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Nahdlatul Ulama

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Nahdlatul Ulama
Formation31 January 1926
TypeSocio-religious organization
HeadquartersJakarta, Indonesia
Region served
Indonesia
Membership
40 million (2013)[1][2]
Leader
KH. DR. Said Aqil Siradj
WebsiteOfficial website Edit this at Wikidata
Jombang Mosque, birthplace of the Nahdlatul Ulama

Nahdlatul Ulama (also Nahdatul Ulama or NU) is a traditionalist Sunni Islam movement in Indonesia following the Shafi'i school of jurisprudence.[3] NU was established on January 31, 1926 in Surabaya as a response to the rise of Wahabism in Saudi Arabia and Islamic modernism in Indonesia.[4][5]: 59 [6] The NU is the largest independent Islamic organization in the world[7] with membership of 40 million in 2003.[1][2] NU also as a charitable body funding schools and hospitals as well as organizing communities to help alleviate poverty.

Ideology

Nahdatul Ulama follows the ideology of Ahl as-Sunna Wa al-Jama'ah, which takes the middle sect between extreme aqli (rationalist) with the extreme naqli (scripturalist). Because it is a source of ideas for not only the Quran, the Sunnah, but also the ability of the mind coupled with empirical reality. It referred to this way of thinking of earlier thinkers, such as Abu al-Hasan al-Ash'ari and Abu Mansur Al-Maturidi in theology. Then in the following four schools of jurisprudence; Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali. While in the field of Sufism, it follows path of Al-Ghazali and Junaid al-Baghdadi.[8][non-primary source needed] It has been described by the media as a progressive, liberal and pluralistic Islamic movement.[9][10]

History

Origin

The Nahdlatul Ulama (Revival/Awakening of Ulama) was established in 1926 as an organization for orthodox Muslims opposed to the modernist policies of the Muhammadiyah organization, which rejected pre-Islamic Javanese traditions. The organization was established after The Committee of Hijaz had fulfilled its duty and about to be dissolved. The organization was established by Hasjim Asjari, the head of an Islamic religious school in East Java. The organization expanded, but the base of its support remained in East Java. By 1928, the NU was using the Javanese language in its sermons, alongside Arabic.[11]: 169 [12]: 168 [13]: 233–236 

In 1937, despite poor relations between the NU and Muhammidayah, the two organizations established the Supreme Islamic Council of Indonesia (Template:Lang-id) as a discussion forum. They were joined by most of the other Islamic organizations in existence at the time. In 1942, the Japanese occupied Indonesia and in September a conference of Islamic leaders was held in Jakarta. The Japanese wanted to replace the MIAI, but the conference not only decided to maintain the organization, but also elected political figures belonging to the PSII to the leadership, rather than members of the non-political NU or Muhammadiyah as the occupiers had wanted. Just over a year later, the MIAI was dissolved and replaced by the Japanese-sponsored Masyumi (Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims). Hasjim Asjari was the notional chairman, but in practice the new organization was led by his son, Wahid Hasyim. Other NU and Muhammadiyah figures held leadership positions.[11]: 191, 194 [13]: 233–236 

In 1945, Sukarno and Hatta declared Indonesian independence. During the Indonesian war of independence, the NU declared that the fight against the Dutch colonial forces was a holy war, obligatory for all Muslims. Among the guerrilla groups fighting for independence were Hizbullah and Sabillilah, which were led by the NU.[13]: 233–236 

Transformation into Islamic political party

See also: Politics of Indonesia, Political aspects of Islam, Islamism, and Criticism of Islamism

Following the recognition of Indonesian independence, a new party called Masyumi was established with the NU as a component of it. The NU leadership at the time had no political skills, and was awarded few influential cabinet positions, with the exception of chairman Wahid Hasyim, who was appointed religious affairs minister. The NU was unhappy with its lack of influence within Masyumi, especially after a decision at the 1949 party conference changed the party's religious council, on which the NU held several positions, into a powerless advisory body. Two years later, a dispute over the organization of the Haj pilgrimage led to Prime Minister Natsir's opposition to the reappointment of Hasyim as religious affairs minister in the next cabinet. In the ensuing cabinet crisis, the NU made a series of demands, including the retention of Hasyim, and threatened to leave Masyumi. On 5 April 1952, a few days after the announcement of a new cabinet without Hasyim, the NU decided in principle to leave Masyumi. Three months later it withdrew all its members from Masyumi councils, and on 30 August it established the Indonesian League of Muslims, comprising the NU, PSSI and a number of smaller organizations. It was chaired by Hasyim.[13]: 233–236 

During the liberal democracy era (1950–1957), NU members served in a number of cabinet posts. In the first Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet, the NU held three seats, with Zainul Arifin appointed second deputy prime minister. However, following the fall of this cabinet, some NU members were opposed to the NU joining the new cabinet, to be formed by Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet, believing that if he was unable to form a cabinet, the NU would be invited to try. It was finally pressured into participating, and was awarded the interior and religious affairs portfolios in the cabinet, which was sworn in on 12 August 1955.[13]: 418–419 

On 29 September 1955, Indonesia held its first parliamentary elections. The NU came in third, with almost 7 million votes, 18.4% of the total, behind the Indonesian National Party and Masyumi. It was awarded 45 seats in the People's Representative Council, up from only eight before the election. The NU was the largest party in its East Java base, and 85.6% of its vote came from Java. There was a clear division between Masyumi, representing outer-island, urban voters and the NU, representing the rural Javanese constituency. Three months later, elections were held for the Constitutional Assembly, which was tasked with drawing up a permanent constitution. The results were very similar, with the NU winning 91 of the 114 seats.[11]: 238–239 [13]: 434–436 [14]: 51 

In the 1950s, the NU still wanted to see Indonesia become an Islamic state, and expressed its disapproval of a 1953 presidential speech in which Sukarno rejected this. Three years later, it also argued against Sukarno's "conception" that would eventually lead to the establishment of guided democracy, as this would mean PKI members sitting in the cabinet. On 2 March 1957, the Permesta rebellion broke out. Among its demands was the restoration of Mohammad Hatta to the vice-presidency. The NU supported these calls. Meanwhile, in the Constitutional Assembly, the NU joined Masyumi, the Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSII), the Islamic Educators Association (Perti) and other parties to form the Islamic Block, which wanted Indonesian to become an Islamic state. The block made up 44.8% of total seats. However, with none of the blocks able to command a majority and push through the constitution it wanted, the assembly failed to agree and was dissolved by Sukarno in a decree on 5 July 1959 that also restored the original 1945 Constitution, which declared the state to be based on the Pancasila philosophy, not Islam.[13]: 281–282, 544 [15]

In 1960, President Sukarno banned Masyumi for alleged involvement in the Permesta rebellion. However, the fundamentalist and compradore leadership of NU saw the pro-poor Communist Party of Indonesia, which was close to Sukarno, as an obstacle to its ambitions, and competed with it to win support from the poor. Five years later, the coup attempt by the 30 September Movement took place. In 1965, the group took sides with the General Suharto-led army and was heavily involved in the mass killings of Indonesian communists. However, the NU later began to oppose Suharto's regime. In 1984, Abdurrahman Wahid, the grandson of NU founder Hasyim Asy'ari, inherited the leadership from his father, and was later elected President of Indonesia in 1999. He formally apologized for NU's involvement in the events of 1965. He also stated that "Nadhatul Ulama (NU) is like Shiite minus Imamah; similarly Shiite is NU plus Imamah." There have been many similarities between the two, such as the position and role of kyai. The main contrast between them is that in NU, the concept is visible in the form of accepted culture, while in Shia, it takes the form of theology.[16]

Following the deposing of Sukarno, the New Order regime under President Suharto held elections in 1971. Despite manipulation of the NU by the government, which caused it to lose much credibility, the NU managed to maintain its 18% share of the vote from the 1955 poll. However, in 1973, it was obliged to "fuse" into the new United Development Party (Template:Lang-id). The PPP came second, after the government sponsored Golkar organization in the elections of 1977 and 1982, but in 1984, the new NU chairman Abdurrahman Wahid (also known as Gus Dur), the son of Wahid Haschim, withdrew the NU from the PPP because of dissatisfaction with the NU's lack of influence. As a result, in the 1987 election, the PPP vote collapsed from 28% in 1982 to only 16%. From then on, it was expected that the NU would concentrate on religious and social activities.[11]: 276 [12]: 32, 36–37 [14]: 201 

Outside politics

In 1984, the New Order government announced that all organizations would have to accept state ideology Pancasila as their basis. Once again the NU was accommodating, with Gus Dur calling Pancasila a "noble compromise"[12]: 172  for Muslims. Five years later. Gus Dur was reelected for a second five-year term as chairman, a position he held until being elected president in 1999.[14]: 203 

In 1990, the NU worked with Bank Summa to establish a system of rural banks. Suharto did not approve of the NU straying beyond purely religious activities, and the fact the bank was owned by a Christian ethnic-Chinese family led to controversy. The bank was eventually shut down two years later because of financial mismanagement. Gus Dur also incurred the disapproval of the regime by holding a mass rally at a Jakarta stadium three months before the 1992 legislative elections, ostensibly to express support for Pancasila. This resulted in Gus Dur being invited to meet Lt. Col. Prabowo Subianto, Suharto's son-in-law at Jakarta Military Headquarters. At the meeting, Gus Dur was warned to avoid unacceptable political conduct, and told that if he insisted in involving himself in politics, rather than confining himself to religious matters, he should express support for a further presidential term for Suharto. In response, Gus Dur threatened to leave the NU. This resulted in the regime backing down, as it could not risk bringing Gus Dur down.[12]: 188–193 

Post-New Order era

During the fall of Suharto, Nahdlatul Ulama members and Islamic clerics were killed by rioters in Banyuwangi in East Java when a witchhunt against alleged sorcerers spiralled out of control.[17][18] Following the fall of Suharto and his replacement by Vice-president B. J. Habibie, in July 1998 Gus Dur announced the establishment of the National Awakening Party (Template:Lang-id). On 10 November, Gus Dur met with other pro-reform figures Amien Rais, Megawati Sukarnoputri and Sultan Hamengkubuwono. The so-called Ciganjur Four, named after the location of Gus Dur's house, issued a declaration calling the Habibie administration "transitional" and calling for elections to be brought forward and for the Indonesian Military to end its political role[12]: 387–297 

In Indonesia's first free elections since 1955, held on 7 June 1999, the PKB won 13 percent of the vote. In the ensuing session of the People's Consultative Assembly, Gus Dur was elected President of Indonesia, defeating Megawati by 373 votes to 313.[12]: 424, 461-  However, he was deposed just two years later. The PKB subsequently split into two warring factions, one led by Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny Wahid. An attempt in 2008 by Gus Dur to involve President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in resolving the dispute failed, and the PKB vote in the 2009 elections was half that of the previous vote in 2004. At its 2010 conference, held in Makassar, the NU decided not to discuss the split, and passed a resolution banning officials from holding political posts, seen as a commitment to avoiding future political involvement.[12]: 501 [19][20][21] After the conference, concerns about the longer term role of the NU continued to attract comment in the national media. During 2011, for example, there was continuing discussion about the national role that the NU should play and about the close political links between the NU and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Comments by Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny Wahid, for example, reflected these concerns when she said that the NU was fragmenting and "sliding into irrelevance".[22]

Aims

See also: Freedom of religion in Indonesia and Human rights in Indonesia

The NU exists to spread Islamic teaching. As well as preaching, it undertakes educational activities through its network of 6,830 Islamic boarding schools, or pesantren. It also owns 44 universities, and is involved in economic and agricultural studies, and social activities including family planning.[23] Its goal is "to spread messages about a tolerant Islam in their respective countries to curb radicalism, extremism and terrorism," which, it claims, "often spring from a misinterpretation of Islamic teachings." In December 2014, NU have launched a global campaign against extremism and jihadism. Building a prevention center in Indonesia to train Arabic-speaking students, alongside NU theologians, to combat jihadist rhetoric. And it has created a joint program with the University of Vienna called VORTEX (Vienna Observatory for Applied Research on Radicalism and Extremism). The project is funded by the Ministry of Internal Security. It also created an American nonprofit organization called Bayt ar-Rahmah in Winston-Salem, North Carolina.[9][10] On the other hand, Nahdlatul Ulama had given a fatwa in favour of female genital mutilation (FGM).[24][25]

Leaders of organization

The highest body in the NU is Syuriah (Supreme Council). Under this is Tanfidziyah (Executive Council). Mustasyar (Advisory Council) provides input to both. At the 2010 NU Conference, Sahal Mahfudz was elected chairman of the Executive Council, and thus serves as executive chief. At the same conference, Sahal Mahfudz was elected chair of the Supreme Council for the 2010-2015 period. Under the Executive Council, there are provincial level Regional Boards, as well as autonomous bodies, institutes and committees, with the structure extending down to Sub Branch Representative Council Boards in villages.[5]: 15 [23][26]

Institution

Lembaga

  1. Lembaga Dakwah Nahdlatul Ulama (LD-NU)
  2. Lembaga Pendidikan Ma'arif Nahdlatul Ulama (LP Ma'arif NU)
  3. Lembaga Pelayanan Kesehatan Nahdlatul Ulama (LPK-NU)
  4. Lembaga Perekonomian Nahdlatul Ulama (LP-NU)
  5. Lembaga Pengembangan Pertanian Nahdlatul Ulama (LPP-NU)
  6. Rabithah Ma'ahid Islamiyah Nahdlatul Ulama (RMI-NU)* (Indonesia) Lembaga Asosiasi Pesantren Nahdlatul Ulama
  7. Lembaga Kemaslahatan Keluarga Nahdlatul Ulama (LKK-NU)
  8. Lembaga Takmir Masjid Nahdlatul Ulama (LTM-NU)
  9. Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia Nahdlatul Ulama (LAKPESDAM-NU)
  10. Lembaga Penyuluhan dan Bantuan Hukum Nahdlatul Ulama (LPBH-NU)
  11. Lembaga Kesehatan Nahdlatul Ulama (LK-NU)
  12. Lembaga Badan Halal Nahdlatul Ulama (LBHNU)
  13. Sarikat Buruh Muslimin Indonesia (SARBUMUSI)

Lajnah

  1. Lajnah Bahtsul Masail Nahdlatul Ulama (LBM-NU)
  2. Lajnah Falakiyah Nahdlatul Ulama (LF-NU)
  3. Lajnah Ta'lif wan Nasyr Nahdlatul Ulama (LTN-NU)
  4. Lajnah Auqaf Nahdlatul Ulama (LA-NU)
  5. Lajnah Zakat, Infaq, dan Shadaqah Nahdlatul Ulama (LAZIS-NU)

Badan Otonom

  1. Jam'iyyah Ahli Thariqah Al-Mu'tabarah An-Nahdliyah (JATMAN)
  2. Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama (Muslimat NU)
  3. Gerakan Pemuda Ansor Nahdlatul Ulama (GP Ansor NU)
  4. Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama (Fatayat NU)
  5. Keluarga Mahasiswa Nahdlatul Ulama (KMNU)
  6. Ikatan Pelajar Nahdlatul Ulama (IPNU)
  7. Ikatan Pelajar Putri Nahdlatul Ulama (IPPNU)
  8. Ikatan Sarjana Nahdlatul Ulama (ISNU)
  9. Ikatan Pencak Silat Nahdlatul Ulama Pagar Nusa (IPSNU Pagar Nusa)
  10. Jami'iyyatul Qurro wal Huffadz Nahdlatul Ulama (JQH NU)
  11. Persatuan Guru Nahdlatul Ulama (PERGUNU)

See also

  • Barelvi a South Asian traditionalist movement formed in reaction to Wahabbism

References

  1. ^ a b Ranjan Ghosh (4 January 2013). Making Sense of the Secular: Critical Perspectives from Europe to Asia. Routledge. pp. 202–. ISBN 978-1-136-27721-4.
  2. ^ a b http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/id_nu.html
  3. ^ Pieternella, Doron-Harder (2006). Women Shaping Islam. University of Illinois Press. p. 198. Retrieved 17 November 2015.
  4. ^ Jesudas M. Athyal (10 March 2015). Religion in Southeast Asia: An Encyclopedia of Faiths and Cultures: An Encyclopedia of Faiths and Cultures. ABC-CLIO. pp. 201–. ISBN 978-1-61069-250-2.
  5. ^ a b Robin Bush (2009). Nahdlatul Ulama and the Struggle for Power Within Islam and Politics in Indonesia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 978-981-230-876-4.
  6. ^ Mark R. Woodward; Arizona State University. Program for Southeast Asian Studies (1996). Toward a New Paradigm: Recent Developments in Indonesian Islamic Thought. Arizona State University, Program for Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 978-1-881044-10-9.
  7. ^ Esposito, John (2013). Oxford Handbook of Islam and Politics. OUP USA. p. 570. Retrieved 17 November 2015.
  8. ^ http://www.nu.or.id/a,public-m,static-s,detail-lang,en-ids,1-id,7-t,religious+ideology-.phpx
  9. ^ a b "From Indonesia, a challenge to the ideology of the Islamic State". The New York Times. Jakarta. 4 December 2015. Retrieved 4 December 2015.
  10. ^ a b Varagur, Krithika (2 December 2015). "World's Largest Islamic Organization Tells ISIS To Get Lost". The Huffington Post. Retrieved 4 December 2015.
  11. ^ a b c d Ricklefs, M.C. (1991). A History of Modern Indonesia Since c.1200. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-4480-7.
  12. ^ a b c d e f g Schwartz, Adam (1994). A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia in the 1990s. Allen & Unwin. ISBN 1-86373-635-2.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g Feith, Herbert (2007). The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia. Equinox Publishing (Asia) Pte Ltd. ISBN 978-9-79378-045-0.
  14. ^ a b c Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-01834-6.
  15. ^ Nasution, Adnan Buyung (1995). Aspirasi Pemerintahan Konstitutional di Indonesia: Studi Sosio-Legal atas Konstituante 1956-1959 [The Aspiration for Constitutional Government in Indonesia: A Socio-Legal Study of the Indonesian Konstituante 1956-1959]. Jakarta: Pustaka Utama Grafiti. pp. 32–33, 49. ISBN 978-9-79416-218-7.
  16. ^ "Cikeusik to Sampang: The threat of conflict". January 10, 2012.
  17. ^ http://www.insideindonesia.org/weekly-articles/the-banyuwangi-murders
  18. ^ http://content.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2053925,00.html
  19. ^ "Gus Dur to meet Yudhoyono over split within PKB". Jakarta Post. 2008-06-30. Retrieved 2010-08-15.
  20. ^ "PKB Still Hopes for Nahdlatul Ulama Help to Heal Split". Jakarta Globe. 2010-03-29. Retrieved 2010-08-15.
  21. ^ "NU leaders cannot hold political posts". Nahdlatul Ulama. 2008-03-27. Retrieved 2010-08-15.
  22. ^ 'Nation's largest Muslim group laments 'waning influence' ', The Jakarta Post, 20 June 2011 [1]
  23. ^ a b NU Website
  24. ^ Shahid, Kunwar Khuldune (10 October 2014). "Self-defeating extremes". The Friday Times. Retrieved 5 December 2015.
  25. ^ "Despite Ban, Female Genital Mutilation Widespread in Indonesia". Jakarta Globe. Jakarta. Retrieved 5 December 2015.
  26. ^ "Kang Said, Mbah Sahal elected to lead NU". 2008-03-28. Retrieved 2008-06-30.

Further reading

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