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==Casualties==
==Casualties==
Almost 300 officers were killed and over 7300 were injured during [[the Troubles]] (mid-1960s to late 1990s), most often in attacks by the [[Provisional IRA]].
302 officers were killed and over 9000 were injured during [[the Troubles]] (mid-1960s to late 1990s), 277 were killed in attacks by the [[IRA]].


==Early history==
==Early history==

Revision as of 15:49, 1 December 2005

Irish police forces
Defunct Irish police forces
Royal Irish Constabulary
(1822–1922)
Dublin Metropolitan Police
(1836–1925)
Irish Republican Police
(Irish Republic 1920–1922)
Royal Ulster Constabulary
(1922–2001)
Current Irish police forces
Northern Ireland
Belfast Harbour Police
(1847)
Larne Harbour Police
(1847)
Royal Military Police
(1946)
Belfast International Airport Constabulary
(1994)
Police Service of Northern Ireland
(2001)
Ministry of Defence Police
(2004)
Republic of Ireland
Garda Síochána
(1922)
Póilíní Airm
(1922)
Garda Síochána Reserve
(2006)

The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) was the police force in Northern Ireland from 1922 to 2001. It was founded on 1 June 1922 out of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). At its peak the force had around 8500 officers with a further 4500 reservists, in the controversial Ulster Special Constabulary. Its was reorganized as the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) in 2001.

Controversy

  • To unionists, the majority community, the police were seen as the defenders of the Northern Irish state, which had an entirely unionist-dominated majority in government.
  • To Irish nationalists, the RUC was seen as the law and order arm of a Northern Irish state which lacked legitimacy and to which they refused to give their allegiance.
  • The RUC faced constant and serious allegations of improper behaviour from many nationalists and republicans, who accused it of police brutality and political and religious bias. Some unionists accused it of not being tough enough on "terrorists". Throughout its existence, republican political leaders urged members of the nationalist community not to join the RUC. The force was overwhelmingly Protestant and unionist in membership. Social Democratic and Labour Party MP and critic of the force Seamus Mallon, who later served as Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, claimed the RUC was "97% Protestant and 100% unionist."

Casualties

302 officers were killed and over 9000 were injured during the Troubles (mid-1960s to late 1990s), 277 were killed in attacks by the IRA.

Early history

The RUC officially came into existence on 1 June 1922. The force's new headquarters were established at the Atlantic Buildings in Belfast, and Charles Wickham was the first Inspector-General. The force was largely identical to the RIC - with the twin duties of law enforcement and maintenance of the political status quo. Like the RIC, and in contrast to Great Britain and the rest of Ireland, all members of the new force were armed and wore a dark green uniform as opposed to the dark blue worn by the British police and the Garda Síochána.

The new RUC was immediately involved in dealing with the sectarian rioting and assassinations in Belfast and Londonderry. A District Inspector Nixon, formerly of the RIC, is infamous in Belfast Catholic folk memory for having allegedly organised and taken part in sectarian murders of Catholics (especially those of the entire McMahon family) in the city during Northern Ireland's turbulent birth. He later became a unionist MP. However, as the 1920s progressed violence soon fell sharply away and was only briefly revived by the economic downturn of the 1930s, although the Irish Republican Army kept its hand in with sporadic bombing campaigns in Northern Ireland and Great Britain. During World War II, the main concern of the RUC was smuggling from across the border and the enforcement of wartime regulations. In April 1943 women were allowed to join the force for the first time.

Policing in a divided society

File:Tunic 1970.jpg
An RUC police tunic
From 1970 onwards.

Policing a divided society such as in Northern Ireland proved difficult, as each community (nationalist and unionist) had different attitudes towards the institutions of the state. To unionists, the state had full legitimacy, as did its institutions, its parliament, the Crown and its police force. Many nationalists, however, viewed the existence and government of Northern Ireland as sectarian, anti-Catholic, anti-nationalist, and as a gerrymander on an unprecedented scale that had partitioned Ireland against the will of its people to create a pro-union electoral majority in the northeast. As policing is by definition the upholding of the law and order of the existing institutional structures, it is not surprising then that the RUC became closely identified with the state, through its largely Protestant and unionist membership, its use of the word 'Royal' in the title and its use of flags and emblems of the northern state and the United Kingdom of which Northern Ireland was a part. Nevertheless, the RUC did initially attract some Roman Catholic members. These men were for the most part former members of the RIC, who came north from the southern and western counties after the partition of the island. The bitterness of the fighting in the Anglo-Irish War precluded them from remaining in territory now controlled by their former enemies. The percentage of Catholics in the RUC dropped as these men retired over time. However, IRA attacks on Catholics who joined the RUC, and the perception that the police force was "a Protestant force for a Protestant people" meant that Catholic participation in the Royal Ulster Constabulary always remained disproproportionally small in terms of the Catholic percentage of the overall Northern Irish population. In December 1997, London's The Independent newspaper published a leaked internal RUC document which reported that a third of all Catholic RUC officers had suffered religious discrimination and/or harassment from Protestant fellow officers [1].

Post-war policies brought about the gradual improvement in the lot of the constables, interrupted only by a return to hostilities by the IRA. The IRA's 'border campaign' of 1957-1962 killed seven RUC officers. The force was streamlined in the 1960s, a new headquarters was opened at Knock in Belfast and a number of rural barracks were closed. In 1967, the forty-two hour working week was introduced.

The Troubles

The end of the 1960s is particularly associated with the Civil Rights campaign and the beginning of what is generally referred to as 'The Troubles'. The extra policing this entailed all over the province placed tremendous pressure on the RUC at a time when it was undergoing an internal restructuring of resources. In August 1969, in response to the rapidly deteriorating public order situation, the Army was called in to aid the civil power.

Following an exhaustive inquiry into the disturbances in Northern Ireland carried out by the distinguished English judge Lord Scarman, the then Home Secretary, James Callaghan, called in Lord Hunt to assess and advise on the policing problem. He was assisted in this task by Sir Robert Mark, who later became Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, and Sir James Robertson, the then Chief Constable of Glasgow. The subsequent report, published on 3 October 1969, recommended a complete reorganization of the RUC, with the aim of both modernizing the force and bringing it into line with the other police forces in the UK. To do all of this, Callaghan asked Sir Arthur Young, Commissioner of the City of London Police, to be seconded for a year. Most importantly, Young's appointment began to long process of turning the RUC into a British police service. It resulted in the introduction of the British rank and promotion structure, the disbandment of the Ulster Special Constabulary, and the creation of a Police Authority representative of the whole community. The RUC Reserve was formed as an auxiliary police force, and all military-style duties were handed over to the newly formed Ulster Defence Regiment, which was under military command.

Callaghan picked Young, a career policeman, because no other British policeman could match his direct experience of policing acutely unstable societies and of reforming gendarmeries. From 1943 to 1945, he was Director of Public Safety and Director of Security in the military government of Allied-occupied Italy. Later, he had been seconded to the Federation of Malaya at the height of the 'Emergency' (1952-1953) and to the crown colony of Kenya during Mau Mau (1954).

On 11 October 1969, Constable Victor Arbuckle was shot on Belfast's Shankill Road during serious rioting in protest at the recommendations of the Hunt Report. He became the first police fatality of The Troubles. In August 1970, two young constables, Donaldson and Millar, died when an abandoned car they were examining near Crossmaglen exploded. They became the first victims of the re-organized Provisional IRA campaign.

In March 1972, the Government of Northern Ireland resigned and the parliament was prorogued. Northern Ireland subsequently came under direct rule from Westminster with its own Secretary of State, who had overall responsibility for security policy.

The size of the RUC increased on several occasions due to the terrorist campaign. At its height, there were 8,500 regular police officers supported by about 5,000 full-time and part-time reserve officers, making it the second largest force in the United Kingdom after the Metropolitan Police in London. The direction and control of the RUC was in the hands in the Chief Constable, who was assisted by two Deputy Chief Constables and nine Assistant Chief Constables. For operational purposes, Northern Ireland was divided into twelve Divisions and 39 Sub-Divisions. RUC ranks, duties, conditions of service and pay were generally in line with those of police forces in Great Britain.

Awards for gallantry since 1969 included 16 George Medals, 103 Queen's Gallantry Medals, 111 Queen's Commendations for Brave Conduct and 69 Queen's Police Medals. Between 1969 and 1994, 195 RUC and 101 RUC Reserve members were killed and over 7,000 injured as a result of the security situation in Northern Ireland.

Patten Report

The Belfast Agreement produced a wholescale reorganisation of inter-community, governmental and policing systems, including a power-sharing executive with David Trimble and the nationalist SDLP's Seamus Mallon (later replaced by new party leader Mark Durkan) as co-chairmen. The perceived bias, and the clear lack of Catholics and nationalists, in the RUC meant that as part of the Good Friday Agreement (1998) there was a fundamental policing review. The review was headed by Chris Patten, a former Hong Kong Governor and British Conservative Minister under Margaret Thatcher, and published in September 1999. It recommended a wholesale reorganisation of policing, with the Royal Ulster Constabulary being renamed the Police Service of Northern Ireland, and a greater drive to recruit Catholic recruits and should adopt a new crest and cap badge. The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) was introduced in November 2001 (full title: The Police Service of Northern Ireland (incorporating the Royal Ulster Constabulary). As part of the change, the police service dropped the word 'Royal' from everyday usage and adopted a new badge that included the crown, the harp, and the shamrock - the symbols used by the RUC and RIC - each with an identification with one or other community.

George Cross

Two years before its reorganisation, the RUC was awarded the George Cross for bravery in dealing with terrorist threat, a rarely awarded honour which had only been awarded collectively once before, to the Island of Malta.

The Stevens Inquiry into alleged police collusion with loyalist killers

On 18 April 2003 the report on alleged RUC collusion with loyalist paramilitaries in the late 1980s was produced by Britain's top policeman, Sir John Stevens. It showed what Sir John called evidence of "serious shortcomings highlighting collusion". In particular police and army involvement in the murder of nationalist solicitor Pat Finucane, long alleged by nationalists, and Adam Lambert, a young Protestant mistaken for a Catholic, was confirmed. According to Sir John:

I . . . believe the RUC investigation of Pat Finucane's murder should have resulted in the early arrest and detection of his killers. I conclude there was collusion in both murders and in the events surrounding them. . . My inquiries have highlighted collusion, the wilful failure to keep records, the absence of accountability, the withholding of intelligence and evidence and the extreme of agents of agents being involved in murder.
These serious acts and omissions have meant that people have been killed or seriously injured. Informants and agents were allowed to operate without effective control and to participate in terrorist crimes.
Nationalists were known to be targeted but they were not properly warned or protected. Important evidence was neither exploited nor preserved.

The SDLP leader Mark Durkan responded by saying he was "shocked but not surprised" by the report. He said:

Nationalists have an equal right to life. None of the security forces vindicated it. . . This represents a betrayal of the nationalist community.

The SDLP demanded to know how much of the collusion was known by former chief constables of the RUC, notably Sir Hugh Annesley and Sir Ronnie Flanagan, both of whose periods in office as chief constable or at a senior management level covered the timespan of the collusion. The SDLP also demanded to know if then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Tom King and then British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher were aware.

Stephens also alleged that elements in the army and police force had attempted to sabotage his work. Nationalists continue to demand a full public sworn inquiry into the events surrounding the Finucane murder, and in particular to examine what role if any elements of the RUC Special Branch and units of the British Army had in enabling loyalist paramilitaries to murder Catholics and nationalists. David Trimble, the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, called for a parliamentary inquiry into the collusion, while nationalists demanded a full public inquiry. (It was notable, but not surprising, how in the aftermath of Stevens' report, everyone from the media to British politicians, the unionist UUP and the nationalist SLDP and Sinn Féin, all dropped the previous reference to alleged collusion and referred simply to collusion which in the aftermath of Stevens's shock report was accepted by all as a fact.)

It is notable that the new first Chief Constable of the PSNI, Hugh Orde, before his appointment, served at a senior level within the Stevens Inquiry team. He has insisted that the errors and the collusion within the RUC documented in the Stevens Report (the third issued by Sir John Stevens) will not be allowed to happen under the new police service.

Chief Officers

The chief officer of the Royal Irish Constabulary was its Inspector-General (the last of whom, Sir Thomas J. Smith served from 11 March 1920 until partition in 1922). Between 1922 and 1969 the position of Inspector-General of the RUC was held by five officers, the last being Sir Arthur Young, who was seconded for a year from the City of London Police to implement the Hunt Report and disarm the 'B' Specials. Under Young, who eschewed the RUC's military mindset in favour of a civilian approach similar to that held in the rest of the UK, the title was changed to Chief Constable. Young and six others held the job until the RUC was renamed. The final incumbent, Sir Ronnie Flanagan, became the first Chief Constable of the PSNI.

See also

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