National Organization for Women
|Founded||June 30, 1966|
|Founder||49 people, including Betty Friedan and Pauli Murray|
|Focus||Women's rights, feminism, Equal Rights Amendment, civil rights, LGBT rights, reproductive rights|
|Terry O'Neill, President; Bonnie Grabenhoffer, Action Vice-President; Chitra Panjabi, Membership Vice-President;|
|Slogan||"Taking Action for Women's Equality Since 1966"|
The National Organization for Women (NOW) was founded in 1966 by 28 women at the Third National Conference of Commissions on the Status of Women in June (the successor to the Presidential Commission on the Status of Women), and another 21 women and men who became founders at the October 1966 NOW Organizing Conference, for a total of 49 founders. Both conferences were held in Washington, D.C. The 28 women who became founders in June were: Ada Allness, Mary Evelyn Benbow, Gene Boyer, Shirley Chisholm, Analoyce Clapp, Kathryn F. Clarenbach, Catherine Conroy, Caroline Davis, Mary Eastwood, Edith Finlayson, Betty Friedan, Dorothy Haener, Anna Roosevelt Halstead, Lorene Harrington, Mary Lou Hill, Esther Johnson, Nancy Knaak, Min Matheson, Helen Moreland, Pauli Murray, Ruth Murray, Inka O’Hanrahan, Pauline A. Parish, Eve Purvis, Edna Schwartz, Mary-jane Ryan Snyder, Gretchen Squires, Betty Talkington and Caroline Ware.
They were inspired by the failure of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to enforce Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964; at the Third National Conference of State Commissions on the Status of Women they were prohibited from issuing a resolution that recommended the EEOC carry out its legal mandate to end sex discrimination in employment. They thus gathered in Betty Friedan’s hotel room to form a new organization. On a paper napkin Friedan scribbled the acronym "NOW". The 21 people who became founders in October were: Caruthers Berger, Colleen Boland, Inez Casiano, Carl Degler, Elizabeth Drews, Mary Esther Gaulden (later Jagger), Muriel Fox, Ruth Gober, Richard Graham, Anna Arnold Hedgeman, Lucille Kapplinger (later Hazell), Bessie Margolin, Margorie Palmer, Sonia Pressman (later Fuentes), Sister Mary Joel Read, Amy Robinson, Charlotte Roe, Alice Rossi, Claire R. Salmond, Morag Simchak and Clara Wells.
The founders were frustrated with the way in which the federal government was not enforcing the new anti-discrimination laws. Even after measures like the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, employers were still discriminating against women in terms of hiring women and unequal pay with men. Women’s rights advocates saw that these legal changes were not being enforced and worried that without a feminist pressure group, a type of “NAACP for women,” women would not be able to combat discrimination. NOW was created in order to mobilize women, give women’s rights advocates the power to put pressure on employers and the government, and to promote full equality of the sexes. It hoped to increase the number of women attending colleges and graduate schools, employed in professional jobs instead of domestic or secretarial work, and appointed to federal offices. NOW's Statement of Purpose, which was adopted at its organizing conference in Washington, D.C., on October 29, 1966, declares among other things that "the time has come to confront, with concrete action, the conditions that now prevent women from enjoying the equality of opportunity and freedom of choice which is their right, as individual Americans, and as human beings." NOW was also one of the first women’s organizations to include the concerns of black women in their efforts.
Betty Friedan and Pauli Murray wrote NOW's Statement of Purpose in 1966; the original was scribbled on a napkin by Friedan. Also in 1966, Marguerite Rawalt became a member of NOW, and acted as their first legal counsel. NOW's first Legal Committee consisted of Catherine East, Mary Eastwood, Phineas Indritz, and Caruthers Berger; it was the first to sue on behalf of airline flight attendants claiming sex discrimination.
There were many influences contributing to the rise of NOW. Such influences included the President's Commission on the Status of Women, Betty Friedan's book The Feminine Mystique, and passage and lack of enforcement of the Civil Right Act of 1964 (prohibiting sexual discrimination).
The President's Commission on the Status of Women was established in 1961 by John F. Kennedy, in hopes of providing a solution to female discrimination in education, work force, and Social Security. Kennedy appointed Eleanor Roosevelt as the head of the organization. The goal of action was to compromise those wanting to advance women's rights in the workforce (such as advocates of the Equal Rights Amendment) and those advocating women's domestic importance/role needing to be preserved (such as organized labor groups). The commission was in a way to settle the tension between opposing sides.
Betty Friedan wrote The Feminine Mystique in response to her own experiences. She was a feminist long before her book, by educating herself and deviating from the domestic female paradigm. The book's purpose was to fuel movement to a women's role outside of domestic environment. Acknowledging some satisfaction from raising children, cooking, rearranging house decor was not enough to suffice the deeper desire for women to achieve an education. In an interview, Friedan specifically notes, "There was no activism in that cause when I wrote Feminine Mystique. But I realized that it was not enough just to write a book. There had to be social change. And I remember somewhere in that period coming off an airplane [and] some guy was carrying a sign... It said, "The first step in revolution is consciousness." Well, I did the consciousness with The Feminine Mystique. But then there had to be organization and there had to be a movement. And I helped organize NOW, the National Organization for Women and the National Women's Political Caucus and NARAL, the abortion rights [organization] in the next few years.”
In 1968 NOW issued a Bill of Rights, which they had adopted at their 1967 national conference, advocating the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment, enforcement of the prohibitions against sex discrimination in employment under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, maternity leave rights in employment and in Social Security benefits, tax deduction for home and child care expenses for working parents, child day care centers, equal and non-gender-segregated education, equal job training opportunities and allowances for women in poverty, and the right of women to control their reproductive lives. The NOW bill of rights was included in the 1970 anthology Sisterhood is Powerful: An Anthology of Writings From The Women's Liberation Movement, edited by Robin Morgan.
In 1969 Ivy Bottini, who was openly lesbian, designed the logo for NOW, which is still in use today. The first time lesbian concerns were introduced into NOW also occurred in 1969, when Bottini, who was then president of the New York chapter of NOW, held a public forum titled "Is Lesbianism a Feminist Issue?". However, NOW president Betty Friedan was against lesbian participation in the movement. In 1969 she referred to growing lesbian visibility as a "lavender menace" and fired openly lesbian newsletter editor Rita Mae Brown, and in 1970 she engineered the expulsion of lesbians, including Ivy Bottini, from NOW's New York chapter. In reaction, at the 1970 Congress to Unite Women, on the first evening when all four hundred feminists were assembled in the auditorium, twenty women wearing T-shirts that read "Lavender Menace" came to the front of the room and faced the audience. One of the women then read their group's paper "The Woman-Identified Woman", which was the first major lesbian feminist statement. The group, who later named themselves "Radicalesbians", were among the first to challenge the heterosexism of heterosexual feminists and to describe lesbian experience in positive terms. In 1971 NOW passed a resolution declaring “that a woman’s right to her own person includes the right to define and express her own sexuality and to choose her own lifestyle," as well as a conference resolution stating that forcing lesbian mothers to stay in marriages or to live a secret existence in an effort to keep their children was unjust. That year NOW also committed to offering legal and moral support in a test case involving child custody rights of lesbian mothers. In 1973 the NOW Task Force on Sexuality and Lesbianism was established.
Advocacy of the Equal Rights Amendment was also an important issue to NOW. The amendment had three primary objectives, which were:
“Section 1. Equality of Rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any state on account of sex. Section 2. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. Section 3. This amendment shall take effect two years after the date of ratification.”
Efforts were proven successful when Congress passed the amendment in 1972. However, simply passing the amendment in the two houses of Congress did not mean the work was finished. NOW had to direct the efforts of getting the amendment ratified in at least three-fourths of the states (38 out of the 50 states).
In response to opposing states denying the ratification of the amendment, NOW encouraged members to participate in marches and economic boycotts. “Dozens of organizations supported the ERA and the boycott, including the League of Women Voters, the YWCA of the U.S., the Unitarian Universalist Association, the United Auto Workers (UAW), the National Education Association (NEA), and the Democratic National Committee (DNC).”
As strong as the support was, it was to no avail to the opposition from various groups. These groups included select religious collectives, business/ insurance interests, and most visibly was the STOP-ERA campaign led by antifeminist Phyllis Schlafly. Schlafly argued on the premise of creating equality in work force or anywhere else would hinder the laws that are instilled for the mere protection of these women. The safety of women was a higher priority than ensuring there is equality in financial and social scenarios. Interestingly enough, the predicament over the Equal Rights Amendment was not a fight between men and women who abhor men, but rather two groups of women advocating different perspectives on the nature of their lives. The rivalry was sparked in speeches, such as that of Schlafly who began her dialogue by thanking her husband for allowing her to participate in such an activity.
Even though efforts did not prove to be enough to have the amendment ratified, the organization remains active in lobbying legislatures and media outlets on feminist issues.
Abortion being an individual woman's choice has come into the forefront since the Supreme Court case of Roe v. Wade in 1973. The decision of the court was that it ultimately was the woman's choice in reproduction. However, according to the National Organization for Women, decisions following the 1973 landmark case had substantially limited this right, which culminated their response to encourage the Freedom of Choice Act. The controversy over the landmark case ruling was initiated in the two cases, Gonzales v. Planned Parenthood and Gonzales v. Carhart. These two cases consequently banned abortion methods after 12 weeks of pregnancy.
Gonzalez v. Planned Parenthood and Gonzalez v. Carhart both dealt with the question of whether the 2003 Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act was unconstitutional by violating the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment expressed in the Roe v. Wade case. This act ultimately meant that the “concept of partial-birth abortion as defined in the Act as any abortion in which the death of the fetus occurs when "the entire fetal head [...] or [...] any part of the fetal trunk past the navel is outside the body of the mother” is banned. The Supreme Court ultimately decided 5–4 that it was not unconstitutional and did not hinder a woman's right to an abortion.
National Organization for Women claimed it was a disregard to a basic principle stemming from Roe v. Wade, which was to only have legislative restriction on abortion be justified with the intention of protecting women's health. Hence, the support for the Freedom of Choice Act (FOCA) which primary purpose was to safeguard a woman's access to abortions even if the Roe v. Wade ruling is further disregarded. As of 2013, there are seven states that have made the Freedom of Choice Act state law. FOCA will consequently supersede any other law prohibiting abortion in those seven states. They are: California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Maryland, Nevada, Wisconsin, Maine, and Washington. In addition, Maryland, Nevada, and Washington were the only three states to adhere via ballot initiative.
Succeeding in the enactment of FOCA would ultimately mean fulfilment of three goals for the National Organization for Women. First, asserting a woman's reproductive right. Second, disseminate information to the public audience about threats posed in the two court cases mentioned above. Third, through the dissemination of information to the public, this in return would mobilize efforts to support female rights in multiple areas that will be presented in the future.
Betty Friedan and Pauli Murray wrote the organization's Statement of Purpose in 1966. The statement described the purpose of NOW as "To take action to bring women into full participation in the mainstream of American society now, exercising all privileges and responsibilities thereof in truly equal partnership with men." The six core issues that NOW addresses are abortion and reproductive health services access, violence against women, constitutional equality, promoting diversity/ending racism, lesbian rights, and economic justice, with these issues having various sub-issues. The organization goes about creating these changes through laborious lobbying, rallies, marches, and conferences. NOW focuses on a variety of issues deploying multiple strategies, causing it to be an organization in which a comprehensive goal is envisaged and performed. 
Priorities mentioned above were pursued to ultimately secure constitutional amendments guaranteeing these rights. Even though discrimination on the basis of sex was illegal, the federal government was not taking an active role in enforcing the constitutional amendments and the new policies. NOW sought to apply pressure to employers, local governments, and the federal government to uphold anti-discrimination policies. Through litigation, political pressure, and physical marches, NOW members held an authoritative stance leading to recognition in court cases, such as NOW v. Scheidler and Weeks v. Southern Bell.
NOW v. Scheidler revolved around the issue of racketeering to gain support for anti-abortion groups. NOW was suing the groups for utilization of violence and the threat of violence for garnering support. The violence varied from physical barriers into entrances of abortion clinic to arson and bombings of those clinics. The plaintiff accused the Pro-Life Action Network (PLAN) for unethical seizing the right of women to make decisions about their own bodies, and that this right needed to be defended. The case was a success in terms of the class action suit “brought against terrorists by those they had terrorized”.
However the case was dismissed based on the mere definition of racketeering because racketeering must have an economic inclination, and there was no evidence to prove PLAN had this financial intention. This does not mean it was not a significant case. It brought light and recognition to National Organization for Women and its goals. If anything, it galvanized the organization to strengthen its tactics.
Weeks v. Southern Bell had the same effect, but this is an example where those galvanized efforts proved beneficial. This concerned discriminatory practices against women in the workplace. Lorena Weeks, employee of Southern Bell, claimed she was being discriminated against via exclusion to higher paying positions within the company. Sylvia Roberts acted as her attorney, supporting Week's grievances with the accusation of the company's violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act (1964). Title VII is enabled to "protect individuals against employment discrimination on the bases of race and color, as well as national origin, sex, and religion". With this premise, Weeks, with the aid of Sylvia Roberts, succeeded in 1969 after making an appeal. The trial not only served as the triumph of National Organization of Women, but brought to life legislation made to the intentions of organizations, such as NOW.
The following women have led the National Organization for Women:
- Betty Friedan (1966–1970)
- Aileen Hernandez (1970–1971)
- Wilma Scott Heide (1971–1974)
- Karen DeCrow (1974–1977)
- Eleanor Smeal (1977–1982)
- Judy Goldsmith (1982–1985)
- Eleanor Smeal (1985–1987)
- Molly Yard (1987–1991)
- Patricia Ireland (1991–2001)
- Kim Gandy (2001–2009)
- Terry O'Neill (2009– )
NOW has been criticized by various pro-life, conservative, and fathers' rights groups. During the 1990s, NOW was criticized[who?] for having a double standard when it refused to support Paula Jones in her sexual harassment suit against former Democratic President Bill Clinton, while calling for the resignation of Republican politician (Bob Packwood), who was accused of similar assault by 10 women. (The Jones suit was later dismissed by Republican female judge Susan Webber Wright, who characterized Jones' claim as without merit.) Jones appealed but later dropped her suit after reaching a settlement out of court. Judge Webber Wright later held President Clinton in contempt of court for giving "intentionally false" testimony about his relationship with Monica S. Lewinsky in the Paula Jones lawsuit, marking the first time that a sitting president has been sanctioned for disobeying a court order.
NOW has also been criticized by feminists who claim it is too inclusive, and focuses on liberal policy issues rather than women's rights. NOW has been criticized for not supporting pro-life feminists, as well as other liberal issues, and supporting the Iraq War. Some members, such as LA NOW chapter president Tammy Bruce left NOW, saying they oppose putting liberal and partisan policy positions above equality for all women. Tammy Bruce has attacked NOW for not doing enough to advocate for international women's rights, but instead attacking the George W. Bush White House for their conservative positions. Accusations of putting politics above feminism began in 1982, the year the ERA was defeated, when NOW, under President Judy Goldsmith, fiercely opposed Reaganomics, and endorsed Republican feminist Congresswoman Millicent Fenwick's Democratic opponent in a New Jersey Senate race due to her support of Ronald Reagan's economic agenda.
Additionally, Deborah Watkins, who was once the President of the Dallas Chapter of NOW, left NOW in 2003 to found, in the same year, the Dallas-Fort Worth Chapter of the National Coalition for Men, stating she grew tired of what she considered "hypocrisy" and "male bashing" at NOW.
Moreover, the "National Organization for Women (NOW) has caused controversy by putting Little Sisters of the Poor on their “Dirty 100” list", a religious order that according to Fox News' Megyn Kelly, "operate[s] homes in 31 countries where they provide care for over 13,000 needy, elderly persons, many of whom are dying".
On 10 and 11 January 2016, the Daily Caller and the Washington Examiner published stories critical of NOW's continuing support of a discredited University of Virginia rape accusation. The accusation had been published in Rolling Stone, which later retracted the story. Although the accuser's story changed repeatedly and a police investigation found "no evidence" of rape, NOW referred to the accuser as a "survivor" of sexual assault.
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- Love, Barbara J. Feminists Who Changed America, 1963–1975
- Bonnie Zimmerman Lesbian histories and cultures: an encyclopedia, Garland Pub., 2000 ISBN 0815319207 p. 134
- Vicki Lynn Eaklor Queer America: a GLBT history of the 20th century, ABC-CLIO, 2008 ISBN 0313337497 p. 145
- Flora Davis Moving the mountain: the women's movement in America since 1960, University of Illinois Press, 1999 ISBN 0-252-06782-7 p. 264
- Cheshire Calhoun Feminism, the Family, and the Politics of the Closet: Lesbian and Gay Displacement, Oxford University Press, 2003 ISBN 0-19-925766-3 p. 27
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- "Freedom of Choice Acts". NARAL Pro-Choice America. Retrieved 29 October 2013.
- "Gonzales v. Planned Parenthood". The Oyez Project. Retrieved 29 October 2013.
- "Freedom of Choice Act would Guarantee Roe Protections in U.S. Statutes". National Organization for Women. April 30, 2007.
- "Key Issues". National Organization for Women. Retrieved 2009-09-10.
- Tripp, Jennifer. "National Organization for Women". Learning To Give. Grand Valley State University. Retrieved 29 October 2013.
- 62 Alb. L. Rev. 967 (1998–1999) NOW v. Scheidler: Protecting Women's Access to Reproductive Health Services; Clayton, Fay; Love, Sara N.
- Oyez Project: NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN (NOW) v. SCHEIDLER
- Lorena Weeks Files related to Weeks v. Southern Bell, Richard B. Russell Library for Political Research and Studies, University of Georgia Libraries, Athens, Georgia, 30602-1641.
- "Celebrating Our Presidents". National Organization for Women. Retrieved 29 October 2013.
- Cimons, Marlene (8 February 1979). "NOW Seeking Abortion Summit". The Pittsburgh Press. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- Susman, Carolyn (30 July 1986). "Women wary of man's bid to crash panel". The Palm Beach Post. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- "Conservatives urge Reagan to deny 'leftists' grants". Lakeland Ledger. 8 April 1982. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- Jackson, Robert (23 April 1998). "NOW Won't Back Paula Jones, Cites Her Backers". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- Seager, Ilana (10 November 2008). "Feminists can be pro-life". Yale Daily News. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- Browder, Sue Ellen (1 August 2013). "Meet the Bold 'New Feminists'". National Catholic Register. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- [dead link]
- "Views of NOW – The National Organization for Women". NBC Today Show. 11 October 1982. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- Salmans, Sandra (28 June 1984). "THE RISING FORCE OF WOMEN'S PACS". The New York Times. p. 22. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- Neal, Steve (29 November 1985). "Can`t The Women Play This Game?". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- History of the National Coalition for Men "Both the Los Angeles, California and Dallas/Ft. Worth, Texas chapters were approved in 2003. Dallas/Ft. Worth was founded by Deborah Watkins, the former President of the Dallas chapter of the National Organization of Women who had grown tired of what she considered hypocrisy and male bashing by NOW."
- "Little Sisters of the Poor Named on NOW's 'Dirty 100' List?!". Fox News. 8 July 2014. Retrieved 9 July 2014.
- Ross, Chuck. "National Organization For Women Defends Rolling Stone Gang Rape Fabricator".
- Schow, Ashe. "Feminist organization still defending Rolling Stone rape hoaxer".
- Uberti, David (22 December 2014). "The worst journalism of 2014". Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved 23 December 2014.
- O’Neill, Terry. "An open letter to UVA President Teresa Sullivan".
The National Organization for Women and some of its founders Muriel Fox, Jacqui Ceballos and Rita Mae Brown are part of the documentary She's Beautiful When She's Angry, about the founders of the modern women's movement (from 1966 to 1971).
- National Organization for Women, Official website
- Records, 1959–2002 (inclusive), 1966–1998 (bulk). Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University.
- Additional Records of the National Organization for Women, 1970–2011. Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University.
- Inventory of the Texas Chapter of the National Organization for Women Records, University of Texas at San Antonio Libraries (UTSA Libraries) Special Collections.
- A Guide to the San Antonio Chapter of the National Organization for Women Records, University of Texas at San Antonio Libraries (UTSA Libraries) Special Collections.
- Elaine Latourell Papers. 1970–1977. 8.42 cubic feet (9 boxes). At the Labor Archives of Washington, University of Washington Libraries Special Collections. Contains records from Latourell's service as a leader of the National Organization for Women between 1970 and 1980.