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The application of evolutionary theory to human psychology has been controversial, with critics questioning the scientific nature of evolutionary psychology, and with debates within the field itself. The history of debate from the evolutionary psychology perspective is covered in detail by Segerstråle (2000) and Alcock (2001). The debates regarding the validity of evolutionary psychology within [[evolutionary biology]] have been regarded as occasionally quite vicious, with a strong [[ad hominem]] component. Some have suggested that the controversies would constitute a quiet debate over subtleties if the participants were less prone to caricaturing their opponents.
The application of evolutionary theory to human psychology has been controversial, with critics questioning the scientific nature of evolutionary psychology, and with debates within the field itself. The history of debate from the evolutionary psychology perspective is covered in detail by Segerstråle (2000) and Alcock (2001). The debates regarding the validity of evolutionary psychology within [[evolutionary biology]] have been regarded as occasionally quite vicious, with a strong [[ad hominem]] component. Some have suggested that the controversies would constitute a quiet debate over subtleties if the participants were less prone to caricaturing their opponents.


A detailed discussion about the controversies can be viewed at the [[Evolutionary Psychology Controversies]] page.
===Criticisms of Method===
====The "Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness"====
Evolutionary psychologists argue that they use knowledge of the environment of evolutionary adaptedness to generate [[hypotheses]] regarding possible psychological adaptations, and subsequently, these hypotheses can be tested and evaluated against the empirical evidence.

Critics of evolutionary psychology allege that because little is known about the [[Pleistocene]], the evolutionary context in which humans developed (including population size, structure, lifestyle, eating habits, [[habitat (ecology)|habitat]], and more), there is little basis on which evolutionary psychology can operate.

Evolutionary psychologists state that their research is confined to certainties about the past, such as pregnancies only occurring in women, and that humans lived in groups. They posit that there are many environmental features that we can be sure played a part in our species' evolutionary history. They argue that our [[hunter-gatherer]] ancestors most certainly dealt with predators and prey, [[foraging|food acquisition]] and sharing, mate choice, child rearing, interpersonal aggression, interpersonal assistance, diseases and a host of other fairly predictable challenges that constituted significant selection pressures.<ref>For an outline of the current state of knowledge in this area, see: Mithen, Steven. ''After The Ice: A Global Human History 20000-5000 BC''. Harvard Uni. Press, 2004).</ref>

There exists debate within evolutionary psychology about the nature of the EEA. Many evolutionary psychologists contend that many aspects of the EEA were not as consistent as other evolutionary psychologists would argue. This argument is used to support the notion that the mind consists of not only domain-specific psychological mechanisms but of domain-general ones as well, that deal with environmental novelty.
===="Just-So Stories"====

Critics assert that many hypotheses put forward to explain the adaptive nature of human behavioural traits are "Just So stories"; neat adaptive explanations for the evolution of given traits that do not rest on any evidence beyond their own internal logic. They allege that evolutionary psychology can predict many, or even all, behaviours for a given situation, including contradictory ones. Therefore many human behaviours will always fit some hypotheses.

For example, [[kin selection]] predicts that humans will be altruistic toward relatives in proportion to their relatedness, while [[reciprocal altruism]] predicts that we will be altruistic toward people from whom we can expect altruism in the future (but not strangers). However, altruism towards a complete stranger fits the [[handicap principle]]. A story of any complexity can be constructed to fit any behaviour, but, critics assert, nothing distinguishes one story from another experimentally.

Defenders of evolutionary psychology allege that the term "just so story" is a derogatory way of describing alternative hypotheses, though the basic error of a Just-So story lies in discussions of [[Occams razor]] and parsimony with regard to alternative hypotheses.

====Ethnocentrism====

Evolutionary psychologists claim that many traits have been shown to be universal in humans, however many critics have pointed out that many traits considered universal at some stage or another by evolutionary psychologists and sociobiologists often turn out to be dependant on cultural and particular historical circumstances. Critics allege that evolutionary psychologists tend to assume that their own current cultural context represents a universal human nature, for example, in a review of [[Steven Pinker]]'s book on evolutionary psychology ([[The Blank Slate]]), Louis Menand wrote: "''In general, the views that Pinker derives from "the new sciences of human nature" are mainstream Clinton-era views: incarceration is regrettable but necessary; sexism is unacceptable, but men and women will always have different attitudes toward sex; dialogue is preferable to threats of force in defusing ethnic and nationalist conflicts; most group stereotypes are roughly correct, but we should never judge an individual by group stereotypes; rectitude is all very well, but "noble guys tend to finish last"; and so on.''"<ref>Menand, L. (2002) "What Comes Naturally", The New Yorker, 22nd November 2002; available online at http://www.hereinstead.com/sys-tmpl/bmenadonpinker/</ref>.

====Reductionism====

Evolutionary Psychology is grounded on the theory that fundamentally our [[psychology]] is based on [[biology]], the composition of our brains. This is a form of [[reductionism]], a research philosophy according to which the nature of complex things can be understood in terms of simpler or more fundamental things (i.e. [[reduction (philosophy)|reduced]]). [[Reductionism]] as applied to consciousness and the brain comes in various forms. Evolutionary Psychology is not solely committed to a reductionist outlook, being potentially compatible with [[Supervenience]], [[Philosophy of Mind#Interaction dualism|Interactionism]], [[Epiphenomenalism]] and both Token and [[Type physicalism]], for example.

Evolutionary psychologists such as Richard Dawkins have alleged that reductionism is only invoked because Evolutionary Psychology is a controversial field ''in itself'', Dawkins writes: "'reductionism', like sin, is one of those things only mentioned by people who are against it." ''[[The Blind Watchmaker]]'', 1986 p.13. (Here Dawkins makes a distinction between "direct" and "hierarchical" reductionism: organisms can be described in terms of [[DNA]], DNA in terms of [[atom]]s, atoms in terms of sub-atomic particles etc; but knowledge of sub-atomic particles will not directly explain animal or human behavior, nevertheless, one can make adequate explanations and predictions at higher levels.)

However, critics allege that a reductionist analysis of the relationship between genes and behaviour results in a flawed research program and a restricted interpretation of the evidence, creating problems for the creation of models attempting to explain behaviour. For example, Lewontin, Rose & Kamin advocate a "dialectical" interpretation of behaviour that opposes the heirarchical reductionism given by Dawkins, in which "''it is not just that wholes are more than the sum of their parts, it is that parts become qualitatively new by being parts of the whole.''"<ref>See Chapter 10 of "Biology, Ideology and Human Behavior: Not In Our Genes" (1984) by Lewontin, Rose & Kamin for a discussion of these issues.</ref> They argue that reductionist explanations will cause the researcher to miss dialectical ones.

===Criticisms of inherited psychological traits===
====Behavior and inheritance====

Evolutionary psychology and [[sociobiology]] are based on the fundamental premise that particular behavioral traits are hereditary. No adaptive evolution can occur unless a trait is genetic ''and'' suitable genetic variation exists within that trait for selection to act. Critics of evolutionary psychology allege that there has never been any conclusive evidence for a genetic basis to behavioral traits, and thus that evolutionary psychology is dubious from its first premise. The presence or absence of inherited behavioural traits represents an ongoing debate within psychology.

Some researchers believe that there is sufficient empirical evidence for a genetic basis to many cognitive and behavioral traits (the discipline of [[behavioral genetics]] is devoted to such studies). These conclusions are based largely on twin and adoption studies, around which much of the debate is conducted. Other researchers and commentators allege that there are fundamental flaws in the experimental designs used to establish such a genetic basis<ref>See for examples of critiques of twin studies "The Gene Illusion", 2004, and of adoption studies "Not In Our Genes" 1984</ref>.

====The Reification Fallacy====
Some critics argue that evolutionary psychology regularly commits the [[Reification (fallacy)|reification fallacy]]; where abstract behaviors are treated as real "objects" within the mind, when there is no sufficient evidence to suppose that such behaviors represent true discreet "traits".<ref>Lewontin, R.C. "It Ain't Necessarily So"</ref> The classic example is of IQ; an IQ score is a statistical [[principle components|principle component]] (dubbed ''g'') taken from the scores of several artificial mental tests, and many researchers early in the 20th century came to treat this ''g'' as a genuine ''thing'' within the brain<ref>Gould, S.J. (1981) "The Mismeasure of Man"</ref>.

Hypothesized psychological traits that cannot be measured directly (personality traits, IQ, etc.) may be described as "constructs." Psychological constructs are theoretical hypotheses about how people differ, or how components of the mind work, or whether those components exist. The degree to which a construct is accepted in the scientific community depends on empirical research that demonstrate that a construct has "construct validity" (especially, predictive validity). Researchers assume that when people differ on a psychological construct, there are indeed underlying neurological differences between them (e.g., between the brains of introverts and extroverts). This is the point at which critics of evolutionary psychology would cite the reification fallacy, alleging that many constructs are spoken about with little (or insufficient) reference to construct validity.

====Problem-specific Modularity vs. General Purpose Problem Solvers====

Some commentators, like philosopher David Buller, agree with the general argument that the human mind has evolved over time but disagree with the specific claims evolutionary psychologists make. Buller has argued that the contention that the mind consists of thousands of modules, including sexually dimorphic jealousy and parental investment modules, are unsupported by the available empirical evidence. [http://www.skeptic.com/the_magazine/featured_articles/v12n01_sex_jealousy.php] (But see [http://psych.mcmaster.ca/dalywilson/reply%20to%20david%20buller.pdf Daly and Wilson's response to Buller].)

An alternative to the "mental module" view of how human minds evolved is offered by cognitive psychologist Merlin Donald. He argues that over evolutionary time the mind has gained adaptive advantage from a general problem solver. Donald articulates this view in his book "A Mind So Rare: The Evolution of Human Consciousness" [http://psyc.queensu.ca/faculty/donald/book/mindsorare2.htm]. But, see Barkow, Cosmides, and Tooby (1992) ''The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and The Generation of Culture'' for their argument that a purely general problem solving mechanism is impossible to build due to the [[frame problem]].

===Criticisms of adaptationism===
====Adaptive explanations vs. environmental, cultural, social, and dialectical explanations====

Critics assert that evolutionary psychology has trouble developing research that can distinguish between environmental and cultural explanation and adaptive evolutionary explanations. Some studies have been criticized for their tendency to attribute to evolutionary processes elements of human cognition that may be attributable to social processes (e.g. preference for particular physical features in mates), cultural artifacts (e.g. patriarchy and the roles of women in society), or dialectical considerations (e.g. behaviours in which biology interacts with society, as when a biologically determined skin colour determines how one is treated). Evolutionary psychologists are frequently criticized for ignoring the vast bodies of literature in psychology, philosophy, politics and social studies. Both sides of the debate stress that statements such as "biology vs. environment" and "genes vs. culture" amount to [[false dichotomy|false dichotomies]], and outspoken critics of [[sociobiology]] (an earlier name for evolutionary psychology) such as [[Richard Lewontin]], [[Steven Rose]] and [[Leon Kamin]] helped to popularise a "dialectical" approach to questions of human behaviour, where biology and environment interact in complex ways to produce what we see<ref>Lewontin, Rose & Kamin (1984) "Biology, Ideology and Human Nature: Not In Our Genes", Chapter 10</ref>, an attitude which evolutionary psychologists sometimes appear to accept, and at other times appear to reject.

Evolutionary psychologists respond that their discipline is not primarily concerned with explaining the behavior of specific individuals, but rather broad categories of human behaviors across societies and cultures. It is the search for species-wide psychological adaptations (or "human nature") that distinguishes evolutionary psychology from purely cultural or social explanations.

====Adaptive explanations vs. other evolutionary mechanisms====

Critics assert that evolutionary psychology fails to produce experiments that disentangle potential adaptive bases of behavior from other evolutionary influences. One premise of evolutionary psychology that distinguishes it from other theories of human behavior is that some mental traits are thought to be adaptive.

Critics point out that within evolutionary biology there are many other non-adaptive pathways along which evolution can move to produce the behaviors seen in humans today. Natural selection is not the only evolutionary process that can change gene frequencies and produce novel traits. [[Genetic drift]] refers to random effects resulting from chance variation in the genes, environment, or development. Evolutionary by-products are traits that were not specially designed for an adaptive function, although they may also be species-typical and may also confer benefits on the organism. A "[[spandrel (biology)|spandrel]]" is a term coined by [[Stephen Jay Gould|Gould]] and [[Richard Lewontin|Lewontin]] (1979a) for traits which confer no adaptive advantage to an organism, but are 'carried along' by an adaptive trait. Gould advocates the hypothesis that cognition in humans came about as a spandrel: "Natural selection made the human brain big, but most of our mental properties and potentials may be spandrels - that is, nonadaptive side consequences of building a device with such structural complexity"<ref>Quote from Stephen Jay Gould, ''The Pleasures of Pluralism'', p.11</ref>.

Once a trait acquired by some other mechanism confers an adaptive advantage, as evolutionary psychologists claim that many of our "mental properties and potentials" do, it may be open to further selection as an "exaptation". Critics allege that the adaptive (and exaptive) significance of mental traits studied by evolutionary psychologists has not been shown, and that selection has not necessarily guided the appearance of such traits.

Evolutionary psychologists suggest that critics mischaracterize their field, and that their empirical research is designed to help identify which psychological traits are likely to adaptations, and which are not<ref>See some of the exteral links to EP research journals below</ref>.

===Political and Ethical Issues===

That human psychology may be determined by our biology, which is shaped by our evolutionary past, is an important idea for those involved in [[ethics]]. The implications are as broad and varied as the field of ethics itself.

====Free Will====

Some believe that Evolutionary Psychology describes factors which limit our [[free will]], in that it can be seen to imply that we behave in ways in which we are ‘naturally inclined’. J. Mizzoni wrote “There are some moral philosophers (such as [[Thomas Nagel]]) who believe that evolutionary considerations are irrelevant to a full understanding of the foundations of ethics. Other moral philosophers (such as [[J. L. Mackie]]) tell quite a different story. They hold that the admission of the evolutionary origins of human beings compels us to concede that there are no foundations for ethics.”[http://www.metanexus.net/metanexus_online/show_article2.asp?ID=6008 Ruse's Darwinian ethics and Moral Realism:]

Critics of this ethical view point out that whether or not a behavioral trait is inherited does not affect whether it can be changed by ones culture or independant choice<ref>Lewontin, R.C., Rose. S & Kamin, L (1984) Biology, Ideology and Human Nature: Not In Our Genes</ref>, and that evolutionary psychology could be discarded in moral and political discussions regardless of whether it is true or not<ref>Kohn, A. (1990) The Brighter Side of Human Nature"</ref>.

===="Is" and "Ought"====

Evolutionary Psychology is not promoted as a theory of ethics, merely stating ''what is'', not ''what ought to be'', but many critics have alleged that evolutionary psychology and [[sociobiology]] are nothing more than political justifications for the "status quo." Evolutionary psychologists have long been accused of conflating "is" and "ought", and evolutionary psychology has been used to argue against social change (because the way things are now has been evolved and adapted), and to argue against social justice (e.g. the claim that the rich are only rich because they've inherited greater abilities, so programs to raise the standards of the poor are doomed to fail).<ref>Lewontin, R.C., Rose. S & Kamin, L (1984) Biology, Ideology and Human Nature: Not In Our Genes</ref>

'''See also:''' [[Ethics and evolutionary psychology]]

==== Reading list for works advocating evolutionary psychology ====

* Alcock, John (2001). ''The Triumph of Sociobiology''. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Directly rebuts several of the above criticisms and misconceptions of evolutionary psychology.

* Barkow, Jerome (Ed.). (2006) ''Missing the Revolution: Darwinism for Social Scientists''. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* Degler, C. N. (1991). ''In search of human nature: The decline and revival of Darwinism in American social thought.'' New York: Oxford University Press.

* Pinker, S. (2002). ''The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature''. New York: Viking.

* Richards, Janet Radcliffe (2000). ''Human Nature After Darwin: A Philosophical Introduction''. London: Routledge.

* Segerstrale, Ullica (2000). ''Defenders of the Truth: The Battle for Science in the Sociobiology Debate and Beyond''. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


==Notes==
==Notes==
Line 233: Line 140:
* Miller, Geoffrey (2000). ''The Mating Mind: How Sexual Choice Shaped the Evolution of Human Nature''. New York: Random House Inc.
* Miller, Geoffrey (2000). ''The Mating Mind: How Sexual Choice Shaped the Evolution of Human Nature''. New York: Random House Inc.


===References arguing against evolutionary psychology===

* Gould, S.J. (2002) ''[[The Structure of Evolutionary Theory]]''

* Joseph, J. (2004). ''[[The Gene Illusion|The Gene Illusion: Genetic Research in Psychiatry and Psychology Under the Microscope]].'' New York: Algora. (2003 United Kingdom Edition by PCCS Books)

* Joseph, J. (2006). The Missing Gene: Psychiatry, Heredity, and the Fruitless Search for Genes.New York: Algora.

* Kohn, A. (1990) ''The Brighter Side of Human Nature: Altruism and Empathy in Everyday Life''

* Lewontin, R.C., Rose, S. & Kamin, L. (1984) ''[[Not In Our Genes|Biology, Ideology and Human Nature: Not In Our Genes]]''


* Sahlins, M. (1976) ''The Use and Abuse of Biology: An Anthropological Critique of Sociobiology''


== See also ==
== See also ==

Revision as of 17:52, 5 July 2007

Evolutionary psychology (abbreviated ev-psych or EP) is a theoretical approach to psychology that attempts to explain mental and psychological traits—such as memory, perception, or language—as adaptations, i.e., as the functional products of natural selection. The purpose of this approach is to bring an adaptationist way of thinking about biological mechanisms such as the immune system into the field of psychology, and to approach psychological mechanisms in a similar way. In short, evolutionary psychology is focused on how evolution has shaped the mind and behavior. Though applicable to any organism with a nervous system, most research in evolutionary psychology focuses on humans. Closely related fields are Human behavioral ecology and Sociobiology.

Overview

Just as human evolutionary physiology has worked to identify physical adaptations of the body that represent "human physiological nature," the purpose of evolutionary psychology is to identify evolved emotional and cognitive adaptations that represent "human psychological nature." Evolutionary Psychology is, to quote Steven Pinker, "not a single theory but a large set of hypotheses" and a term which "has also come to refer to a particular way of applying evolutionary theory to the mind, with an emphasis on adaptation, gene-level selection, and modularity." EP proposes that the human brain comprises many functional mechanisms,[1] called psychological adaptations or evolved cognitive mechanisms designed by the process of natural selection. Examples include language acquisition modules, incest avoidance mechanisms, cheater detection mechanisms, intelligence and sex-specific mating preferences, foraging mechanisms, alliance-tracking mechanisms, agent detection mechanisms, and so on. EP has roots in cognitive psychology and evolutionary biology (See also sociobiology). It also draws on behavioral ecology, artificial intelligence, genetics, ethology, anthropology, archaeology, biology, and zoology. EP is closely linked to sociobiology,[2] but there are key differences between them including the emphasis on domain-specific rather than domain-general mechanisms, the relevance of measures of current fitness, the importance of mismatch theory, and psychology rather than behaviour. Many evolutionary psychologists, however, argue that the mind consists of both domain-specific and domain-general mechanisms, especially evolutionary developmental psychologists. Most sociobiological research is now conducted in the field of behavioral ecology.[3]

The term evolutionary psychology was probably coined by Michael Ghiselin in his 1973 article in Science. The field of research derives from the final chapter of E.O. Wilson's work on sociobiology, "Sociobiology: A New Synthesis." Jerome Barkow, Leda Cosmides and John Tooby popularized the term "evolutionary psychology" in their highly influential 1992 book The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and The Generation of Culture (and critics have asserted that the term "evolutionary psychology" is nothing more than a name change to distance researchers from the unpopular field of sociobiology). Evolutionary psychology has been applied to the study of many fields, including economics, aggression, law, psychiatry, politics, literature, and sex.

Evolutionary psychology uses Nikolaas Tinbergen's four categories of questions and explanations of animal behavior. Two categories are at the species level; two, at the individual level. The species-level categories (often called “ultimate explanations”) are

  • the function (i.e., adaptation) that a behavior serves and
  • the evolutionary process (i.e., phylogeny) that resulted in this functionality.

The individual-level categories are

  • the development of the individual (i.e., ontogeny) and
  • the proximate mechanism (e.g., brain anatomy and hormones).

Evolutionary psychology emphasizes the functionality category.

Five principles of evolutionary psychology

Five principles of evolutionary psychology, as expressed by two of its founders, Leda Cosmides and John Tooby, are as follows:

  1. The brain is a physical system. It functions as a computer. Its circuits are designed to generate behavior that is appropriate to your environmental circumstances.
  2. Our neural circuits were designed by natural selection to solve problems that our ancestors faced during our species' evolutionary history.
  3. Consciousness is just the tip of the iceberg; most of what goes on in your mind is hidden from you. As a result, your conscious experience can mislead you into thinking that our circuitry is simpler than it really is. Most problems that you experience as easy to solve are very difficult to solve -- they require very complicated neural circuitry
  4. Different neural circuits are specialized for solving different adaptive problems.
  5. Our modern skulls house a stone age mind. [4]

General evolutionary theory

Main article: Evolution

William Paley, drawing upon the work of many others, argued that organisms are machines designed to function in particular environments. Paley believed that this evidence of 'design' was evidence for a designer—God. Charles Darwin opposed Paley's argument that organisms are designed for particular environments by invoking the both Adam Smith and Malthus. He asserted that the supposed good design of organisms to environments was an accidental result of natural selection. The theory of natural selection, formulated in depth by Charles Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace, provided a scientific account of the origins of functional design in the natural world.

Evolutionary psychology is rooted in evolutionary theory. It is sometimes seen not simply as a sub-discipline of psychology but as a way in which evolutionary theory can be used as a meta-theoretical framework within which to examine the entire field of psychology[citation needed], however many evolutionary biologists challenge the basic evolutionary premises of evolutionary psychology[1].

Natural selection, a key component of evolutionary theory, involves three main ingredients:

  • Heritability - some traits are passed down from parents to offspring in genes,
  • Variation - heritable traits vary within a population (now we know that mutation is the source of this genetic variation),
  • Differential survival and reproduction - tehse traits will vary in how strongly they promote the survival and reproduction of their bearers.

Selection refers to the process by which environmental conditions "select" organisms with the appropriate traits to survive; these organisms will have such traits more strongly represented in the next generation. This is the basis of adaptive evolution. Darwin's great claim was that this "natural selection" was creative - it could lead to new traits and even new species, it was centred on individual survival, and it could explain the broad scale patterns of evolution.

Many traits that are selected for can actually hinder survival of the organism while increasing its reproductive opportunities. Consider the classic example of the peacock's tail. It is metabolically costly, cumbersome, and essentially a "predator magnet." What the peacock's tail does do is attract mates. Thus, the type of selective process that is involved here is what Darwin called sexual selection." Sexual selection can be divided into two types:

  • Intersexual selection, which refers to the traits that one sex generally prefers in the other sex, (e.g. the peacock's tail).
  • Intrasexual competition, which refers to the competition among members of the same sex for mating access to the opposite sex, (e.g. two stags locking antlers).

Inclusive fitness

Inclusive fitness theory, which was proposed by William D. Hamilton in 1964 as a revision to evolutionary theory, is basically a combination of natural selection, sexual selection, and kin selection. It refers to the sum of an individual's own reproductive success plus the effects the individual's actions have on the reproductive success of their genetic relatives. General evolutionary theory, in its modern form, is essentially inclusive fitness theory.

Inclusive fitness theory resolved the issue of how "altruism" evolved. The dominant, pre-Hamiltonian view was that altruism evolved via group selection: the notion that altruism evolved for the benefit of the group. The problem with this was that if one organism in a group incurred any fitness costs on itself for the benefit of others in the group, (i.e. acted "altruistically"), then that organism would reduce its own ability to survive and/or reproduce, therefore reducing its chances of passing on its altruistic traits. Furthermore, the organism that benefited from that altruistic act and only acted on behalf of its own fitness would increase its own chance of survival and/or reproduction, thus increasing its chances of passing on its "selfish" traits. Inclusive fitness resolved "the problem of altruism" by demonstrating that altruism can evolve via kin selection as expressed in Hamilton's rule:

cost < relatedness × benefit

In other words, altruism can evolve as long as the fitness cost of the altruistic act on the part of the actor is less than the degree of genetic relatedness of the recipient times the fitness benefit to that recipient. This perspective reflects what is referred to as the gene-centered view of evolution and demonstrates that group selection is a very weak selective force. However, in recent years group selection has been making a comeback, (albeit a controversial one), as multilevel selection, which posits that evolution can act on many levels of functional organization, (including the "group" level), and not just the "gene" level.

Evolutionary Psychology

Evolutionary psychology borrows particular themes from evolutionary biology (outlined above), and adds these fundamental assumptions:

  • Existence of discrete psychological traits: Psychological aspects of humans (e.g. "spatial ability", "anxiety levels") are discreet traits,
  • Heritability of psychological traits: These traits have a genetic basis, they are inherited, and at some point in the evolutionary past have been components of genetic variation,
  • Adaptationism: These traits have been exposed to selection, and currently represent adaptations to some previous environment.

Middle-level evolutionary theories

Middle-level evolutionary theories are theories that encompass broad domains of functioning. They are compatible with general evolutionary theory but not derived from it. Furthermore, they are applicable across species. During the early 1970s, three very important middle-level evolutionary theories were contributed by Robert Trivers:

  • The theory of reciprocal altruism explains how altruism can arise amongst non-kin, as long as there is a sufficient probability of the recipient of the altruistic act reciprocating at a later date. The possibility was also noted by Trivers, later coined 'indirect altruism' by Richard Alexander, that reciprocation could be provided by third parties, raising the issue of social reputation. These theories have been criticized as example of "Just So stories" within evolutionary biology.
  • Parental investment theory refers to the different levels of investment in offspring on the part of each sex. For example, females in any species are defined as the sex with the larger gamete. In humans, females release approximately one large, metabolically costly egg per month, as opposed to the millions of relatively tiny and metabolically cheap sperm that are produced each day by males. Females are fertile for only a few days each month, while males are fertile every day of the month. Females also have a nine month gestation period, followed by a few years of lactation. Males' obligatory biological investment can be achieved with one copulatory act. Consequently, human females have a significantly higher obligatory investment in offspring than males do. (In some species, the opposite is true.) Because of this difference in parental investment between males and females, the sexes face different adaptive problems in the domains of mating and parenting. Therefore, it is predicted that the higher investing sex will be more selective in mating, and the lesser investing sex will be more competitive for access to mates. Thus, differences in behaviour between sexes is predicted to exist not because of maleness or femaleness per se, but because of different levels of parental investment.
  • The theory of parent-offspring conflict rests on the fact that even though a parent and his/her offspring are 50% genetically related, they are also 50% genetically different. All things being equal, a parent would want to allocate their resources equally amongst their offspring, while each offspring may want a little more for themselves. Furthermore, an offspring may want a little more resources from the parent than the parent is willing to give. In essence, parent-offspring conflict refers to a conflict of adaptive interests between parent and offspring.

However, if all things are not equal, a parent may engage in discriminative investment towards one sex or the other, depending on the parent's condition. Recall that females are the heavier parental investors in our species. Because of that, females have a better chance of reproducing at least once in comparison to males. Thus, according to the Trivers-Willard hypothesis, parents in good condition are predicted to favor investment in sons, and parents in poor condition are predicted to favor investment in daughters.


Evolved psychological mechanisms

Main article: Evolved psychological mechanisms

Evolutionary psychology is based on the belief that, just like hearts, lungs, livers, kidneys, and immune systems, cognition has functional structure that has a genetic basis, and therefore has evolved by natural selection. Like other organs and tissues, this functional structure should be universally shared amongst a species, and should solve important problems of survival and reproduction. Evolutionary psychologists seek to understand psychological mechanisms by understanding the survival and reproductive functions they might have served over the course of evolutionary history.

Evolutionary psychologists subdivide the concept of psychological mechanisms into two general categories:

  • Domain-specific mechanisms, which deal with recurrent adaptive problems over the course of human evolutionary history
  • Domain-general mechanisms, which deal with evolutionary novelty

The environment of evolutionary adaptedness

The term environment of evolutionary adaptedness, often abbreviated EEA, was coined by John Bowlby as part of attachment theory. It refers to the environment to which a particular evolved mechanism is adapted. More specifically, the EEA is defined as the set of historically recurring selection pressures that formed a given adaptation, as well as those aspects of the environment that were necessary for the proper development and functioning of the adaptation. In the environment in which ducks evolved, for example, attachment of ducklings to their mother had great survival value for the ducklings. Because the first moving being that a duckling was likely to see was its mother, a psychological mechanism that evolved to form an attachment to the first moving being would therefore properly function to form an attachment to the mother. In novel environments, however, the mechanism can malfunction by forming an attachment to a dog or human instead.

The genus Homo, which includes modern humans, appeared between 1.5 and 2.5 million years ago, a time that roughly coincides with the start of the Pleistocene 1.8 million years ago. Because the Pleistocene ended a mere 12,000 years ago, most human adaptations either newly evolved during the Pleistocene, or were maintained by stabilizing selection during the Pleistocene. Evolutionary psychology therefore proposes that the majority of human psychological mechanisms are adapted to reproductive problems frequently encountered in Pleistocene environments. In broad terms, these problems include those of growth, development, differentiation, maintenance, mating, parenting, and social relationships. To properly understand human mating psychology, for example, it is essential to recognize that in the EEA (as now) women got pregnant and men did not.

If humans are mostly adapted to Pleistocene environments, then some psychological mechanisms should occasionally exhibit “mismatches” to the modern environment, similar to the attachment patterns of ducks. One example is the fact that although about 30,000 people are killed with guns in the US annually (CDC pdf), whereas spiders and snakes kill only a handful, people nonetheless learn to fear spiders and snakes about as easily as they do a pointed gun, and more easily than an unpointed gun, rabbits or flowers (Öhman and Mineka 2001). A potential explanation is that spiders and snakes were a threat to human ancestors throughout the Pleistocene, whereas guns, rabbits and flowers were not. There is thus a mismatch between our evolved fear learning psychology and the modern environment.

In sum, evolutionary psychology argues that to properly understand the functions of the brain one must understand the properties of the environment in which the brain evolved.

Controversies

The application of evolutionary theory to human psychology has been controversial, with critics questioning the scientific nature of evolutionary psychology, and with debates within the field itself. The history of debate from the evolutionary psychology perspective is covered in detail by Segerstråle (2000) and Alcock (2001). The debates regarding the validity of evolutionary psychology within evolutionary biology have been regarded as occasionally quite vicious, with a strong ad hominem component. Some have suggested that the controversies would constitute a quiet debate over subtleties if the participants were less prone to caricaturing their opponents.

A detailed discussion about the controversies can be viewed at the Evolutionary Psychology Controversies page.

Notes

  1. ^ See for examples, Gould, S.J. (2002) The Structure of Evolutionary Theory

References

Some evolutionary psychology references

  • Barkow, Jerome; Cosmides, Leda; Tooby, John (1992) The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and The Generation of Culture ISBN 0-19-510107-3.
  • Buss, David, ed. (2005) The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology. ISBN 0-471-26403-2.
  • Ghiselin, Michael T. (1973). Darwin and Evolutionary Psychology. Science 179: 964-968.
  • Wilson, E.O. (1975) Sociobiology: The New Synthesis
  • Wright, Robert (1995). The Moral Animal: Why We Are the Way We Are: The New Science of Evolutionary Psychology. ISBN 0-679-76399-6.
  • Alcock, John (2001). The Triumph of Sociobiology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Barkow, Jerome (Ed.). (2006) Missing the Revolution: Darwinism for Social Scientists. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Clarke, Murray (2004). Reconstructing Reason and Representation. Cambridge: MIT Press.
  • Pinker, S. (1997). How the Mind Works. New York: W.W. Norton & Co.
  • Pinker, S. (2002). The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature. New York: Viking.
  • Richards, Janet Radcliffe (2000). Human Nature After Darwin: A Philosophical Introduction. London: Routledge.
  • Segerstrale, Ullica (2000). Defenders of the Truth: The Battle for Science in the Sociobiology Debate and Beyond. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Miller, Geoffrey (2000). The Mating Mind: How Sexual Choice Shaped the Evolution of Human Nature. New York: Random House Inc.


See also

Introductory Reading

Introductory peer-reviewed papers and chapters

  • Buss, D. M. (1995). Evolutionary psychology: A new paradigm for psychological science. Psychological Inquiry, 6, 1-30. Full text
  • Durrant, R., & Ellis, B.J. (2003). Evolutionary Psychology. In M. Gallagher & R.J. Nelson (Eds.), Comprehensive Handbook of Psychology, Volume Three: Biological Psychology (pp. 1-33). New York: Wiley & Sons. Full text
  • Kennair, L. E. O. (2002). Evolutionary psychology: An emerging integrative perspective within the science and practice of psychology. Human Nature Review, 2, 17-61. Full text
  • Tooby, J. & Cosmides, L. (2005). Conceptual foundations of evolutionary psychology. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology (pp. 5-67). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Full text

Evolutionary Psychology Academic Societies

Evolutionary Psychology Journals

Evolutionary Psychology Research Groups and Centers

A small sampling of papers and research concerning Evolutionary Psychology

Evolutionary Psychology challenged and critisized

  • Smith, E.A., Borgerhoff Mulder, M. & Hill, K. (2000). Evolutionary analyses of human behaviour: a commentary on Daly & Wilson. Animal Behaviour, 60, F21-F26. Full text

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