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Idris Alooma

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Idris Alooma
54th Mai of Bornu
Reign1571–1602/03
PredecessorAissa Koli
SuccessorMuhammad ibn Idris Alooma
BornIdris ibn Ali Zeinami
DiedAround modern-day Maiduguri[1]: 83 
Burial
Alau Lake[1]: 84 [2]
Issue
  • Muhammad
  • Ibrahim
  • al-Haj Umar
Names
Idris ibn ‘Ali ibn Idris ibn ‘Ali ibn Ahmad ibn ‘Othman ibn Idris
DynastySayfawa dynasty
FatherAli ibn Idris Katagarmabe

al-Haj Idris Alooma (born Idris ibn Ali) was Mai (ruler) of the Bornu empire (r. 1571–1602/03), covering parts of Chad, Cameroon, Niger and Nigeria.[3][4][5] His achievements are primarily chronicled by Ahmad bin Fartuwa, his chief Imam.[6][7]: 269  His reign marked the end of the Kanem civil wars within the state, reuniting N'jimi, the former capital, under Sayfawa control. Furthermore, he introduced significant legal reforms based on Islamic law, establishing qadi courts that operated independently from the executive branch. He was credited with leading the empire to what is often regarded as its zenith during the late 16th-century and early 17th-century.[8]: 151 [9][10]

Bornu faced instability before his reign, including famines, raids from neighbours, and internal conflicts. By the conclusion of his rule, he had successfully expanded Bornu's influence over vast territories, including the majority of Hausaland, the Tuareg of Aïr, the Tebu of Bilma, Tibesti, and even the Bulala of Kanem. Of particular note is the acquisition of Aïr and Bilma, which granted Bornu strategic control over the central Saharan trade routes. This development significantly contributed to the prosperity of Idris Alooma and his successors, enabling them to foster improved diplomatic relations with North African powers, notably Tripoli.[11]: 24  

During the late 16th-century, the Ottoman Caliphate's expansion towards Fezzan, an important trade hub in the trans-Saharan trade, became a concern for Bornu. Alooma sought negotiations with Istanbul to regain control of Fezzan which Sultan Murad III declined, but urged amicable relations with Bornu. As tensions rose, Bornu sought aid from Morocco's Ahmad al-Mansur, potentially to counter Ottoman control. Though al-Mansur agreed conditionally, no historical evidence shows his actual support.[12][13] Shortly after Bornu's final envoy to Morocco, between 1582–1583 and 1585, the entire Ottoman garrison in Fezzan was slaughtered, leading to the return of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty. Historian Dr. Rémi Dewière (School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London) suggests that Alooma strategically exploited the rivalry between Morocco and the Ottoman Empire to reclaim Fezzan.[10][14]

Early life

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Idris's mother, Amsa Aliram, was likely a daughter of a Mai of the Bulala.[15]: 39  She faced significant challenges in ensuring his survival during the reigns of Dunama (r. 1539–1557),[14] who succeeded Mai Ali (Idris's father) due to there being no adult male heirs, and Abdullahi (r. 1557–1564),[14] Dunama's son who followed him as Mai.[7]: 268 [16]: 83  

Idris, as an infant, lost his father, Mai Ali ibn Idris Katagarmabe (r. 1538–1539),[14] and was raised by Magira (Queen Mother) Aisa Kili N'girmaramma. In order to hide his existence from the Mais, Aisa constructed a brick palace for him near the River Yo in Gambaru (in modern-day Yunusari), which was located away from Bornu's capital, N'gazargamu.[16]: 83  

Reign

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The reign of Idris Alooma is the best documented of all of the Sayfawa rulers owing to his chief Imam, Ahmad ibn Fartuwa, who recorded the first twelve years of his reign.[10] However, the remaining twenty-one years is practically unknown. Before his ascension, Bornu was in a delicate and unstable period. The state was just leaving a short period during which it was ruled by Magira Aisa. Bornu had suffered long famines in the reigns of his two predecessors. It was being raided by its neighbors on all sides. Furthermore, the Kanem wars with the Bulala were still ongoing to the east. Even within Bornu itself, the Sao, Ngizim and the numerous lesser groups who remained unislamised had not yet been fully pacified.[7]: 269–270 [17]

Edris Alawoma (Idris Alauma) appears to have been an excellent prince, uniting in himself the most opposite qualities: warlike energy combined with mildness and intelligence; courage, with circumspection and patience, severity with pious feelings.

Heinrich Barth, Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa [2]

Alooma introduced a number of legal and administrative reforms based on Islamic law. He established qadi courts to oversee legal proceedings, effectively separating the judiciary from the executive branch. Prior to his rule, only the ruling class and a number of clerical families had been Muslims and during the century-long decline of the empire, the significance of the religion had diminished. It was noted by Ibn Fartua that, during Alooma's reign, most of the Bornu notables converted to Islam.[11]: 22 [8]: 123  Despite his attempts, however, there is no convincing evidence that Islamic law became Bornu's state law, nor did it completely replace non-Islamic beliefs and practices in the state according to historian Mervyn Hiskett.[18]

Alooma also sponsored the construction of numerous mosques and introduced the use of fired red mud bricks in these constructions. The mud bricks replaced the more temporary reeds.  Furthermore, he made at least two pilgrimages to Mecca, where he arranged for the establishment of a hostel to be used by pilgrims from his empire and a date grove.[7]: 500 [16]: 24 [17][19]: 131–132 [20]

Map of Kanem-Bornu in 1650

Government revenue came from tribute (or booty if the recalcitrant people had to be conquered) and duties on and participation in trade. Unlike West Africa, the Chadian region did not have gold. Still, it was central to one of the most convenient routes across the Sahara desert. Between Lake Chad and Fezzan lay a sequence of well-spaced wells and oases and from Fezzan there were easy connections to North Africa and the Mediterranean. Many products were sent north, including natron (sodium carbonate), cotton, kola nuts, ivory, ostrich feathers, perfume, wax, and hides, but the most profitable trade was in slaves. Imports included salt, horses, silk, glass, muskets, and copper.[21] He introduced the use of large boats capable of crossing the Lake Chad 'rapidly' replacing the smaller gagara boats from 'ancient times' which took two to three days to make the same journey. This allowed his army to travel faster and also supported trade in the region.[16]: 48 [22][23]

Alooma took a keen interest in trade and other economic matters. He was credited with having cleared the roads, designed better boats for Lake Chad, introduced standard units of measure for grain, and moving farmers into new lands. In addition, he improved the ease and security of transit through the empire with the goal of making it so safe that "a lone woman clad in gold might walk with none to fear but God."[citation needed]

Military campaigns

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One of the most well known aspects of Alooma's legacy was his extensive military expeditions and innovations. He employed Turkish military advisers to train his gunmen so they fully utilise his newly acquire muskets. These Turks were likely mercenaries who migrated to Bornu in pursuit of renown and riches.[13] Alooma also implemented the widespread establishment of ribats, fortified military posts, to uphold his authority and secure control across the entirety of Bornu.[15]: 25 [24][25]: 234 [26]: 79  Furthermore, he was credited with introducing the use of camel cavalry in the Lake Chad region.[8]: 122 [25]: 222 

Alooma also adopted certain policies that aided his military successes. He placed a particular importance to the effective use of time. His armies were meticulously organised and he coordinated the movements of large formations, concentrating them at crucial points, and dispersing them to prevent the strain on the limited food resources of semi-arid regions. These strategies were likely adopted from or influenced by the Madugus, who were renowned for leading merchant caravans through the Sahara desert.[23]

His armies conducted far-reaching campaigns that covered a vast geographical expanse, ranging from the Fezzan region in southern Libya to the Kawar region in northern Niger, the Kanem region in eastern Chad, the Mandara region in northern Cameroon, and even as far as Hausaland in northern Nigeria, reaching as distant as Kano. He embarked on a mission to restore Bornu's authority over the territories the empire had lost due to the bloody dynastic conflict it had suffered for a century. This process of reclamation was started by his great-grandfather Mai Ali Gaji (r. 1472–1504).

Amsaka campaigns

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According to Ibn Fartua, Amsaka was a formidable city with a diverse non-Muslim population (in modern-day Kaza near the border of Dikwa and Kala Balge in Borno state). [16][27] The town was encircled by a deep ditch and was situated to the east of Mandara. Unlike similar towns in the region, Amsaka did not have a single ruler. He further described its inhabitants as "insolent, rebellious and very troublesome." Even before the establishment of N'gazargamu in the late 15th-century, Amsaka had already gained a reputation as a mighty town that was heavily defended. Ibn Fartua remarked that Mai Ali Gaji used to make expeditions against "all the towns of the heathen except the land of Amsaka alone. The only reason they held off and left it alone was because of the power of its inhabitants in war and their stout defence of their town."[16]: 38 [28][23]

(The people of Amsaka) in their pride and self sufficiency they said to the Muslims:— “You are as you were before, and we are as we were “at first—and neither side will change—and none save the “birds will see the inside of our stockade and town.”

Ahmed ibn Fartua, History of The First Twelve Years of The Reign of Mai Idris Alooma of Bornu (1571—1583)[29]

Mai Idris admired the town for its "stubbornness and exclusiveness and presumption." In 1575, he, alongside Yamtarawalla, the chief of the Babur of Biu, made an initial attempt to invade and sack Amsaka, but he faced a fierce resistance and was repelled. After this initial failure, he took the time to carefully consider his next move. Some years later, he launched a second invasion, this time with a large army. However, instead of directly assaulting the city, he ordered his eager army to encamp just outside the town's east gate and to begin filling the deep trench that surrounded it.

The people of Amsaka responded by hurling spears, rocks, burning thatch, and pots of boiling human waste at Alooma's men filling the trench, but these efforts proved ineffective. They also showered the trench fillers with arrows, which likewise did not deter them. Each night, the people of Amsaka would attempt to remove the bundles of guinea corn stalks that Alooma's army had placed in the trench. However, these actions did not discourage Mai Idris. In response, Mai Idris ordered that all the arrows fired at his army be collected, which caused the town's supply of arrowheads to start running low. He also ordered the construction of high platforms around the city, from which his musketeers could fire into Amsaka and provide cover for the trench fillers. Once the trench was successfully filled, Mai Idris commanded that the wooden stockade surrounding the city be chopped down, ultimately leading to the dismantling of Amsaka's defenses.[16]: 38–39 [23]

On the last day of the Islamic month Sha'aban, which fell just before the start of Ramadan, specifically on 4 December 1575, Mai Idris led the siege of Amsaka and sacked it. He ordered the complete destruction of the town and the slaughter of all its inhabitants. According to Ibn Fartua, Mai Idris' army suffered only one casualty, a man named Ajima ibn Kalle, during the conquest. This victory in Amsaka elevated Alooma's reputation and standing. As a result, numerous settlements in the region sent representatives bearing gifts, signifying their submission to his rule and their agreement to pay a regular "poll-tax".[16] Amsaka never regained its 'might' and is today a village with a small population.[27]

Kanem campaigns

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Uniformed musketeers and mounted kettle-drummers of the Shehu of Bornu (1912)

The Mai initiated more than five military expeditions in Kanem as part of the ongoing dynastic conflict within the Sayfawa dynasty. Idris led 'systematic efforts' to reduce Kanem to submission and eventually, a peace agreement was reached with Abdullah, the Mai of Kanem, and two pieces of document were written and signed. Despite the treaty, there remained disputed territories, leading to the establishment of clear demarcations to define the borders. However, soon after the signing of the treaty, Abdullah passed away, and his son Muhammad assumed leadership.[23][30]: 657 

Muhammad's rule was short-lived as he was swiftly ousted by his uncle, Abd al-Jalil, who not only terminated the negotiations but also declined any alliance with Idris. This refusal led to a conflict where Idris's forces suffered significant losses but ultimately emerged victorious. As a result, Njimi (the former capital of Kanem-Bornu) and the surrounding areas to the east were incorporated into Bornu, although the rulership of Kanem was reinstated to Muhammad. Idris left behind a strong party of local dignitaries, who were primarily Shuwa Arabs, to support Muhammad's governance. However, circumstances necessitated Idris's return to Kanem, where he succeeded in fully annexing the region, thus integrating Kanem into the territory of Bornu.[14]: chapter 7 [31]: 81 [32]: 64 

Relations with North Africa and the Ottoman empire

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In the late 16th-century, the North African region saw an increase in Ottoman presence. Following the conquest of the Maghreb, the Ottoman influence, initially confined to the coastal regions and the vicinity of Tripoli, began to expand southward, particularly toward the Lake Chad region of Bornu. Spearheading this expansion was Mahmut Bey, a sanjak of the eyalet of Tripoli. In 1577–8, Mahmut successfully seized the Fezzan oases, leading to the expulsion of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty, which had governed Fezzan for fifty years, to Katsina, a Hausa city-state likely under Bornu control.[13][33]: 1 [34]

The abandoned Djado fort in Bilma, located on the Bornu-Kaouar-Fezzan-Tripoli trade route. The fort was under Kanem-Bornu during the reign of Mai Idris in the late 16th-century.

The developments in Fezzan directly impacted Bornu's interests, given Fezzan's crucial position as a commercial crossroads in the Central Sahara. In response, Alooma dispatched his envoy, al-hajj Yusuf, to Istanbul, asking the Ottomans to relinquish the fortress known as Fezzān or Qal'at Q.rân (according to B. G. Martin, it was likely located in Bilma in modern-day Niger Republic). This fortress, situated along the trade route connecting Bornu with the Libyan coast, was a pivotal asset. While Sultan Murad III refused to cede the conquered territory to Mai Idris, he gave strict orders to Mahmut and the beylerbeyi of Tripoli to maintain amicable relations with Bornu and its subjects. Throughout the 1570s, interactions between Bornu and the Ottomans persisted, with Alooma sending delegations to Istanbul on two more occasions, the last being in 1579. The Ottoman Sultan further urged the beylerbeyis of Egypt and Tunis to foster friendly ties with Bornu and ensure the protection of Bornu pilgrims en route to Mecca.[10][13][33]: 116–120 

At the outset of the 1580s, a strain emerged in the relationship between the two empires, likely due to the persistent refusal of the Ottomans to relinquish the Fezzan region. In response, Mai Idris dispatched al-hajj Yusuf to seek assistance from Ahmad al-Mansur of Morocco, who harbored a rivalry with Sultan Murad III. Al-hajj Yusuf made multiple trips to Morocco between 1581 and 1583. The episode was chronicled in detail by the vizier of al-Mansur, Abd al-Aziz b. Muhammad al-Fishtali, in his work, Manāhil al-safā. According to al-Fishtali, al-Mansur agreed to aid Mai Idris on the condition that Mai Idris pledges bay'ah to him as Amir al-Muminin and his caliph. Although Mai Idris seemingly agreed to this pledge, there is no evidence that al-Mansur ever provided military support to Bornu. Similarly, there is no historical record of Bornu assisting Morocco during its invasion of Songhai.[12][10]

The castle of Murzuq from where the Awlad Muhammad dynasty ruled Fezzan. After the Ottoman capture of Fezzan in the late 16th-century, they occupied the castle and maintained a garrison there.

The motivations, implications, and outcomes of this diplomatic mission remain ambiguous, both from the perspectives of Bornu and Morocco. It is widely believed that al-Mansur sought to establish a caliphate to rival the Ottoman Empire, using this embassy to advance that objective. However, Mai Idris's intentions remain unclear. Shortly after the final envoy from Mai Idris to al-Mansur, between 1582–3 and 1585, the entire Ottoman garrison in Fezzan was slaughtered, leading to the return of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty from Katsina to resume their governance of the region.[10]

According to historian Dr. Remi Dewiere, the proximity of these events was not coincidental, suggesting that Idris Alooma had strategized the reconquest of Fezzan. Dewiere further argues that the bay'ah pledge by Alooma was 'purely symbolic' and that he exploited the rivalry between al-Mansur and Murad III "in order to resolve a local issue." Given the Islamic legitimacy of the Ottoman sultans as protectors of the Holy cities of Islam, with Tripoli and Cairo serving as vital economic partners under Ottoman control, aligning with al-Mansur, a rival caliph, provided Alooma with an opportunity to challenge Ottoman hegemony and the Islamic legacy in Fezzan. However, not acknowledging al-Mansur as the legitimate Caliph of Islam meant that any action against the Ottomans could be interpreted as an affront to the ulama.[10]

Following the restoration of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty, Bornu regained control of the Bornu-Tripoli trade route, previously under Ottoman authority.[10]

Death

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Mai Idrisa, son of Arri, son of Ainsa, the fair, the walls of whose town were red, who had towns in Tchad (and) thousand a hundred and ten rocks: he is at Alau.

Girgam translated by H.R. Palmer[1]: 122 

Mai Idris was killed around Maiduguri by a 'pagan' archer who was hidden on top a tree. The region was said to have been occupied, at the time, by Gamargu and Mabani peoples. He was buried in the middle of the Alau Lake, whence his nickname Alau-ma or Aloo-ma.[9]: 658 [16]: 83–84 

Notes

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  1. ^ Ahmed ibn Fartua, the Imam of Mai Idris, refers to him with these titles in his historical account of the first twelve years of his reign.[1]

Bibliography

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  • Barkindo, Bawuro: "The early states of the Central Sudan", in: J. Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.), The History of West Africa, vol. I, 3rd ed. Harlow 1985, 225–254.
  • Dewière, Rémi, Du lac Tchad à La Mecque. Le sultanat du Borno et son Monde (16e-17s siècle), Paris, Publications de La Sorbonne, 2017 (Open Access Edition: [1]).
  • Hunwick, John: "Songhay, Bornu and Hausaland in the sixteenth century", in: J. Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.), The History of West Africa, vol. I, 1st ed. London 1971, 202–239.
  • Ibn Furṭū: "The Kanem wars", in: Herbert R. Palmer: Sudanese Memoirs, vol. I, Lagos 1928, p. 15-81.
  • Lange, Dierk: Le Dīwān des sultans du Kanem-Bornu, Wiesbaden 1977.
  • --: A Sudanic Chronicle: the Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma'to', Wiesbaden 1987.

See also

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References

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  1. ^ a b c d Palmer 1926, p. 28.
  2. ^ a b Barth, Lodge & Train 1857, p. 658.
  3. ^ Lange, Diwan, 80-81; id., Sudanic Chronicle, 25.
  4. ^ Urvoy, Y. (1949). Historie De L'Empire Du Bronu (Memoires De L'Institut Francais D'Afrique Noire, No. 7 ed.). Paris: Librairie Larose. p. 75.
  5. ^ Hansen, Mogens Herman (2000). "The Kotoko City-States". A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures: An Investigation. Historisk-Filosofiske Skrifter, volume 21. Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. pp. 531–546. ISBN 978-87-7876-177-4.
  6. ^ Lange, Sudanic Chronicle, 34-106.
  7. ^ a b c d Ajayi, J. F. Ade (1976). History of West Africa. Internet Archive. New York : Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-04103-4.
  8. ^ a b c Trimingham, J. Spencer (John Spencer) (1962). A history of Islam in West Africa. Internet Archive. London; New York : Published for the University of Glasgow by the Oxford University Press.
  9. ^ a b Barth, Henry (1890). Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa. London: Ward, Lock, and Co. p. 361. Retrieved 10 March 2019.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g h Dewière, Rémi (2013–2014). "A struggle for Sahara: Idrīs ibn 'Alī's embassy to Aḥmad al-Manṣūr in the context of Borno-Morocco-Ottoman relations, 1577-1583". The Annual Review of Islam in Africa (12/1): 85–91.
  11. ^ a b Brenner, Louis (1973). The Shehus of Kukawa : a history of the Al-Kanemi dynasty of Bornu. Internet Archive. Oxford : Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-19-821681-0.
  12. ^ a b Cory, Stephen (2009-01-01). "The Man Who Would Be Caliph: A Sixteenth Century Sultan's Bid for an African Empire". International Journal of African Historical Studies. 42 (2): 179–199.
  13. ^ a b c d Martin, B. G. (1972). "Mai Idris of Bornu and the Ottoman Turks, 1576-78". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 3 (4): 470–490. ISSN 0020-7438.
  14. ^ a b c d e Dewière, Rémi (2019-11-08). Du lac Tchad à la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie - xviie siècle). Bibliothèque historique des pays d’Islam (in French). Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne. pp. 43–72. doi:10.4000/books.psorbonne.30097. ISBN 979-10-351-0101-5.
  15. ^ a b Ikara, Bashir; Ajayi, J. F. Ade (Jacob Festus Ade); Kaduna State (Nigeria). Council forArts and Culture (1985). Evolution of political culture in Nigeria : proceedings of a national seminar organized by the Kaduna State Council for Arts and Culture. Internet Archive. Ibadan : University Press and Kadana State Council for Arts and Culture. ISBN 978-0-19-575865-8.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i Palmer, H.R. (1926). History Of The First Twelve Years Of The Reign Of Mai Idris Alooma Of Bornu ( 1571 1583) ( Fartua, Ahmed Ibn).
  17. ^ a b The African diaspora experience. Massachusetts : Tapestry Press. 2001. p. 75. ISBN 978-1-56888-472-1 – via Internet Archive.
  18. ^ Sodiq, Yushau (1992). "A History of Islamic Law in Nigeria: Past and Present". Islamic Studies. 31 (1): 85–108. ISSN 0578-8072.
  19. ^ El-Nagar, Omer (1969). West Africa and the Muslim pilgrimage: An historical study with special reference to the nineteenth century (phd thesis). SOAS University of London. doi:10.25501/soas.00029503.
  20. ^ Arkell, A. J. (1936). "Darfur Antiquities". Sudan Notes and Records. 19 (2): 301–311. ISSN 0375-2984.
  21. ^ Hunwick, "Songhay, Bornu", 207-211.
  22. ^ Smith, Robert (1970). "The Canoe in West African History". The Journal of African History. 11 (4): 515–533. ISSN 0021-8537.
  23. ^ a b c d e Gavin, R. J. (1979). "Some Perspectives on Nigerian History". Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. 9 (4): 15–38. ISSN 0018-2540.
  24. ^ Iliffe, John (2005). Honour in African history. Internet Archive. Cambridge, UK; New York : Cambridge University Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-0-521-54685-0.
  25. ^ a b Connah, Graham (1981). Three thousand years in Africa : man and his environment in the Lake Chad region of Nigeria. Internet Archive. Cambridge [Eng.]; New York : Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-22848-0.
  26. ^ Smaldone, Joseph P. (1976). Warfare in the Sokoto Caliphate. Internet Archive. ldone. ISBN 978-0-521-21069-0.
  27. ^ a b Connah, Graham (1976). "The Daima Sequence and the Prehistoric Chronology of the Lake Chad Region of Nigeria". The Journal of African History. 17 (3): 321–352. ISSN 0021-8537.
  28. ^ Fisher, Humphrey J. (1990). Lange, Dierk (ed.). "A Chronicle of Bornu". The Journal of African History. 31 (1): 141–143. ISSN 0021-8537.
  29. ^ Palmer 1926, p. 40.
  30. ^ Barth, Heinrich; Lodge, Henry Cabot; Train, Russell E. (1857). Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa : being a journal of an expedition undertaken under the auspices of H.B.M.'s government in the years 1849-1855. Africana Collection (Smithsonian Institution. Libraries) DSI. New York : D. Appleton.
  31. ^ J.F. and Ian Espie Ajayi (1969). One Thousand Years of West African History. Internet Archive. Prometheus Books. ISBN 978-0-391-00217-3.
  32. ^ Adamu, Mahdi; Kirk-Greene, A.H.M. (1986). Pastoralists of the West African savanna : selected studies presented and discussed at the Fifteenth International African Seminar held at Ahmadu Bello University, Nigeria, July 1979. Internet Archive. Manchester : Manchester University Press in association with the International African Institute. ISBN 978-0-7190-2200-5.
  33. ^ a b Flynn, Sebastien (2018-08-06). The relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Kanem-Bornu during the reign of Sultan Murad III (masterThesis thesis). Ekonomi ve Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü.
  34. ^ A. H. M. Kirk-Greene S. J. Hogben (1966-01-01). The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions. Internet Archive. Oxford University Press. p. 163.
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