spanish: ...e1 pueblo ha reasumido la autoridad que había trasmitido, y es su voluntad que la Junta de Gobierno se componga de los sujetos que él quiere nombrar...
English: the people have resumed the authority it had transmited, and it is its will that the Junta be composed of the individuals it wish to appoint... - ^ a b Crow, p. 457
- ^ Luna, Independencia..., p. 37 Spanish: ...los nombres rubricados de French y de Beruti, cada uno agregando "Por mí y por seiscientos más".
- ^ (Beruti) López, p. 78 Spanish: El pueblo en cuyo nombre hablamos está armado en los cuarteles y una gran parte del vecindario espera en otras partes la voz de alarma para venir aquí. Quieren ustedes verlo, toquen la campana, y si es que no tienen el badajo, nosotros tocaremos generala, y verán ustedes la cara de ese pueblo, cuya presencia echan de menos. ¡Sí o no! pronto, señores: decidirlo ahora mismo porque no estamos dispuestos a sufrir demoras y engaños, pero si volvemos con las armas en la mano, no respondemos de nada.
English: The people, in whose name we talk, is armed in the barracks and a great portion of the neighbourhood awaits at other places the voice of alarm to come here. If you want to see it, ring the bell, and if it is not installed, we shall call to arms, and you shall see the face of that population whose presence you miss. Yes or no! quick, men, decide right now, because we are not ready to suffer delays and deceptions, but if we return with the weapons in our hands, we will not answer about anything. - ^ (Leiva and the Junta) López, p. 79 Spanish: -La segunda que el Cabildo quede con la autoridad necesaria para vigilar la conducta de los miembros de la Junta./-¡No, señor, no queremos, negado!/-Pero, señores, el Cabildo no procederá en eso sino con justa causa./El pueblo gritaba ¡bueno! y ¡negado!, sin que fuera posible averiguar si aceptaba o no./-La tercera que no se impongan nuevas contribuciones./-De acuerdo./-Y que la Junta llene las vacantes por elección en su seno./-De acuerdo.
English: -The second, that the cabildo keeps the needed authority to watch the conductof the members of the Junta./-No, sir, we don't accept, denied!/-But, sirs, the Cabildo will not proceed in that unless with a just cause./-The people shouted "Ok!" and "Denied!", without it being possible to check if they accepted or not./-Third, no new taxes./-Accepted./-And that the Junta fills the vacancies with elections inside itself./-Accepted. - ^ Félix Luna, La Independencia..., pp. 47-48
- ^ Santillán, pp. 417-433
- ^ Santillán, pp. 424-426
- ^ Santillán, p. 516
- ^ Luna, "La independencia...", pp. 108-116
- ^ Luna, "La independencia...", pp.77-86
- ^ Luna, "La independencia...", pp. 116-126
- ^ Luna, Breve..., pp.65-66 Spanish: Desde luego fue un cambio lento, que se fue afirmando a través de medidas de gobierno y del pensamiento de algunos dirigentes, pero un cambio que apuntaba a la formación de una sociedad republicana y democrática.
English: Of course it was a slow change, which was strengthen by government rulings and the thought of some leaders, but it was a change moving towards the creation of a republican and democratic society. - ^ Sarmiento, p. 79
- ^ Luna, Breve..., pp. 66-67 Spanish: Su gran defecto, sin embargo, se vinculaba a la grandeza del territorio: el virreinato se componía de elementos muy heterogéneos, cuyos climas, producciones, pueblos, mentalidades e intereses eran distintos entre sí, y en algunos casos contradictorios. Como el virreinato duró solamente treinta años, no hubo tiempo para que sus elementos fraguasen convirtiéndolo en una nación con conciencia de sí misma.
English: Its main flaw, however, was related to the huge size of its territory: the viceroyalty was composed of heterogeneous components, whose climates, productions, peoples, thoughts and desires were different between each oter and even contradictory. As the viceroyalty lasted only 30 years, there was no time for those components to melt into a self-aware nation. - ^ Shumway, pp. 3-4
- ^ Dómina, pp. 84, 85
- ^ Archer, pp. 3-5
- ^ Gelman, P. 32 Spanish: ...muchos buscan el objetivo de justificar acciones en las que cumplieron algún rol o se inclinan partidariamente por algunos personajes o grupos de acuerdo con sus afinidades políticas.
English: ...many seek to justify actions in which they were involved, or they support the party of some peoples or groups according to their political ideas. - ^ Gelman, pp. 53-54 Spanish: Estas memorias fueron escritas con un fin claro: son un alegato para Europa a favor de la Revolución, y personifican este proceso en la figura del secretario de la Primera Junta de Mayo
English: Those memoirs were written with a clear purpose: they are a pleading to Europe for the revolution, personifying this process in the figure of the secretary of the Primera Junta of May. - ^ Saavedra, pp. 105-106 Spanish: He concluido esta breve memoria que dejo a mis hijos para que sepan la historia de su padre [...], si después de mi fallecimiento la calumnia, la detracción y la maledicencia volviesen a acometerlo [...] a ellos es que con especialidad incumbe estar en centinela ante mi sepulcro, para que la calumnia no llegue a perturbar el reposo de mis cenizas
English: I have concluded this brief memoir I leave to my sons so they know the history of ther father [...], if after my decease the libel attack me again [...] it will be their special duty to stay as centinels before my tomb, so that libel does not disturb the rest of my ashes. - ^ Poli Gonzalvo, pp. 19-20
- ^ Poli Gonzalvo, p. 22
- ^ Gelman, p. 191 Spanish: ...los temas que estudiaron estos intelectuales presentan una fuerte continuidad con los que ocuparon a sus predecesores...
English: ...the topics that those intellectuals studied show a strong continuity with the ones that kept their predecesors busy... - ^ Gelman, p. 16 Spanish: La "Nación", la "República", se habían de constituir necesariamente hacia 1810. Aunque las fuerzas que llevaran a ese resultado podían variar, [...] no se discutía ese carácter necesario de la revolución.
English: The "Nation", the "Republic", would have by force to be constitued by 1810. Although the forces that led to this result may vary, [...] it was not discussed such necessary character of the revolution. - ^ Gelman, p.17 Spanish: en casi todos los casos se acuerda en que se llegó a donde se tenía que llegar necesariamente.
English: in almost all cases it was agreed in that it came where it necessarily had to come. - ^ Gelman, p. 191 Spanish: Desde diferentes miradas, varios de los autores de este período llevan a un primer plano la participación de los sectores populares en la revolución.
English: From different viewpoints, many authors of this period take to a priority importance the involvement of popular factions in the revolution. - ^ Gelman, p. 256 Spanish: ...la consolidación en la década de 1930 de la "tradición liberal" que luego será llamada "historia oficial". Muestras de ello son la elevación de Ricardo Levene por parte del estado al sitial de gran historiador nacional y el encargo que aquel hizo a la Junta de Historia y Numismática, pronto convertida en Academia Nacional de la Historia, de elaborar una historia argentina "definitiva".
English: ...the consolidation in the 1930s of the "liberal tradition" that will later be called "official history". Examples of this are the raising of Ricardo Levene by the state to the seat of great national historian and the charge that he made to the Junta of History and Numismatics, then transformed into a Academia Nacional de la Historia, to develop a "definitive" history of Argentina. - ^ Gelman, p.257 Spanish: ...matizando la idea de un enfrentamiento entre criollos y españoles en la revolución...
English: ...minimizing the idea of a clash between criollos and Spanish in the revolution... - ^ Gelman, p.257 Spanish: El posicionamiento revisionista no centró su atención inicial en el período de la independencia, sino que, en los años 1930, se dedicó sobre todo a exaltar la figura de Juan Manuel de Rosas...
English: The revisionist doctrine did not focus their initial attention in the independence period but, in the 1930 years, worked above all in promoting the image of Juan Manuel de Rosas... - ^ Galasso, pp. 86-87 Spanish: Desde el principio no hay un solo "Mayo" con perfil indiscutido e inequívoco, sino muy diversos "Mayos" que pronto entrarán en colisión. El Mayo revolucionario de los "chisperos" y Moreno, [...] el Mayo timorato y conservador de Saavedra [...] y finalmente el Mayo librecambista, antiespañol y probritánico [...].
English: Since the beginning there is not a single "May" with a clear and unique profile, but diverse "Mays" that would soon clash. The revolutionary May of Moreno and the rioters [...], the conservative and hesitant May of Saavedra [...] and finally the pro – free trade, Spanishphobic and Anglophile May [...]. - ^ Galasso, p. 87 Spanish: ...acentuando la óptica sobre uno de los sectores intervinientes, Mitre pudo fabricar su mayo liberal, elitista, pro-inglés, realizado por la gente decente con paraguas, cuyo programa era la Representación de los Hacendados y su objetivo incorporarse a Europa.
English: increasing the viewpont over one of the involved factions, Mitre could create his liberal, elitist and nglophile May, made by decent people wth umbrellas, whose platform was the Representation of the Hacendados and the purpose, to join Europe. - ^ Galasso, p. 87 Spanish: ...el revisionismo nacionalista de derecha aceptó el Mayo rupturista de España pero lo signó con un perfil conservador al colocar a Saavedra como principal figura opuesta al presunto iluminismo exótico de Moreno.
English: ...right-wing nationalist revisionism accepted the May that broke with Spain but signed it with a conservative profile by placing Saavedra as main figure opposed to the alleged exotic enlightenment of Moreno. - ^ Galasso, p. 87 Spanish: ...nos quedamos con el Mayo de Moreno y los "chisperos", con la revolución auténtica y profundamente democrática, reivindicadora del esclavo y del indio, defensora por sobre todo de los derechos del pueblo...
English: we stick with the May of Moreno and the rioters, with the authentic and strongly democratic revolution, vindicator of the slave and the indian, defender above all of the rights of the people... - ^ Luna, Félix (2004). "Consecuencias de la asonada". Grandes protagonistas de la historia argentina: Mariano Moreno (in Template:Es). Buenos Aires: Planeta. p. 25. ISBN 950-49-1248-6.
Spanish: El joven abogado sigue fiel a su posición, y sabe que el sector juvenil y republicano del partido patriota lo apoya. Promueve la constitución de una Junta de gobierno autónoma que, enarbolando la máscara de sumisión a Fernando VII, respete la voluntad popular.
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English: The young lawyer remains true to his position, and knows that the young and republican sector of the patriotic party supports him. He promotes the formation of an autonomous government Junta that, while raising the mask of submission to Ferdinand VII, honours the popular will. - ^ Pigna, Felipe (2007). "La Revolución de Mayo". Los mitos de la historia argentina (in Template:Es) (26 ed.). Argentina: Grupo Editorial Norma. p. 243. ISBN 987-545-149-5.
Spanish: La llamada "Máscara de Fernando" era, contrariamente a lo que muchos creen, un acto de clara independencia. Por aquellos días nadie en su sano juicio podía suponer que Napoleón sería derrotado ni que Fernando volvería al trono español y recuperaría sus colonias americanas. Por lo tanto, prometer fidelidad a un rey fantasma—y no a un Consejo de Regencia existente—era toda una declaración de principios que abría el camino hacia una voluntad independentista que no podía explicitarse por las presiones de Gran Bretaña.
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English: The so-called "Mask of Ferdinand" was, contrary to common belief, a clear independentist act. In those days nobody in his right mind could assume that Napoleon would be defeated or that Ferdinand would return to the Spanish throne and retake his American colonies. Thus, to promise fidelity to a ghost king—and not to an existent Regency Council—was a great declaration of principles that paved the way for a will for independence that couldn't be made explicit because of pressure from Great Britain. - ^ Halperín Donghi, Tulio (1999). Historia contemporánea de América Latina (6º ed.). Buenos Aires: Alianza. p. 96. ISBN 950-40-0019-3.
Spanish: ¿Hasta qué punto era sincera esta imagen que la revolución presentaba de sí misma? Exigir una respuesta clara significa acaso no situarse en la perspectiva de 1810. Sin duda había razones para que un ideario independentista maduro prefiriese ocultarse a exibirse: junto al vigor de la tradición de lealismo monárquico entre las masas populares (...) pesaba la coyuntura internacional que obligaba a contar con la benevolencia inglesa.
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English: How sincere was this image that the Revolution presented? To demand a clear answer means perhaps not understanding the 1810 perspective. Undoubtedly there were reasons why a mature independist ideology would prefer to conceal rather than to exhibit itself: besides the strength of the monarchic loyalty tradition among the popular masses (...) weighted the international situation that forced British benevolence. - ^ Kaufmann, p. 49
- ^ a b Kaufmann, p. 59
- ^ Norberto Galasso (May 19, 2005). "El pueblo quiere saber de qué se trató". La Revolución de Mayo (in Spanish). Retrieved January 27, 2010.
- ^ Galasso, Norberto (November 2009). "El deber de reescribir la historia" (Interview). Interviewed by Juan Manuel Fonrouge.
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suggested) (help) Spanish: Hoy, inclusive los profesores de la línea de Halperín Donghi -como L.A. Romero y José Carlos Chiaramonte- admiten que no comparten la versión de la historia mitrista sobre Mayo.
English: Today, even teachers from the line of Halperin Donghi -such as L.A. Romero and José Carlos Chiaramonte- admit that they do not share the Mitrist version of the history of May. - ^ Juan Bautista Alberdi, Mitre al desnudo, Buenos Aires, Coyoacán, 1961, p. 28
- ^ Galasso, p. 23 Spanish: La opresión no era de un país extranjero sobre un grupo racial y culturalmente distinto (cuestión nacional) sino de un sector social sobre otro dentro de una misma comunidad hispanoamericana.
English: The oppression was not from a foreign country over a racial and cultural distinct group (a national issue) but a social faction over another inside the same hispanoameric community. - ^ Galasso, pp. 10-11 [Pero resulta que este dirigente [Larea] de una revolución antiespañola es... ¡español! Y a su lado está Domingo Matheu... ¡también español! Y más allá, Manuel Belgrano y Miguel de Azcuénaga que han nutrido gran parte de su juventud y sus conocimientos en España.] Error: {{Lang-xx}}: text has italic markup (help)
[But it happens that this leader [Larrea] of a Spanishphobic revolution is... Spanish! And Domingo Matheu is next to him... Spanish as well! And over there, Manuel Belgrano and Miguel de Azcuénaga, who had spent most of their youth in Spain.] Error: {{Lang-xx}}: text has italic markup (help) - ^ Galasso, p. 12 [Al regresar [San Martín] al Río de la Plata, de donde había partido a los siete años, era un hombre de 34 años, con 27 de experiencias vitales españolas, desde el lenguaje, las costumbres, la primera novia, el bautismo de fuego y el riesgo de muerte en cada batalla [...]. El San Martín que regresó en 1812 debía ser un español hecho y derecho, y no venía al Río de la Plata pecisamente a luchar contra la nación donde había transcurrido la mayor parte de su vida.] Error: {{Lang-xx}}: text has italic markup (help)
English: When San Martín returns to the Río de la Plata, which he left at seven years old, he was a man 34 years old, with 27 of vital Spanish experiences, such as language, uses, first girlfriend, the baptizm of fire and the risk of death at each battle [...]. The San Martín that returns in 1812 was fully Spanish, and did not come to the Río de la Plata to fight against the nation where he spent most of his life. - ^ Galasso, p. 11 Spanish: Curioso antihispanismo éste [...] que enfrenta a los ejércitos enemigos (que San Martín llama siempre "realistas", "chapetones" o "godos", y no "españoles") enarbolando bandera española...
English: Strange hispanophobia [...] that fights against enemy armies (that San Martín calls "royalists", "chapetones" or "goths", but never "Spanish") under a Spanish flag... - ^ Galasso, p. 18 Spanish: ...el pueblo encuentra al príncipe Fernando, que se ha manifestado en contra de sus propios padres y lo idealiza convirtiéndolo en jefe de la gran regeneración española.
English: ...the people find prince Ferdinand, who had declared himself against his own parents, and idealizes him turning him into the head of the great Spanish regeneration. - ^ Galasso, p. 17 Spanish: La lucha por la democracia, el gobierno del pueblo y los cambios económicos y sociales nace de la postración del pueblo español y de la presión que ejercen, paradójicamente, las ideas que los revolucionarios franceses han expandido por Europa a partir de 1789.
English: the fight for democracy, government of the people and the economic and social changes were generated by the decadence of the Spanish peoples and the pressure from, paradoxically, the ideas that the French revolutionaries promoted across Europe since 1789. - ^ Galasso, Norberto; Pigna, Felipe (2009). "El deber de reescribir la historia" (Interview). Interviewed by Juan Manuel Fonrouge.
When the Spanish democratic revolution is defeated in 1814 and returns to absolutism, repeling the democratic constitution of 1812, rupture becomes necessary. Independence, to avoid falling under absolutism, becomes urgent, as Spain will send two navys to reconquer "their" colonies
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- ^ a b Sigal, Silvia (2010). "Mayo, la disputa por el sentido". Ñ (343). Clarín: 11.
- ^ "Jubany". Marambio Base. 2006. Retrieved May 1, 2011.
- ^ "25 centavos". Central Bank of Argentina. Retrieved May 1, 2011.
- ^ "5 centavos". Central Bank of Argentina. Retrieved May 1, 2011.
Bibliography
- Abad de Santillán, Diego (1965). Historia Argentina (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: TEA (Tipográfica Editora Argentina).
- Archer, Christon (2000). The Wars of Independence in Spanish America. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc. ISBN 0-8420-2469-7.
- Belgrano, Manuel (2009). Manuel Belgrano: Autobiografía y escritos económicos (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Planeta. ISBN 978-950-043189-7.
{{cite book}}
: Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help) - Brownson, Orestes (2007). The American Republic: Constitution, Tendencies, & Destiny. Rockville: Arc Manor. ISBN 978-1-60450-021-9.
{{cite book}}
: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|coauthors=
(help) - Crow, John (1946). The Epic of Latin America. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-077237.
- Dómina, Esteban (2003). Historia mínima de Córdoba (in Spanish). Córdoba: Ediciones del Boulevard. ISBN 978-987-556-023-9.
{{cite book}}
: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|coauthors=
(help) - Fremont-Barnes, Gregory (2002). The Napoleonic wars: the Peninsular War 1807–1814. Great Britain: Osprey Publishing Limited. ISBN 1-84176-370-5.
{{cite book}}
: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|coauthors=
(help) - Galasso, Norberto (2005). La Revolución de Mayo (El pueblo quiere saber de qué se trató) (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Ediciones del pensamiento nacional. ISBN 950-581-798-3.
- Gelman, Jorge (2010). Doscientos años pensando la Revolución de Mayo (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. ISBN 978-950-07-3179-9.
{{cite book}}
: Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help) - Heckscher, Eli (2006). The Continental System: An economic interpretation. New York: Old Chesea Station. ISBN 1-60206-026-6.
{{cite book}}
: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|coauthors=
(help) - Kaufmann, William (1951). British policy and the independence of Latin America, 1804–1828. New York: Yale Historical Publications.
{{cite book}}
: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|coauthors=
(help) - López, Vicente (1966). La gran semana de 1810 (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Librería del colegio (sic).
- Luna, Félix (1994). Breve historia de los Argentinos (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Planeta / Espejo de la Argentina. ISBN 950-742-415-6.
- Luna, Félix (2001). Grandes protagonistas de la Historia Argentina: Juan José Castelli (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Grupo Editorial Planeta. ISBN 950-49-0656-7.
- Luna, Félix (2004). Grandes protagonistas de la Historia Argentina: Manuel Belgrano (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Grupo Editorial Planeta. ISBN 950-49-1247-8.
- Luna, Félix (2004). Grandes protagonistas de la Historia Argentina: Mariano Moreno (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: La Nación. ISBN 950-49-1248-6.
- Luna, Félix (1999). Grandes protagonistas de la Historia Argentina: Santiago de Liniers (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Grupo Editorial Planeta. ISBN 950-49-0357-6.
- Luna, Félix (2003). La independencia argentina y americana (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Planeta. ISBN 950-49-1110-2.
- Mantoux, Paul (2006). The Industrial Revolution in the eighteenth century. Abingdon, Oxfordshire: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-37839-7.
- Mitre, Bartolomé (2008). Historia de Belgrano y de la Independencia Argentina (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Belgranian National Institute. ISBN 978-987-506-142-2.
- Moses, Bernard (1926). The Intellectual Background of the Revolution in South America 1810–1824. New York: Order of the trustees. ISBN 978-1-40671-575-0.
- Pigna, Felipe (2007). Los mitos de la historia argentina (in Spanish) (26 ed.). Argentina: Grupo Editorial Norma. ISBN 987-545-149-5.
- Poli Gonzalvo, Alejandro (2008). Mayo, la revolución inconclusa. Buenos Aires: Emecé Editores S.A. ISBN 978-950-04-3030-2.
- Saavedra, Cornelio (2009). Memoria autógrafa (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Editorial del Nuevo Extremo. ISBN 978-987-609-171-8.
- Sarmiento, Domingo (2003). Facundo. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-08159-5.
- Scenna, Miguel Ángel (2009). Mariano Moreno (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: H. Garetto Editor. ISBN 978-987-1494-05-4.
{{cite book}}
: Check|isbn=
value: checksum (help) - Shumway, Nicolas (1991). The Invention of Argentina. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-08284-2.
- De Titto, Ricardo (2010). Hombres de Mayo (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Grupo Editorial Norma. ISBN 978-987-545-584-9.
External links
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg/30px-Commons-logo.svg.png)