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[[File:Thamarai-Namam2.png|thumb|60px|right|The socio-religious movement of [[Ayyavazhi]] was pioneered and patronized by the Nadar community<ref name="lmsp8889">{{cite book|title=Report of the London Missionary Society, 1847|year=1847|pages=88–89}}</ref>]]
[[File:Thamarai-Namam2.png|thumb|60px|right|The socio-religious movement of [[Ayyavazhi]] was pioneered and patronized by the Nadar community<ref name="lmsp8889">{{cite book|title=Report of the London Missionary Society, 1847|year=1847|pages=88–89}}</ref>]]


==Kalaripayattu==
==Martial Arts==
The Nadars, along with the Nairs and Ezhavas, traditionally practiced the martial art of [[Kalaripayattu]].<ref>{{cite book | title=Martial arts of the world: en encyclopedia. A – Q, Volume 1| edition=| author=Thomas A. Green| year=2001| pages=177| publisher=ABC-CLIO, Inc.| isbn=1-57607-556-7}}</ref>
The Nadars, like [[Kallan|Kallars]] and [[Thevar]]s traditionally practiced the martial arts like ''Adi Murai'' (the law of hitting), which was similar to [[Kalaripayattu]].<ref>{{cite book | title=Martial arts of the world: en encyclopedia. A – Q, Volume 1| edition=| author=Thomas A. Green| year=2001| pages=177| publisher=ABC-CLIO, Inc.| isbn=1-57607-556-7}}</ref>


==Genetic study==
==Genetic study==

Revision as of 11:45, 9 March 2012

Nadar Community
File:Harris Jayaraj 2.jpg
K. Kamaraj, Harris Jayaraj,
Regions with significant populations
Tirunelveli, Thoothukudi, Tiruchendur, Virudhunagar, Madurai, Thanjavur, Chennai, Kaniyakumari, Trivandrum, Kollam
Languages
Tamil, Malayalam
Religion
Hinduism, Christianity, Ayyavazhi
Related ethnic groups
Tamil people

Nadar (also referred as Nadan, Shanar, Gramani ) is a caste of Tamil Nadu, South India. The term, Nadar, in Tamil literally means one who rules the land.[1] The Nadars are an entrepreneurial south Indian caste[2] and constitute 12% of Tamil Nadu's population.[3] It is classified and listed as a Other Backward Class by the governments of both Tamil Nadu and India.[4][5] The Nadar community was not a singular caste, but an assortment of sub-castes and classes of different origins, which in course of time, came under the single banner Nadar.[6] Nadar climber (or palmrya climber) was the largest subsect of today’s Nadar community.[7] A few sub sects of the Nadar community were traditionally wealthy landlords and money lenders. Nadars are predominant in the southern districts of Tuticorin, Kaniyakumari, Tirunelveli and Virudhunagar.[8]

Historically, most Nadars were humble cultivators of palmyra trees and jaggery and a few were also involved in the toddy trade. The small endogamanous group of aristocratic Nadars called Nelamaikkarars who live south of Thamirabarani River had served as tax collectors under the Nayak and Pandya rulers. Those Nadar climbers who lived as minorities had historically faced discrimination in a few localities. The martial art of Kalaripayattu was historically practiced by the Nadars.

In post independent India, the Nadars have made significant strides through their emphasis on education and entrepreneurship. The socio-economical upliftment of Nadars in southern India has elicited international academic interest and appreciation.[9][10][page needed][11] Shiv Nadar,[12] a billionaire businessman, ranked as 15th richest man in India by Forbe's magazine in 2009 is one of the examples of successful Nadar entrepreneurs.[13] The Nadars today are a powerful community.[14] They are financially very strong and are also politically influential in the Southern districts of Tamil Nadu.[15]

Etymology

The community was previously known as Shanar[16] but legally changed their name to Nadar in 1921.[17] The title Nadar is believed to be derived from the Nelamaikkarars, the aristocrats of the Shanar community who had previously used it exclusively. Nadars claim that the original name of the community was Shantror or Shandrar (noble one) which, in course of time, was corrupted to Shanar. Channar, a title used by the Ezhava community of Kerala, means headman.[18][19] However, there is little evidence to support these claims.[7][20]

History

The origin of Nadars as a social group is uncertain. Hardgrave states that the Teri palmrya forests around today’s Tiruchendur must have been their original abode.[21] Samuel Sarugunar claimed that they are the descendants of those who ruled the Cheran, Cholan and Pandyan kingdoms and that when Nayak rulers captured the Pandya country, it was divided into several Palayams (divisions) for each of which Palaiyakkars were appointed as rulers. Sarugunar believes that the Nayak rulers of Tamil Nadu imposed Deshaprashtam (ostracism) on the ancient Pandyas (Nadars) to ensure that they would not rise.[7][18][22][23] The traditions followed by the Nelamaikkarars and the existence of the ruins beneath the Teri palmrya forests of Tiruchendur and the Pandyan capital city of Korkai, where the Nadar population is predominant, suggest they could very well be the heirs of the Early Pandyas.[24][25] Two inscriptions at Kalladaikurichi suggest that in medieval times the Nadars served as administrators and accountants in both the Chera and Pandya countries.[22][23] However, there is little evidence to support the community's claim to be descendants of the later Pandya rulers.[25] The identity or caste of the Pandyan kings remains a mystery.[26] This belief, that the Nadars had been the kings of Tamil Nadu, became the dogma of the Nadar community in the 19th century.[24]

Nadars of the 19th century

See also: Nadan (Nadar subcaste) and Nadar climber

In the early nineteenth century, the Nadars were a community mostly engaged in the palmyra industry, including the production of toddy. However, there were a few subsects comprising wealthy landlords and money lenders.[27][28] At this time, the majority of Nadars lived south of the Thamirabarani River, and formed 80 - 90 per cent of the population between there and Cape Comorin.[29] Although numerically dominant in the area, the Nadars had a minimal interaction with other communities and they were themselves divided by their various endogamous subcastes, and thus lacked communal cohesion.[30]

While the majority of the Nadar population of the region were poor, landless laborers, there also existed a small endogamous group of the aristocratic Nelamaikkarars (Nadans) who owned vast tracts of land. Historical records and accounts indicate that they possibly worked as tax collectors under the Pandyas. These Nadans either held their position directly under Nayak rulers in the Tiruchendur area or as petty lords under the Palaiyakkarar. They commanded high respect among the population, including from groups such as the Nadar climbers, the minority Vellalars and the Brahmins. Nadan men rode horses and their women rode in covered palanquins.[31]

Nadar climbers were also to be found in other regions of Tamil Nadu where a few palmyra trees grew. In areas where the Nadar climber population consisted of only a few families in a village, they faced discrimination from the majority caste.[32] Due to their association with toddy, the Nadars were considered lower than other middle castes, but relatively higher than the low castes, and were also prohibited to enter temples built by higher ranked castes.[33] Although associated with toddy, the Nadars did not themselves consume it.[34] The Nadars were schismatic about their position in the caste hierarchy and firmly claimed that they were wrongly placed in the caste system due to the Nayak invasion. They were also very caste conscious.[35][36]

Nadars of Travancore

Hardgrave conjectures that the Nadars of Southern Travancore migrated there from Tirunelveli in the 16th century after the invasion of Tirunelveli by the Raja of Travancore.[37] Like their Tirunelveli counterparts, the Nadars of Travancore were mostly palmrya climbers, although a significant number subtenants to Nair or Vellalar landlords. These Nadar tenants called themselves Nadans and some had direct control over their lands. The Nadans enjoyed special privileges under the Raja and claimed that they were superior to the climbers.[38] The climbers of Travancore fared a little better than their Tirunelveli counterparts, but suffered severe social disabilities not found in Tirunelveli due to Travancore's rigid caste hierarchy. As Swami Vivekananda stated, the Keralite hierarchy was a lunatic asylum of castes. One example of the social disabilities was that Nadar climber women were not allowed to cover their bosoms, as most of the non- Brahmin women of Kerala, to punctuate their low status. However, the Nadan women of the region were exempted from this restriction.

Discontented with their social status, a large number of Nadar climbers embraced Christianity and became upwardly mobile. Although they improved their status with the aid of Christian missionaries, the outcome of their conversion did not conform to the intent of those missionaries. Both the Christian and Hindu Nadar climber women wore the upper jacket in the manner of upper class women and also their Tamil counterparts, in order to improve their social status. In turn, upper class men abused and discriminated against them. One Nadan family of Agastheeswaram, instead of supporting their depressed counterparts, supported the upper class men and claimed that only their women had the right to wear an upper cloth. The situation became known as the Upper cloth controversy and became violent. Eventually, with assistance from the Travancore authorities, British Christian Missionaries and Vaikunta Swamy, the depressed Nadar climber women won the right to wear their upper cloth in the manner of their Nadan counterparts.[38][39]

Northern Nadars

Some petty Nadar traders migrated from southern Tirunelveli to northern Tirunelveli and Virudhunagar. Over time they became commercially skilled and by the late 19th century were socially aspirant. Mercantilism played a crucial role in facilitating their upward mobility but religion was also perceived as a vehicle. Around 10 percent of the community converted to Christianity, both Catholic and Protestant.[40]

British rule in the southern districts introduced new opportunities for trade and commerce, of which the Nadars took advantage. They established sophisticated pettais (fortified compounds) and urvinmurais (local caste associations) to ensure safety for their goods. Members of the uravinmurai, who were known as muraikkarars, would contribute a portion of their income to the association as mahimai (literally, to glorify oneself), in order to use the facilities of the pettais and to improve the common good.[32] As the wealth of the Northern Nadars increased they began also to adopt the customs of the North Indian Kshatriyas in order to improve their social status, in a process now known as Sanskritisation. Many tried to disassociate themselves from their Nadar climber counterparts and the term Shanar (the term generally used to call a Tamil palmrya climber). They adopted the title of Nadan, previously used only by the Nelamaikkarars.

To demonstrate their wealthy and powerful social position, the Nadars of Sivakasi hired Maravar palanquin bearers.[41] The upward mobility and kshatriya pretensions of the Nadars of the six towns of Ramanad caused resentment among both the Vellalar and the Maravar castes, who were ritually ranked above the Nadars.[42] The outcome was a series of caste conflicts, including the Sivakasi riots of 1899. However, the Sankritisation movement was a failure initially and the Nadar climbers, who lived as minorities, were still discriminated by the majority castes.[43] However these confrontations aided the community to protest for the required rights and privileges, with integrity, and also test how much other communities were willing to accept the Nadar claims of high status. The Northern Nadar leaders then sought to unite their community by encouraging intermarriages within the five major Nadar subcastes and also uplift the depressed palmrya Nadar climbers. They also sought to maintain amiable relationships with other communities. This led to the formation of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam in 1910.

Nadars of the 20th century

Rao Bahadur T. Rattinasami Nadar, founder of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam

Nadar Mahajana Sangam

The separate Nadar associations of the six Ramanad towns were unable to support a community that was becoming more dispersed as many began to migrate to other parts of Madras Presidency. With the rise of the politically ambitious T. Rattinasami Nadar, a wealthy Nadar of Porayar in Thanjavur district, a new association was formed.[44] This resulted from Rattinasami Nadar inviting prominent community leaders to attend a plenary session in February 1910, with the intent of establishing an organization to represent the entire community. Rattinasami Nadar's uncle, V. Ponnusami Nadar, was elected to become the first president of the association, which was called the Nadar Mahajana Sangam. The association was open to any Nadar male of any subcaste or religion, and had as its general purpose the upliftment of the community. The early Sangam conferences were dominated by the Northern Nadars.[45][46]

Against toddy

The campaign against toddy was one of the first steps taken by the Nadar Mahajana Sangam to enhance the social advancement of the entire Nadar community. Though majority of the Nadar climbers were engaged in the production of jaggery, a significant number of Nadar climbers were also involved in the production of toddy. The Sangam urged the Nadar climbers to abandon their traditional occupation of toddy tapping and not to sell hard toddy. However many Nadar climbers were reluctant to give up their profitable occupation. The situation got out of hand when Nadar leaders tried to intimidate the climbers, by using tenets of their cult, to give up their occupation as toddy tappers. To ease the situation the district magistrate issued a proclamation restricting the climbers to sell hard toddy only in specific regions, where toddy can be legally drawn. However the Sangam's campaign was effective for only about a year.[47]

Prohibition of toddy act

The Sangam then in order to aid the depressed[clarification needed] climbers, sought to abolish the tax levied on palmrya trees. After the establishment of the Prohibition(of toddy) act in the Northern districts of Madras Presidency, the Nadar Mahajana Sangam along with its sister association,Dakshina Mara Nadar Sangam of Tirunelveli, sought to remove it to aid the depressed climbers. The British advisor government in turn suspended the act. However, the prohibition act was reintroduced after the independence. Under the rules of the act, the climbers could only tap between 4 am to 2pm and sell sweet toddy between 6am and 2pm. These procedures can also only be practiced by climbers who have license. The rigid government rules pressurized the depressed climbers. The two prominent Nadars Sangams constantly pressurized the government and eventually the enforcement of these regulations gradually eased. By mid-1950s, the government assigned cooperative societies to promote jaggery production.[48]

Nadar educational institutions

The Nadar community did not completely rely on the Backward Class Commission for educational advancement. In 1885, the Northern Nadars established the Kshatriya Vidhyasala High School in Virudhunagar by using the mahimai funds from the Nadar uravinmurai. Education was also the primary concern of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam from inception. In 1921, the Sangam began to provide scholarship loans to needy students, and by 1964 more than 3000 such loans were offered. Some students were given assistance for foreign studies. The Sangam also aided the establishment of village schools. Education formed the largest portion of expenditure by the Nadar Mahajana Sangam.[when?] The Nadar bank along with other cooperative societies gave 5 percent of their profit to the scholarship fund. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam also established a college, Senthilkumara Nadar College, in 1947.[49]

Resolution of inter-caste conflicts

In villages where there were few Nadar climbers, they were oppressed by those in the majority. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam acted in the interests of such climbers, using the strength and influence of the community at large. The climbers could ask the Sangam to intervene in inter-community issues, which would cause the Sangam to investigate the situation and determine the validity of any Nadar claims. Then, if necessary, the Sangam would request police intervention or support a claim in court. In situations where the matter went to court, the Sangam would not provide financial support for the Nadar claimant to contest the case, but would rather see that the claim is properly heard. After independence of India, the Sangam took advantage of the constitutional provisions encouraging a caste-less society and also supported government attempts to promote this vision. The support included urging their own community members to allow use of their schools, tanks, temples and wells by other communities. The name of the Nadar bank was changed to Tamil Nadu Mercantile Bank. These activities earned the Nadar community respect and recognition.[50][51]

Most of the shops in Ranganathan Street, Tamil Nadu's premier high street, are owned by the Nadars.[14]

Politics

In the 1920s and 1930s, Nadar Mahajan Sangam supported the non-Brahmin movement and Justice party.[52] W. P. A. Soundrapandian Nadar as the president of Nadar Mahajana Sangam led the effort to ally the community with Periyar E. V. Ramasamy's Self-respect movement. The Nadars joined the Justice party in its attack against Brahmins on cultural and religious front.[53][54] Nadars also practiced self-respect marriages during the non-Brahmin movement.[55] The Northern Nadars would continue to give their support to the justice party until the rise of Kamaraj Nadar. Kamaraj, the Nadar freedom fighter, was stoned by the Nadars when he tried to speak on behalf of the Congress in Kamudi, and branded as a traitor of the Nadar community for supporting the Congress.

However, in the late 1940s the Nadars' support shifted to Indian National Congress. Though Kamaraj was detested by his own community initially, his political success gradually changed the Nadars' support to Congress.[56] Kamaraj went on to become the Indian National Congress president,from 1964 to 1967, and Chief Minister of Madras state,from 1954 to 1963. After the end of Kamaraj's era, the Nadars' political support have become diffused across various parties and the Nadar Sangam has become less politicized.[52][57]

Business

The success of Nadars in business played a pivotal role in the rise of the community. Nadar grocery stores can be found today in almost every corner of Tamil Nadu. The success is mainly due to their frugality and determination, and many have risen from poverty. It is difficult to determine the wealth of a Nadar merchant for a very wealthy Nadar may sit simply in his tiny shop.[58]

Nadars today

File:Saravana Bhavan.JPG
Saravana Bhavan in New Jersey, United States, International chain restaurant founded by Nadar businessman

The social and economical development achieved by Nadars in independent India have evoked academic interest and appreciation across the world.[9] The Nadar caste entered many professions in the 20th century, from "high-tech entreprenuer" to owner of a large dairy company.[9] Nadar businessmen and Professor Varshney all pointed to educational opportunities that allowed Nadars to enter high-class professions.[9] The Nadars, who were once not allowed to enter Hindu temples built by castes above them, now occupy respected positions as Trustees in many Hindu temples of Tamil Nadu.[11][59] The Nadars today are a powerful community.[14] They are financially very strong and are also politically influential in the Southern Tirunelveli regions of Nanguneri, Srivaikuntam, Tiruchendur, Tuticorin and Kaniyakumari. There is a Nadar in almost every political party. The community also has influential Tamil media houses, such as Dina Thanthi.[15]

Crawford Young has said that:

Today, the Nadars are recognized as an "advanced" community – a status reversal accomplished over the past century through caste horizontal mobilization of caste solidarity, challenge to servile traditional ascription through ritual transformations, effective utilization of modern opportunity through education and commerce, and skilful communal exploitation of the political arena.[60]

Subcastes

The legend of the origin of the Nadars tell of the birth of seven sons; with the death of two, the remaining five father the separate divisions of the community. There were five major divisions among the Nadars.[61]

Karukkupattaiyathar

Palmrya climber in Tirunelveli district, Tamil Nadu

The Karukkupattaiyathar are supposed to be the original inhabitants of the country around Manadu. This is sub-division was later known as Mara Nadar. They claim to be the descendants of the Pandyans. It is the largest of the five subcastes and constitutes about 80 percent of the entire community, including the aristocratic Nelamaikkarars and the climbers beneath them. The Nelamaikarrars and the climbers are endogamous groups, forming sub-subcastes that each marry only among themselves.[62]

Mel-nattar

The term Mel-nattar comes from Mel-nadu (western country). Mel-nattars lived traditionally in the Southern Travancore and Western Tirunelveli districts. They claim to be descendants of the Chera kings who settled in the area of the Western Ghats after the fall of their dynasty. They can be found today mainly in Ambasamudram, Sankarankoil, Srivaikuntam, and Nanguneri.[63]

Tiruvarudi Vaihunda Nadan, the last Zamindar of Nattathi.

Nattathi

They are predominant in the village of Nattathi near Sawyerpuram, Tuticorin district. They are traditionally cultivators, traders and money lenders. Legendary accounts claim that the Nattathis are descendants born of the Pandyas and Cholas. The community is today predominantly Christian and remains a endogamanous unit. The overlord of Nattathi was a retainer of the Kattabomma Nayaka. The Nattathi overlord was invested with Zamindari rights under the British. The last of the Nattathi zamindars, Tiruvarudi Vaihunda Nadan, died in 1892. The properties of the Zamindar were eventually divided among a number of claimants.[64]

Kodikal

They are found in Ambasamudram and Tenkasi taluqs and traditionally palmrya climbers. They are supposed to have migrated to the Pandyan country from the banks of the Cauvery River in Tanjore to serve the Pandyan kings as their flag bearers.[65]

Kalla

The Kalla Shanars were considered as the lowest division of the Nadar community. They are also known as Servai. The term kalla means "false". They are believed originally to have been palanquin bearers for the Pandyan kings or menial slaves of the Nelamaikkarar family, having descended from illegal unions within the Nadar community. They are traditionally toddy tappers.[65]

The subsect culture is not present today among the Nadars north of Tirunelveli but it still exists among those of southern Tirunelveli. The Karkuppatayathars, the endogamaous Nelamaikkarars and the Nadar climbers beneath them are today known as A group or Mara Nadar, and the remaining four subcastes are known as B group.[66]

Christian Nadars

In 1680, the first congregation of Nadars was started at Vaddakankulam with the conversion of Nadar women and a church was built accordingly in 1685. A permanent mission was established in 1701. Some Nadars accepted Christianity through will and some accepted it due to their aversion to local beliefs.[67] In 1970, Christian Nadars numbered 150,000 as opposed to 1.5 to 2 millions of Hindu Nadars in Madras state.[68] Nadar Christians, like Hindus, marry within their caste.[69]

Religious customs

See also: Kuladevata

The Hindu Nadars, like other Hindus, have a variety of religious rituals and ceremonies. These include procedures relating to birth, adulthood, marriage and death. Every Hindu Nadar belongs to a kuttam (assemblage) through patrilineal descent, and each kuttam has a common family deity. During migration, families would often take soil from their family temple and enshrine it at their new home. Traditionally, all the members of a kuttam would assemble at least once a year at the family temple. With the birth of a child, the family would traditionally go to the family deity temple, where the hair of the child is shaved for the first time and offered to the deity. At the time of marriage the first invitation is presented to the family deity.[63]

The Hindu Nadars are almost entirely Saivite (only one kuttam is Vaishnavite). Of the deities, Murugan has been widely popular among the Nadars. Goddess Bhadrakali is the tutelary deity of the Nadar community. The Nadars also claim that they are the descendants of Bhadrakali. A Bhadrakali temple is usually at the centre of almost every Nadar settlement.[63]

The socio-religious movement of Ayyavazhi was pioneered and patronized by the Nadar community[70]

Martial Arts

The Nadars, like Kallars and Thevars traditionally practiced the martial arts like Adi Murai (the law of hitting), which was similar to Kalaripayattu.[71]

Genetic study

Recent genetic studies on the antigenic variations among south Indian populations suggest Nadars share several genotypic characters with East Asian populations, consistent with the demographic history of South India, and also revealed that there are several genetic markers unique to the Nadars, which are rare or absent in other populations of India and the world. The study suggested a distinct evolutionary lineage with lesser admixture in the gene pool among groups of Tamil Nadu. The gene pool of nadars show more similarity to the East Asian populations. The study reveals that a relatively lesser degree of genetic admixture occurred between the South Indian and North Indian racial groups than that between South Indian and East Asian groups.[72] Also the presence of shared HLA genome between the Nadars and Fulani people indicates that a genetic relationship may have existed between them. This finding supported also the linguistic and archaeological evidence.[73]

Notable people

Further information: List of Nadars

Notes

  1. ^ "Unique in its own way". The Hindu. 4 August 2007. Retrieved 24 December 2010.
  2. ^ Barbara Harriss-White (2003). India working: essays on society and economy. Cambridge University Press. pp. xvii. ISBN 0-521-80979-7.
  3. ^ "Nadar vote bank remains divided". Business Standard. 17 March 2004. Retrieved 24 December 2010.
  4. ^ "List of Backward Classes approved by Government of Tamil Nadu". Government of Tamil Nadu. Retrieved 26 December 2010.
  5. ^ "Central list of other backward classes". Government of India. Retrieved 26 December 2010.
  6. ^ [1] Gazetteers of India Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani: Copyrighted by the Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research Page 233-242
  7. ^ a b c Sinnakani. Tamil Nadu State:Thoothukudi District, Volume 1. Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research. pp. 233–242.
  8. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 269–270
  9. ^ a b c d *Polgreen, Lydia (September 10, 2010). "New Business Class Rises in Ashes of South India's Caste System". New York Times. Retrieved September 14, 2010.
  10. ^ Robert Hardgrave. The Nadars of Tamil Nadu. University of California Press.
  11. ^ a b Dennis Templeman (December 19, 1996). The Northern Nadars of Tamil Nadu: An Indian Caste in the Process of Change. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0195637885.
  12. ^ Harish Damodharan (16 September 2008). India's New Capitalists: Caste, Business, and Industry in a Modern Nation. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 191. ISBN 978-0230205079.
  13. ^ "Forbes India's richest". Forbes.com. Retrieved 24 December 2010.
  14. ^ a b c N.S. Ramnath (03 July, 2009). "A bank controlled by Tamil Nadu's close-knit, powerful Nadar community". Forbes India Magazine. Retrieved 03 July, 2009. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= and |date= (help)
  15. ^ a b *Sanchita Das (March, 17 2004). "Nadar vote bank remains divided". Business Standard. Retrieved March, 17 2004. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= and |date= (help)
  16. ^ Henriette Bugge (1994). Mission and Tamil Society: Social and Religious Change in South India (1840–1900). Curzon Press Ltd. p. 86. ISBN 0-7007-0292-X.
  17. ^ Richard G. Fox (Jan, 1970). "Avatars of Indian Research". Comparative Studies in Society and History. 12(1): 70. JSTOR 178151. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |year= (help)
  18. ^ a b Hardgrave 1969, pp. 20
  19. ^ Rao, M. S. A. (1979). Social Movements and Social Transformation: A Study of Two Backward Classes. Macmillan. p. 23.
  20. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 80–90
  21. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 19–21
  22. ^ a b History of Tamil Nadu, 1565–1982 Page 277 By K. Rajayyan
  23. ^ a b [2] Deccan Chronicle March 1st 2007
  24. ^ a b Hardgrave 1969, pp. 87
  25. ^ a b Rajni Kothari (1995). Caste in Indian Politics. Orient Longman. pp. 103–104.
  26. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 14
  27. ^ Robert L. Hardgrave, Jr.(1969) The Nadars of Tamilnad
  28. ^ Bishop Stephen Neill: from Edinburgh to South India By Dyron B. Daughrity
  29. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 25
  30. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 42
  31. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 29
  32. ^ a b Hardgrave 1969, pp. 24
  33. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 22–23
  34. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 39–41
  35. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 44&71–72
  36. ^ Lloyd I. Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber Rudolph. The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India. University Of Chicago Press. pp. 36–38. ISBN 0226731375.
  37. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 56
  38. ^ a b Hardgrave 1969, pp. 56 Cite error: The named reference "Hardgrave13" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  39. ^ Jamie S. Scott, Gareth Griffiths (2005). Mixed messages: materiality, textuality, missions. Plagrave Macmillan. p. 75. ISBN 0-312-29576-6.
  40. ^ Clothey, Fred W. (2006). Ritualizing on the boundaries: continuity and innovation in the Tamil diaspora. University of South Carolina press. pp. 88–90. ISBN 9781570036477. OCLC 255232421. Retrieved 2009-11-08.
  41. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 105–109
  42. ^ Mandelbaum 1970, pp. 511
  43. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 109–129
  44. ^ Lucy Carroll (February 1978). "Colonial Perceptions of Indian Society and the Emergence of Caste(s) Associations". The Journal of Asian Studies. 37 (2): 234–235.
  45. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 130–132
  46. ^ Christophe Jaffrelot (2003). India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India. Columbia University Press. p. 167. ISBN 0-231-12786-3.
  47. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 136–138
  48. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 138–140
  49. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 145–146
  50. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 159–162
  51. ^ Emilio F. Morán (1996). Transforming societies, transforming anthropology. University of Michigan press. p. 62. ISBN 0472105744.
  52. ^ a b Duncan B. Forrester (1970). "Kamaraj: A Study in Percolation of Style". Modern Asian Studies. 4 (1): 47. JSTOR 311752.
  53. ^ Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph. The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India. The University of Chicago Press. p. 48. ISBN 0-226-73137-5.
  54. ^ A. Ganesan (1988). The press in Tamil Nadu and the struggle for freedom, 1917–1937. Mittal Publications. p. 67. ISBN 81-7099-082-3.
  55. ^ Mytheli Sreenivas. Wives, widows, and concubines: the conjugal family ideal in colonial India. Indian University of Press. p. 144.
  56. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 186–188
  57. ^ Mandelbaum 1970, pp. 512
  58. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 147–154
  59. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 190
  60. ^ Young, Crawford (1976). The politics of cultural pluralism. The University of Wisconsin press. p. 103. ISBN 0-299-06740-8.
  61. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 32–34
  62. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 32
  63. ^ a b c Hardgrave 1969, pp. 33 Cite error: The named reference "Hardgrave25" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  64. ^ Hardgrave 1969, pp. 33
  65. ^ a b Hardgrave 1969, pp. 34
  66. ^ [3] Gazetteers of India Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani: Copyrighted by the Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research Page232- 237
  67. ^ Eugene P. Heideman (June 2001). From mission to church: the Reformed Church in America mission to India. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. p. 71. ISBN 978-0802849007.
  68. ^ Mandelbaum 1970, pp. 511–512
  69. ^ Harold G. Coward, Ronald Wesley Neufeldt, Eva K. Neumaier-Dargyay (2007). Readings in eastern religions. Wilfrid Laurier University Press. p. 88. ISBN 978-0-88920-435-5.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  70. ^ Report of the London Missionary Society, 1847. 1847. pp. 88–89.
  71. ^ Thomas A. Green (2001). Martial arts of the world: en encyclopedia. A – Q, Volume 1. ABC-CLIO, Inc. p. 177. ISBN 1-57607-556-7.
  72. ^ Shankarkumar U, Sridharan B, Pitchappan RM. (2003). "HLA diversity among Nadars, a primitive Dravidian caste of South India". Tissue Antigens. 62(6): 542–547.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  73. ^ Clyde Winters (March 2010). "Y-Chromosome evidence of an African origin of Dravidian agriculture". International Journal of Genetics and Molecular Biology. 2(3): 030–033.

References

  • Hardgrave, Robert (1969). The Nadars of Tamilnad: the political culture of a community in change. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 81-7304-701-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Templeman, Dennis (1996). The Northern Nadars of Tamil Nadu: An Indian Caste in the Process of Change. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 0195637887. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help); Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Mandelbaum, David Goodman (1970). Society in India, Volumes 1–2. University of California Press. ISBN , ISBN. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help); Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • M., Immanuel (2002). The Dravidian Lineages: The Nadars Through the Ages. A Socio-Historical Study. From Indus Valley Civilization to present time. 137/H-4 Bethel Nagar, Nagercoil-629004, Tamil Nadu, India: Historical Research & Publications Trust. ISBN , ISBN. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)CS1 maint: location (link)
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