Occupation of Istanbul

Occupation of Istanbul
Part of Turkish War of Independence
USS Noma off the Dolmabahçe Palace (1920)
Date November 13 1918 - October 1923 Location Istanbul district occupied by Great Britain, followed by the Triple Entente Territorial changes Britain officially dismantled the Ottoman Empire parliament on March 16 1920 and restored it on 9 September 1922 to the Republic of Turkey
Belligerents
United Kingdom France Italy	Turkish Revolutionaries
Commanders and leaders
Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe Louis Franchet d'Esperey	Mustafa Kemal 1
1commander during restoration.

The Occupation of Istanbul (Constantinople) was a military occupation, November 13 1918 - October 1923, of the capital of the Ottoman Empire after the Armistice of Mudros of World War I by the Triple Entente forces. The occupation had two stages. The de facto stage lasted from November 13 1918 to March 20 1920, and the de jure stage to October 1923. The occupation of Istanbul, along with the occupation of Izmir, mobilized the establishment of the Turkish national movement and the Turkish War of Independence.

Background

Legality of the occupation

The Armistice of Mudros, which defined the end of World War One for the Ottoman Empire, mentions the occupation of Bosphorous fort and Dardanelles fort. On October 30, 1918, Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe, the British signatory (British enforcer during the Turkish War of Independence) stated the Triple Entente's position that they had no intention to dismantle the government or place it under military occupation by "occupying Istanbul". This verbal promise and lack of mention of the occupation of Istanbul in the armistice did not change the realities for the Ottoman Empire. Admiral Arthur G. Calthorpe puts the British position as "No kind of favour whatsoever to any Turk and to hold out no hope for them" The Ottoman side returned to the capital with a personal letter from Calthorpe, intended only for the eyes of Rauf Bey, the Grand Vizier, and the Sultan, in which he promised on behalf of the British government that only British and French troops would be used in the occupation of the Straits fortifications. A small number of Ottoman troops could be allowed to stay on in the occupied areas as a symbol of sovereignty.

The Sultan's position

According to Sir Horace Rumbold, 9th Baronet, the British ambassador to Constantinople (1920 - 1924), the Sultan never perceived the significance of the military and political events following the Armistice of Mudros, failing to realise that the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire was a reflection of his captivity. For the Sultan, there was a group of real Turks who were loyal and working to save the Empire at any cost. Most probably based on their individual activities some of the Turkish revolutionaries fell in/out of the Sultan's definition of a Turk.

Also according to Sir Horace Rumbold, 9th Baronet, the Sultan had never grasped or accepted the form of Kemalist national perspective which was represented by the Turkish national movement. For him, it was the Sultan and his close circle who formed and represented the Turks. According to Rumbold; the Sultan claimed that Mustafa Kemal was a Macedonian revolutionary of an unverified origins, Bekir Sami was a Circassian, and that other individual revolutionaries were Turkish-speaking Albanians, Circassians, etc.

Another important point was on how the Sultan perceived the Turkish national movement. According to the British ambassador, the Sultan thought that resistance against the Allies with support found in the Bolsheviks would bring Turkey the same fate as Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, which had become the Azerbaijan SSR. The ideology behind the Sultan's perception of the events had taken a very different path. In the following years, Enver Pasha went to Moscow and later to Central Asia, where his ultimate intention was to regain power (against the Allies) by using the Bolsheviks through the organization of the Union of Islamic Revolutionary Societies and an affiliated Party of People's Councils. The Turkish national movement did not give way to the Bolsheviks but instead made peace with the Allies. Enver Pasha was killed in Operation Nemesis. Atatürk's Reforms abolished the Caliphate; the Khilafat Movement did not save the Ottoman Caliph but became a nationalistic movement that improved Hindu-Muslim relations.

Military administration

See also: Military occupation

The Allies did not wait for a peace treaty for claiming the Ottoman territory. Just 13 days after the Armistice of Mudros, a French brigade entered İstanbul on November 12, 1918. The first British Troops entered the city on November 13 1918. Early in December 1918, Allied troops occupied sections of Istanbul and set up an Allied military administration.

On February 8, 1919, the French general Franchet d' Espèrey entered the city on a white horse, emulating Mehmed the Conqueror's entrance in 1453 after the Fall of Constantinople, signifying that Ottoman sovereignty over the imperial city was over. On November 13, 1919, the Allied fleet sailed into the Bosporus.

Somerset Calthorpe, December 1918 - August 1919

See also: Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe and Malta exiles

After the armistice, High Commissioner Admiral Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe was assigned as the military adviser to Istanbul. His first task was to arrest between 160 and 200 persons from the Government of Tevfik Pasha on January 1919 Among this group, he send thirty to Malta (Malta exiles).

Calthorpe included only Turkish members of the Government of Tevfik Pasha and the military/political personalities. He wanted to send a message that a military occupation was in effect and failure to comply would end with harsh punishment. His position did not shared with other partners of the allies. French Government's response on these presumed guilty people was "distinction to disadvantage of Muslim-Turks while Bulgarian, Austrian and German offenders were as yet neither arrested nor molested". However, government and Sultan got the message. On February 1919, allies was informed that Ottoman Empire was in comply with its full apparatus to the occupation forces. Any source of conflict (including Armenian questions) would be investigated by a commission which neutral Governments can attach two legal superintendents.

Calthorpe was alarmed when he learned that the winner of Gallipoli had become the inspector general for Anatolia and Mustafa Kemal's behaviors during this period did nothing to improve matters. Calthorpe urged that Kemal be recalled. Thanks to friends and sympathizers of Mustafa Kemal's in government circles, a 'compromise' was developed whereby the power of the inspector general was curbed, at least on paper. "Inspector General" became a title that had no power to command. On June 23 1919, Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe began to put the pieces on Kemal and his role in the establishment of the Turkish national movement. He sent a report about Mustafa Kemal to the Foreign Office. His remarks were downplayed by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst (British army) in Samsun warned Cathrope one more time about the Turkish national movement, but his units were replaced with a Brigade of Gurkhas.

Arthur Gough-Calthorpe was assigned to another position on August 5, 1919 and left Istanbul.

John de Robeck, August 1919 - 1922

See also: John de Robeck

From August 1919 to 1922 John de Robeck replaced Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe with the title of "Commander-in-Chief, Mediterranean, and High Commissioner, at Constantinople". He was responsible for activities regarding Russia and Turkey (Ottoman Empire-Turkish national movement).

John de Robeck was very worried by the defiant mood of the Ottoman parliament. When 1920 arrived, he was concerned by reports that substantial stocks of arms were reaching Turkish revolutionaries, some from French and Italian sources. In one of his letters to London, he asked: "Against whom would these sources be employed?"

In London, the Conference of London (February 1920) took place; it featured discussions about settling the treaty terms to be offered in San Remo. John de Robeck reminded participants that Anatolia was moving into a resistance stage. There were arguments of "National out" (Misak-ı Milli) were circulating and if these would be solidified that would take a longer time and more resources to handle the case (partitioning of the Ottoman Empire). He tried to persuade the leaders to take quick action and control the Sultan and pressure the rebels (from both directions). This request posted awkward problems at the highest level: promises for national sovereignty were on the table and United states was fast withdrawing into isolation.

Shift from de facto to de jure

Parliament acting by itself, January 1920

See also: Khilafat Movement and Conference of London (February 1920)

The newly established Ottoman parliament did not recognized that there was a de facto occupation. Ottoman parliament developed a National Pact (Misak-ı Milli). They adapted six principles; which called for self-determination, the security of Constantinople, and the opening of the Straits, also the abolishment of the capitulations. While in Istanbul, self-determination and protection of the Ottoman Empire was voiced, the Khilafat Movement in India try to influence the British government to protect the caliphate of the Ottoman empire and although it was mainly a Muslim religious movement, the Khilafat struggle was becaming a part of the wider Indian independence movement. Both these two movements (Misak-ı Milli and Khilafat Movement) on the idealogical level share a lot of notions, which during the Conference of London (February 1920) allies concentrated on these issues.

The Ottoman Empire did lose in World War One, but Misak-ı Milli in the local Khilafat Movement in a global sense was in conflict with the Allies' plans.

Solidification of the partitioning, February 1920

See also: Conference of London (February 1920) and Sanremo conference

The plans for partitioning of the Ottoman Empire needed to be solidified. At Conference of London on March 4, 1920 Triple Entente decided to implement its previous (secret) agreements and form what will be the Treaty of Sèvres. In doing so, all forms of resistance originating from Ottoman Empire (rebellions, Sultan, etc) had to be dismantled. The Allies' military forces in Istanbul ordered to take the necessary actions; also political side increased the efforts to put the Treaty of Sèvres in writing.

On the political side, negotiations for Treaty of Sèvres presumed a Greek (Christian Administration), a French-Armenian (Christian Administration), Italian occupation region (Christian Administration) and Wilsonain Armenia (Christian Administration) over what was Ottoman Empire (Muslim Administration). Muslim citizens of the Ottoman Empire perceived this plan as losing their sovereignty. British intelligence registered the Turkish national movement as a movement of the Muslim citizens of Anatolia. The Muslim unrest all around Anatolia brought two arguments to the British government regarding the new establishments: the Muslim administration (Ottoman Empire) was not safe for Christians; the Treaty of Sèvres was the only way that Christians could be safe. Enforcing the Treaty of Sèvres could not happen without repressing Mustafa Kemal's (Turkish Revolutionaries) national movement.

On the military side the British claimed that if the Allies could not control Anatolia at that time, they could at least control the Istanbul. Plan was step by step beginning from Istanbul dismantle every organization and slowly move deep into the Anatolia. That meant facing with what will be called as the Turkish War of Independence. British foreign department was asked to devise a plan to ease this path. British foreign department developed the same plan that they used during the Arab revolt. This policy of breaking down authority by separating the Sultan from his government, and working different millets against each other, such as the Christian millet against the Muslim millet, was the best solution if minimal British force was to be used. The details of these covert operations in Anatolia are covered under Turkish war of independence.

Dissolution of the parliament, March 1920

See also: Second Constitutional Era (Ottoman Empire)

The Telegram House was occupied on March 14. On the night of March 15 British troops began to occupy the key buildings and arrest Turkish nationalists. It was a very messy operation. The 10th division and military music school resisted the arrest. At least 10 students died under the gunfire of the British Indian army. The total death toll is unknown. On March 18 the Ottoman parliament met. The parliament sent a protest to allies; "it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members" declared the parliament. This was end of the Ottoman Political system. British move on the parliament left Sultan as sole controller of the Empire. Without parliament Sultan was alone with the British. Beginning with March 18 Sultan become the puppet of the British foreign department. "There would be no one left to blame for what will be coming soon", said the Sultan. Sultan declared his own version of the deceleration of dissolution on April 11, after approximately 150 politicians were exiled to Malta.

The dissolution of the parliament followed by the raid and closing of the journal "Yeni Gun" (New Day). "Yeni Gun" was owned by Yunus Nadi Abalıoğlu, who was an influential journalist. "Yeni Gün" was the main media organ publishing the news about the resistance (Turkish War of Independence) to the outside world.

Official Declaration, March 16, 1920

On March 16, 1920, third day of hostilities the allied forces declared the occupation:

In an effort to prevent the spread of Turkish nationalism, General Sir George Milne and an Allied force occupied Constantinople.

• The Allies gave assurances that they had no intention of taking over the government.
• The Allies sought to keep the Straits open and to protect the Armenians.
• The Allies persuaded the Ottoman government to denounce the Turkish nationalists and sent many into exile.
• The Sultan had established a Damad Ferid government.

Forcing the Peace Treaty

The June was determined as a target to put the peace treaty (Treaty of Sèvres) on the signature. From March to June, the existence of all resistance was planned to be curbed down.

Early pressure on insurgency, April-June 1920

British claimed the insurgency of the Turkish revolutionaries should be handled by the forces within the Anatolia through British training and material support. In response to this request, the Istanbul government, government without parliament, appointed its own extraordinary Anatolian general inspector Süleyman Şefik Pasha and a new Security Army, Kuva-i Inzibatiye, to enforce its rule and fight the nationalists with British support. British also supported detachment gorilla groups around the Anatolia (the term used for them was independent army), led by Circassians refugees driven into Anatolia by the Russians. Most famous, Circassian, Ahmet Anzavur, a conservative movement and force with money and arms provided by the Istanbul government and the British. Ahmet Anzavur even led the Kuva-i Inzibatiye, or more properly some battalions, and his bands began to ravage the countryside.

The details of these military units against the Turkish National movement is explained under Turkish War of Independence. These forces were unsuccesful against the national movement, such that the clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. The British forces opened fire on the nationalists and bombed them from the air. This bombing forced a retreat but there was a panic in Istanbul. The British commander, General George Milne, asked for reinforcements. This initiated a chain reaction to determine how much power was required to handle the national movement. Marshal Ferdinand Foch signed the final report with summation to twenty seven divisions. The British army did not have twenty-seven divisions and was not willing to channel these forces while they claimed that WWI had ended with their victory. A deployment of this size could have had political consequences that were beyond the British government's capacity to handle.

The British were quick to accept the fact that the nationalistic movement, which had hardened during WWI, could not be faced without the deployment of consistent and well-trained forces, such as the Greek army. On June 25 the forces originating from Kuva-i Inzibatiye were dismantled on the advice of the British, who said that there was no use for them.

Presentation of the Treaty to the Sultan, June 1920

See also: Treaty of Sèvres

The treaty terms were presented to the Sultan in the middle of June. The treaty was harsher than anyone expected. However, because of the military pressure placed on the insurgency from April to June 1920, the Allies did not expect that there would be any serious opposition.

Resources

• Nur Bilge CRISS, "Istanbul under Allied Occupation 1918–1923".