Ancient Egyptian race controversy

Controversy surrounding the race of ancient Egyptians has been a topic investigated by those seeking to understand ancient Egypt. The debate involved Eurocentric and Afrocentric considerations in the 20th Century as well as criticisms of the scholarship involved in these approaches. Scholarly consensus at the end of the 20th Century is that the concept of "pure race" is incoherent; that applying modern notions of race to ancient Egypt is anachronistic; and that as far as skin colour is concerned, the ancient Egyptians were neither "black" nor "white" (as such terms are usually applied today). The issue however has centered on whether or not the Ancient Egyptians have had more of a relationship with their much darker skinned neighbors to the south, or were oriented ethnically with the lighter skinned people throughout the Mediterranean and further northeast. Although race is largely accepted as a social construct, the viewpoint is therefore shifted to one of physical appearance and historical ancestry to the people belonging to the socially constructed black_people racial group.

Origins

The earliest observations in modern scholarship regarding the Egyptians were entirely based on European archaeologists who in the 19th century concluded, disdainfully, that the Ancient Egyptians were undeniably black.. In his 19th century collection of work, "Egypte Ancienne" Champollion notes that the Egyptians and Nubians are represented in the same manner in tomb paintings, reliefs, and that "The first tribes that inhabited Egypt, that is, the Nile Valley between the Syene cataract and the sea, came from Abyssinia to Sennar. The Ancient Egyptians belonged to a race quite similar to the Kenous or Barabras, present inhabitants of Nubia. In the Copts of Egypt, we do not find any of the characteristic features of the Ancient Egyptian population. The Copts are the result of crossbreeding with all the nations that successfully dominated Egypt. It is wrong to seek in them the principal features of the old race."

It was only sometime later that this view changed, but without scholarly debate. However a secondary theory known as the Dynastic Race Theory was introduced as an explanation for the diversity between groups in pre-dynastic Egypt.

The change in overall perception of what the Egyptians looked like came through Hollywood representations in movies suited to appeal to the Judeo-Christian sensibilities of the majority White population of the U.S. in the middle of the 20th century. As the Egyptians were thought to be closely related to the Hebrews, the founders of the Jewish (and Christian) faith, to present both as mixed-race or black without greatly disturbing the emotional and prejudiced sensibilities of many White Americans during this time. For movies like The Ten Commandments and The Egyptian there was a strong emphasis on presenting the Egyptians as Caucasians in order to sell the movie to the public, which was widely disparaging of blacks leading roles or of having films depicting a strong focus on them. It was during this period, that black scholars and leaders spoke up against what they felt was a misrepresentation of Egyptian people, and a misrepresentation of the original archaeologists' own conclusions. Furthermore, a resurgence of the Dynastic Race Theory came about in the 1960s which was met with the newly emergent Black intellectual movement known as Afrocentricism.

Further information: Afrocentric historiography

The roots of Afrocentrism lay in the repression of blacks throughout the Western world in the 19th century, most particularly in the United States. At the turn of the century, however, came a rise in black racial consciousness as a tool to overcome oppression. Part of this reaction involved a focus on black history, and counteracting what was perceived as white, eurocentric history in favour of a historical narrative of Europe (and what was viewed as its founding culture, ancient Greece) that gave blacks a more prominent role. To a certain extent Afrocentrism also arose as a backlash against scientific racism (broadly speaking, a 19th-century phenomenon) which tended to attribute any advanced civilization to the immigration of Indo-Europeans.

By linking the Egyptians to the black race, many Afrocentric scholars raised the notion that the original Hebrews were also black. The issue then becomes one of a matter of establishing or refuting the notion that Western Civilization, Judeo-Christianity, as well as the western Alphabet being the result of an ancient race of black or at least mixed-black people. it is from there that passionate pleas against Afrocentricism are traced.

Specifically, this attempted rewriting of the historical narrative of Europe developed into two main forms: the claim that European civilization was founded not by the Greeks, but by the Egyptians, whose culture and learning the Greeks allegedly stole, and that the Egyptians themselves were not only African but also black. Often, Afrocentrists link the two claims, as the following quote (by Marcus Garvey) displays:

Every student of history, of impartial mind, knows that the Negro once ruled the world, when white men were savages and barbarians living in caves; that thousands of Negro professors at that time taught in the universities in Alexandria, then the seat of learning; that ancient Egypt gave the world civilization and that Greece and Rome have robbed Egypt of her arts and letters, and taken all the credit to themselves.

Both themes were to survive Garvey and to continue throughout the 20th century and up to the present day, provoking debate both in academia and in more public spheres, such as mainstream media and the internet.

On the other hand, best-selling authors like David Rohl continue to push the Dynastic Race Theory through books like "Legend – the Genesis of Civilisation". However in the end, the issue regarding the appearance of the Egyptians is conflated with the concepts of race which do not clearly define or mutually exclude their appearance.

In academia

Although questions surrounding the race of the ancient Egyptians had occasionally arisen in 18th and 19th-century Western scholarship as part of the growing interest in attempted scientific classifications of race, in academia the meme was popularised and continued throughout the 20th century in the works of George James, Cheikh Anta Diop, and even, to a certain extent, in Martin Bernal's Black Athena. All three have used the terms "black", "African", and "Egyptian" interchangeably, despite what Snowden calls "copious ancient evidence to the contrary".

While at the University of Dakar, Diop tried to establish the skin colour of the Egyptian mummies by measuring the melanin content of the skin, stating: “In practice it is possible to determine directly the skin color and, hence, the ethnic affiliations of the ancient Egyptians by microscopic analysis in the laboratory; I doubt if the sagacity of the researchers who have studied the question has overlooked the possibility.”

Diop's work was well received by the political establishment in the post-colonial formative phase of the state of Senegal under Léopold Sédar Senghor, whose politics of African socialism was inspired by the Pan-Africanist Négritude movement. Diop further attempted to link Egypt to Senegal by arguing that the Ancient Egyptian language was related to his native Wolof. The University of Dakar was renamed in Diop's honour after his death, to Cheikh Anta Diop University. Diop participated in a UNESCO symposium in Cairo in 1974 and he wrote the chapter about the "origins of the Egyptians" in the UNESCO General History of Africa.

Founded in 1979, the Journal of African Civilizations has continually advocated that Egypt should be viewed as a black civilization. Figures attached to the group centering around the journal include Ivan van Sertima and J.H. Clarke (who has advanced further the "Cleopatra was black" meme). Other notable proponents of the meme include Chancellor Williams. Mainstream scholarship has generally been critical of the journal: J.D. Muhly describes it as "well-intentioned but quite unconvincing and lacking in the basic techniques of critical scholarship."

The Afrocentric claim that European scholars have tried to deny significance of black people in the ancient Egyptian culture has some substance. During the European colonial era on the African continent, the prevalent European attitude was that ancient Egyptians were 'white', as the French scholar Alain Froment shows on the basis of two encyclopaedias from the 1930s.

The British Africanist Basil Davidson summarized the issue as follows:

Whether the Ancient Egyptians were as black or as brown in skin color as other Africans may remain an issue of emotive dispute; probably, they were both. Their own artistic conventions painted them as pink, but pictures on their tombs show they often married queens shown as entirely black, being from the south (from what a later world knew as Nubia): while the Greek writers reported that they were much like all the other Africans whom the Greeks knew.

Specific controversies

Controversies about 'race'

Debate in the public sphere has tended to focus more on the race of specific notable individuals from the history of Egypt, particularly Tutankhamun, Cleopatra VII and also the Great Sphinx of Giza. Such claims by Afrocentrists have not been limited to Egyptians: Carthaginian general Hannibal and Roman Emperor Septimius Severus have also been claimed as black, despite non-existent evidence, as well as the ancient Greek philosopher Socrates. On the other hand, clearly presented descriptions, images and sculptures of ancient people indicative of negroid characteristics have been explained away as inauthentic, unsubstantiated, the result of a disease, and even a misrepresentation by the ancients themselves, and have been subject to applying selectively the principle of racial neutrality to the Ancient Egyptians. Finally, even if the racial designation as "black" is viewed as a mere present-day social construct, this does not obliterate its significance in the past, nor does it remove the similarities between negroid people then and people known as black today.

Akhenaten and the 18th Dynasty

Sculptural representations of Akhenaten, some more stylized than others depict a man whose lips, nose, and features point to a person of striking similarity to present day Nilo-Saharan people. Considerable debate emerged in regards to the nature of Akhenaten's features. Some scholars saying that his wide lips, nose, and head shape is the result of a disease like Marfan's Syndrome or Frolich's Syndrome. While on the other hand, scholars have pointed out the strong observable negroid characteristics of his mother Queen Tiye, and his ancestor Tutmoses III. Other Egyptians of high position exhibitive of characteristics commonly accepted as black are Masharta, Sennedjem, Kiya (minor wife of Akhhenaten), and Panehesi (whose name translates as Nubian).

Tutankhamun

Attempted reconstructions of Tutankhamun's facial features have encountered much Afrocentric protest over concerns that he has been represented as too white in one of the three presentations that has been most widely published.. Although three reconstructions were made , the one exhibiting the most Caucasoid characteristsics was used on the cover of National Geographic and is accepted as the default representation of Tutankhamun.

Cleopatra VII

Further information: Cleopatra VII

Cleopatra's race and skin colour have also caused frequent debate as described in an article from The Baltimore Sun. There is also an article titled: Was Cleopatra Black? from Ebony magazine, and an article about Afrocetrism from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch that mentions the question, too. Scholars generally suggest a light olive skin colour for Cleopatra, based on the facts that her Macedonian family had intermingled with the Persian aristocracy of the time, that her mother is not absolutely known for certain, and that her paternal grandmother may have been African (or indeed from anywhere at all) which is possible but not provable. Afrocentric assertions of Cleopatra's blackness have, however, continued. The question was the subject of an heated exchange between Mary Lefkowitz, who has referred in her articles a debate she had with one of her students about the question whether Cleopatra was black, and Molefi Kete Asante, Professor of African American Studies at Temple University. As a response to Not Out of Africa by Lefkowitz, Asante wrote an article: Race in Antiquity: Truly Out of Africa, in which he emphasizes that he "can say without a doubt that Afrocentrists do not spend time arguing that either Socrates or Cleopatra were black."

Great Sphinx of Giza

The head of the Giza Sphinx in partial shadow, its prognathous profile in silhouette

Over the years, casual observers, as well as at least one forensic artist, have characterized the face of the Sphinx as "negroid", while others have just as emphatically denied the negroid character of the Sphinx's face. One of the earliest known descriptions of a "negroid" Sphinx is recorded in the travel notes of French scholar Constantin-François de Chassebœuf, Comte de Volney, who visited in Egypt between 1783 and 1785. Volney described it as "typically Negro in all its features…." Likewise, French novelist Gustave Flaubert traveled to Egypt in 1849 and recorded the following observation:

We stop before a Sphinx ; it fixes us with a terrifying stare. Its eyes still seem full of life; the left side is stained white by bird-droppings (the tip of the Pyramid of Khephren has the same long white stains); it exactly faces the rising sun, its head is grey, ears very large and protruding like a negro’s, [see prognathism] its neck is eroded; from the front it is seen in its entirety thanks to great hollow dug in the sand; the fact that the nose is missing increases the flat, negroid effect. Besides, it was certainly Ethiopian; the lips are thick….

More recently, in 1992, the New York Times published an article reporting the findings of Frank Domingo, a senior forensics artist with the New York City Police Department who had traveled to Egypt to take exact measurements of the Sphinx's head. Domingo, credited with convening the first national gathering of forensic artists almost ten years earlier, generated a model of the head of the Sphinx both by hand and utilizing computer graphics, and determined that the Sphinx represented a person other than Khafra. According to Robert M. Schoch of Boston University, "forensic expert Frank Domingo of the New York Police Department has definitively proven that the face of the Sphinx face of the Sphinx and the face seen on signed statues of Khafre are not of the same person." Schoch further wrote that the "... Sphinx has a distinctive 'African,' 'Nubian,' or 'Negroid' aspect which is lacking in the face of Khafre." Subsequent to the article reporting Domingo's findings, the New York Times published a letter to the editor submitted by then Harvard professor of Orthodontics Sheldon Peck, who concurred with Domingo's findings, adding:

The analytical techniques…Detective Frank Domingo used on facial photographs are not unlike methods orthodontists and surgeons use to study facial disfigurements. From the right lateral tracing of the statue's worn profile a pattern of bimaxilliary prognathism is clearly detectable. This is an anatomical condition of forward development in both jaws, more frequently found in people of African ancestry than in those from Asian or Indo-European stock.

Controversy about the meaning of 'Kemet'

km in Egyptian hieroglyphs

km biliteral	km.t (place)	km.t (people)

One of the many names for Egypt in ancient Egyptian is km.t (read Kemet), meaning 'the black land' or 'the black one'. The claim that Kemite referred to the fact that the people of the land had black skins, as argued by Cheikh Anta Diop, William Leo Hansberry, or Aboubacry Moussa Lam has become a cornerstone of Afrocentric historiography. This view is rejected by most Egyptologists. Generally, 'Kemet' is taken to be a reference to the fertile black soil which was washed down from Central Africa by the annual Nile inundation, and which made Egypt habitable and successful in contrast to the barren desert or 'red land' outside the narrow confines of the Nile watercourse. The use of the word kmt when referring to people is thought to be derived from the name of the land, meaning literally "those people who live in the black, fertile country." Raymond Faulkner's Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian translates it into "Egyptians", as do most sources.

See also

• Dynastic race theory
• Race in the United States
• Négritude
• Demographics of modern Egypt

References

• Mary R. Lefkowitz: "Ancient History, Modern Myths", originally printed in The New Republic, 1992. Reprinted with revisions as part of the essay collection Black Athena Revisited, 1996.
• Kathryn A. Bard: "Ancient Egyptians and the issue of Race", Bostonia Magazine, 1992: later part of Black Athena Revisited, 1996.
• Frank M. Snowden, Jr.: "Bernal's "Blacks" and the Afrocentrists", Black Athena Revisited, 1996.
• Joyce Tyldesley: "Cleopatra, Last Queen of Egypt", Profile Books Ltd, 2008.
• Alain Froment, 1994. "Race et Histoire: La recomposition ideologique de l'image des Egyptiens anciens." Journal des Africanistes 64:37-64. available online: Race et Histoire Template:Fr icon
• Yaacov Shavit, 2001: History in Black. African-Americans in Search of an Ancient Past, Frank Cass Publishers
• John Lie Modern Peoplehood (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004)