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==The cult debate==
==The cult debate==


In October 1999, three months after Falun Gong was officially banned, the PRC government declared the practice ''xiejiao'', which was translated into English as "evil cult."<ref name=wpostdivide>John Pomfret, Sect Is Dividing China's Leadership: As Crackdown Intensifies, Beijing Cites Arrests of 111 in Falun Gong, Washington Post Service Paris, Tuesday, November 9, 1999</ref><ref name=chan04>Chan 2004</ref><ref name=irons2003>Irons, Edward. 2003 Falun Gong and the Sectarian Religion Paradigm Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions, Volume 6, Issue 2, pages 244-62, ISSN 1092-6690</ref> Anti-Falun Gong propaganda activities dominated the Chinese media during that time as the government justifed its actions, arguing that Falun Gong practice was dangerous, and that its teachings were fabricated "by copying some qi gong practices and adding a lot of superstitious beliefs and ravings."<ref name=brady02>Anne-Marie Brady, Regimenting the Public Mind: The Modernisation of Propaganda in the PRC, International Journal, Vol 57. No.4, Autumn 2002</ref><ref name=gunn>[http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/hrj/iss16/gunn.shtml#fn33 The Complexity of Religion and the Definition of “Religion” in International Law]</ref> The characterization of Falun Gong as a cult has been dismissed by leading researchers in the field, such as David Ownby, who wrote "The entire issue of the supposed cultic nature of Falun Gong was a red herring from the beginning, cleverly exploited by the Chinese state to blunt the appeal of Falun gong and the effectiveness of the group’s activities outside of China."<ref name=Ownbyfuture /> [[Ian Johnson]] also rejected the label, writing that it "put Falun Gong on the defensive, forcing it to prove its innocence, and cloaked the government's crackdown with the legitimacy of the West's anticult movement."<ref name=wildgrass>Johnson, Ian, ''Wild Grass: three portraits of change in modern china'', Vintage (8 March 2005)</ref>
Some debate exists over whether Falun Gong should be classified as a "cult", and this classification is more common in some social contexts than in others.<ref>Frank, Adam. (2004) Falun Gong and the threat of history. in ''Gods, guns, and globalization: religious radicalism and international political economy'' edited by Mary Ann Tétreault, Robert Allen Denemark, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2004, ISBN 1588262537, pp 241-243 Adam Frank has identified five generalizable frames of discourse about Falun Gong that differ in the way they describe the movement, including the use of the "cult" label. These frames are
# the Western media,
# the Chinese media,
# an emerging scholarly tradition,
# the discourse of Human rights groups, and
# a sympathetic practice-based discourse.</ref>
Since the 1999 ban the Chinese government has repeatedly classified them as a ''xiejiao'', which means "evil cult" in English<ref name=chan04>Chan 2004</ref><ref name=irons2003>Irons, Edward. 2003 Falun Gong and the Sectarian Religion Paradigm Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions, Volume 6, Issue 2, pages 244-62, ISSN 1092-6690</ref><ref name=pennyharrold/>. The government uses the term to classify groups deemed harmful to social stability in China.<ref name=irons2003/> They also claim that Falun Gong damages the physical and mental health of the Chinese people<ref name=gunn>[http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/hrj/iss16/gunn.shtml#fn33 The Complexity of Religion and the Definition of “Religion” in International Law]</ref> and have compared the group to the [[Branch Davidian]]s and [[Aum Shinrikyo]].<ref name=gunn /> Practitioners of Falun Gong deny being an "evil cult" and in fact deny being a religious group of any kind.


Practitioners themselves deny their practice is an "evil cult," and in fact deny that Falun Gong is a religion at all, regarding it instead as a "practice system." When Falun Gong first attracted the attention of Western media, largely through the Chinese government's attacks, it was widely labelled as a cult, or perhaps "vague exoticism."<ref name=frank2004/> James Murdoch, son of media mogul [[Rupert Murdoch]], echoed the Chinese government's line when he described Falun Gong as a "dangerous" and "apocalyptic cult" that "clearly does not have China's success at heart".<ref name=frank2004/> In Western media circles this was seen as a cynical attempt to curry favor with the "Chinese communists."<ref name=wsjjames>Tunku Varadarajan, [http://www.opinionjournal.com/columnists/tvaradarajan/?id=85000753 Bad Company: Rupert Murdoch and his son genuflect before Chinese communists], March 26, 2001, accessed 28/8/09</ref> Similar rhetoric was the basis for the Chinese State's anti-Falun Gong propaganda campaign.<ref name=brady02 /><ref name=frank2004/> Western media soon began using less loaded terms.<ref name=kipnis2001>Kipnis, Andrew B. 2001, The Flourishing of Religion in Post-Mao China and the Anthropological Category of Religion, THE AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY, 12:1, 32-46 Anthropology, Australian National University</ref>
⚫
Following the stance taken by the Chinese government, western [[Anti-cult movement|anti-cult]] groups<ref name=wildgrass /><!-- FROM JOHNSON: "Still, the government's use of the “cult” label was useful. In the West the anticult movement had been losing steam since anxiety over cults peaked in the early-to-mid 1990s. By the turn of the century most anticult activists were confined to adherents of established religions—in other words, people with a vested interest in attacking new groups.... But China's claim that Falun Gong was a cult gave the western anticult movement a new cause. Many outsiders fixated on the cult label and spent their time debating obscure definitions of Master Li's works, trying to prove that the group was potentially dangerous. One western academic wrote a paper pleading for an understanding of the government's concerns over Falun Gong's teachings, saying it had a legitimate right to fear the group. This even though the government had only interested itself in Falun Gong because of its demonstration in downtown Beijing, not because of its teachings. And most fundamentally, what was often forgotten in the learned discourse was that the government, not Falun Gong, was killing people."--> and associated scholars like [[Margaret Singer]] have also considered Falun Gong a cult based upon on their perception that practitioners are influenced by [[brainwashing]] or other forms of [[psychological coercion]].<ref name=lewis2004>Lewis, James R. 2004 The Oxford handbook of new religious movements, Oxford University Press US, 2004, ISBN 0195149866</ref><ref name="lattin">Don Lattin, [http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2000/04/29/MN45026.DTL Falun Gong Derided as Authoritarian Sect by Anti-Cult Experts in Seattle], [[San Francisco Chronicle]], April 29, 2000.</ref> Journalism professor Heather Kavan also contends Falun Gong is a "cult", based upon similar reasoning.<ref name=kavan>{{cite journal |url=http://molta.massey.ac.nz/massey/fms/Colleges/College%20of%20Business/Communication%20and%20Journalism/ANZCA%202008/Refereed%20Papers/Kavan_ANZCA08.pdf |title=Falun Gong in the media: What can we believe? |first=Heather |last=Kavan |author=Department of Communication, Journalism and Marketing |work=Massey University |page=13 |journal=E. Tilley (Ed.) Power and Place: Refereed Proceedings of the Australian & New Zealand Communication Association Conference, Wellington. |date=July 2008 | quote = [Cults characterized by] an idolised charismatic leader who exploits people by letting them believe he – and it usually is a 'he' – is God’s mouthpiece; mind control techniques; an apocalyptic world view used to manipulate members; exclusivity ('only our religion can save people'); alienation from society; and a view of members as superior to the rest of humanity.}}</ref> The Western media's response was initially quite similar to that of the anti-cult movement. For instance, media mogul [[Rupert Murdoch]] echoed the Chinese government in describing Falun Gong as a "dangerous" and "apocalyptic cult" that "clearly does not have China's success at heart".<ref name=frank2004>Frank, Adam. (2004) Falun Gong and the threat of history. in ''Gods, guns, and globalization: religious radicalism and international political economy'' edited by Mary Ann Tétreault, Robert Allen Denemark, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2004, ISBN 1588262537, pp 241-243</ref> Soon afterwards, the media started using less loaded terms to describe the movement.<ref name=kipnis2001>Kipnis, Andrew B. 2001, The Flourishing of Religion in Post-Mao China and the Anthropological Category of Religion, THE AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY, 12:1, 32-46 Anthropology, Australian National University</ref>


⚫
Cult-watching groups in the west also turned their attention to Falun Gong after the Chinese state's repeated denunciations.<ref name=wildgrass /><!-- FROM JOHNSON: "Still, the government's use of the “cult” label was useful. In the West the anticult movement had been losing steam since anxiety over cults peaked in the early-to-mid 1990s. By the turn of the century most anticult activists were confined to adherents of established religions—in other words, people with a vested interest in attacking new groups.... But China's claim that Falun Gong was a cult gave the western anticult movement a new cause. Many outsiders fixated on the cult label and spent their time debating obscure definitions of Master Li's works, trying to prove that the group was potentially dangerous. One western academic wrote a paper pleading for an understanding of the government's concerns over Falun Gong's teachings, saying it had a legitimate right to fear the group. This even though the government had only interested itself in Falun Gong because of its demonstration in downtown Beijing, not because of its teachings. And most fundamentally, what was often forgotten in the learned discourse was that the government, not Falun Gong, was killing people."--> Controversial psychologist [[Margaret Singer]], who works for cult-watching groups in the US and has worked particularly on "brainwashing" phenomena and "deprogramming" of ex-cult members <ref name=lewis2004>Lewis, James R. 2004 The Oxford handbook of new religious movements, Oxford University Press US, 2004, ISBN 0195149866</ref>, has characterized Falun Gong as a cult, and mentioned that she has been approached by concerned family members of Falun Gong practitioners.<ref name="lattin">Don Lattin, [http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2000/04/29/MN45026.DTL Falun Gong Derided as Authoritarian Sect by Anti-Cult Experts in Seattle], [[San Francisco Chronicle]], April 29, 2000. [http://www.rickross.com/reference/fa_lun_gong/falun176.html alternative link]</ref> Commenting on the general insistence of Cult Watching groups to classify most New Religious Movements as brainwashing cults, sociologists such as [[Eileen Barker]] have argued that labelling people as cultists serve little other purpose than to dehumanize certain groups in society, which may in turn lead to violence.<ref name=barker2002>Barker, Eileen, 2002 "Watching for violence: A comparative analysis of the roles of five types of cult-watching groups" in Cults, religion, and violence editors David G. Bromley, J. Gordon Melton Cambridge University Press, ISBN 052166898</ref> Singer's theories on brainwashing are regarded as unscientific by other researchers.<ref name=edelmanrich />
⚫
In scholarship applying the "cult" label to Falun Gong has depended on how the term is being defined, and most scholars of religion do not use definitions like Singer's or Kavan's. For example, Cheris Shun-ching Chan considers cults to be new religious movements that focus on the individual experience of the encounter with the sacred more than on collective worship, that are less demanding of their members and more tolerant of other religions than [[sects]], that have a strong charismatic leadership and that have fuzzy membership boundaries. She claims that Falun Gong is neither a cult nor a sect, but a New Religious Movement with Cult-like characteristics.<ref name=chan2004>Chan, Cheris Shun-ching (2004). The Falun Gong in China: A Sociological Perspective. The China Quarterly, 179 , pp 665-683</ref> Other scholars avoid the term "cult" altogether because "of the confusion between the historic meaning of the term and current pejorative use"<ref name=bainbridge97/><ref name=rich93>Richardson, James T. 1993 "Definitions of Cult: From Sociological-Technical to Popular-Negative", , Review of Religious Research, Vol. 34, No. 4 pp. 348-356 </ref> These scholars prefer terms like "spiritual movement" or "new religious movement" to avoid the negative connations of "cult" or to avoid miscategorizing Falun Gong as a "cult" when it doesn't fit mainstream definitions.<ref name=frank2004/> Yet other scholars argue against using the term "cult" in instances like this because classifying certain religious movements as cults or sects rather than religions often allows governments to deny them the special privileges and legal protection that are normally offered to religious denominations.<ref>Richardson, James T. and Bryan Edelman. 2005. ''Journal of Church and State'', Vol. 47 Issue 2, p265-267, "Over the years, the CCP has also become more sensitive to international criticisms concerning China's human rights record. In this context, the anti-cult movement and its ideology have served as useful tools, helping efforts by the party to try to maintain a delicate balance and create the illusion that the rule-of-law has been upheld, even as actions in violation of international customary law are being taken against the Falun Gong. The social construction of the cultic threat posed to Chinese society and the rest of the world, the subsequent government's response to that threat, and its lax definition of the term 'cult' has armed the CCP with the weapons necessary to attack any religious, ''qigong'', or sectarian movement its sees as a potential threat to its authority. By applying the label and embracing theories that posit passive followers under the mental control of a dangerous leader, the government can aggressively destroy the group, all the while claiming to be protecting religious freedom. In this respect, the Western Anti-Cult Movement has served, unwittingly or not, as a lackey in the party's efforts to maintain its political dominance." </ref>

The sociological term 'cult' has different definitions. At times it has been proposed that cults distinguish themselves by being culturally novel, that is by being culturally new phenomena, not drawing from the larger cultural historical background of their host society.<ref name=bainbridge97>Bainbridge, William Sims 1997 The sociology of religious movements, Routledge, 1997, page 24, ISBN 0415912024</ref> Whether or not Falun Gong qualifies as a cult on that account has been questioned, and it comes down to the importance assigned to Falun Gong's roots in the general Qigong tradition. Some scholars have stressed the movements ties to the Qigong tradition<ref name=pennyharrold/><ref name=zhao>Zhao, Yuezhi, 2003 "Falun Gong, Identity, and the Struggle over Meaning Inside and Outside China", pp209-223 in Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World, ed. Nick Couldry and James Curran, Rowman & Littlefield publishers,</ref><ref name=ownby2008>David Ownby, ''Falun Gong and the Future of China'' ([[Oxford University Press]], 2008), page 163, ISBN 9780195329056</ref> whereas others<ref name=irons2003/> have stressed the [[Syncretism|syncretic]] combination of different philosophical traditions, thus seeing Falun Gong as a new phenomenon in China. Chan uses the definition of cult as a new religious movement that focuses on the individual experience of the encounter with the sacred more than on collective worship, that is less demanding of their members than sects and more tolerant of other religions, that has a strong charismatic leadership and fuzzy membership boundaries. Based on these criteria she concludes that from a sociological perspective Falun Gong is neither a cult nor a sect, but a New Religious Movement with Cult-like characteristics.<ref name=chan2004>Chan, Cheris Shun-ching (2004). The Falun Gong in China: A Sociological Perspective. The China Quarterly, 179 , pp 665-683</ref> Kavan noted that "By his own account as Li is the exclusive saviour of the world. He teaches that members are superior to ordinary people, and they must relinquish 'affection for kinsfolk, love between a man and a woman, an affection for parents, feelings, and friendship.'"<ref name=kavan>{{cite journal |url=http://molta.massey.ac.nz/massey/fms/Colleges/College%20of%20Business/Communication%20and%20Journalism/ANZCA%202008/Refereed%20Papers/Kavan_ANZCA08.pdf |title=Falun Gong in the media: What can we believe? |first=Heather |last=Kavan |author=Department of Communication, Journalism and Marketing |work=Massey University |page=13 |journal=E. Tilley (Ed.) Power and Place: Refereed Proceedings of the Australian & New Zealand Communication Association Conference, Wellington. |date=July 2008}}</ref>

⚫
Many scholars choose to avoid the term cult altogether, arguing that "the term cult is useless, and should be avoided because of the confusion between the historic meaning of the term and current pejorative use"<ref name=bainbridge97/><ref name=rich93>Richardson, James T. 1993 "Definitions of Cult: From Sociological-Technical to Popular-Negative", Review of Religious Research, Vol. 34, No. 4 pp. 348-356 </ref> Often academics use less loaded terms, like "spiritual movement" or "new religious movement," both to avoid the negative connations of the word cult, and because Falun Gong does not fit easily into standard definitions.<ref name=frank2004/> Another reason scholars avoid the word cult is its political ramifications: By classifying certain religious movements as cults or sects rather than religions, governments may be able to deny them the special privileges and legal protection that are normally offered to religious denominations.<ref name=gunn/> Edelman and Richardson write that due to the Chinese Communist Party's increased sensitivity to international criticisms concerning China's human rights record, the anti-cult movement and its ideology have been useful tools to create the illusion that the rule-of-law has been upheld when taking action against the Falun Gong. "By applying the label and embracing theories that posit passive followers under the mental control of a dangerous leader, the government can aggressively destroy the group, all the while claiming to be protecting religious freedom. In this respect, the Western Anti-Cult Movement has served, unwittingly or not, as a lackey in the party's efforts to maintain its political dominance." <ref name=edelmanrich>Edelman and Richardson, Imposed Limitations on Freedom of Religion in China and the Margin of Appreciation Doctrine: A Legal Analysis of the Crackdown on Falun Gong and other "Evil Cults", Journal of Church and State, Spring 2005, Vol. 47 Issue 2, p265-267</ref>

{{clear}}


==References==
==References==

Revision as of 04:43, 1 September 2009

This article is a basic introduction to the beliefs, history, and reception of the group. For an in-depth coverage of these and related topics,
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Falun Gong
File:Falun8.svg
Traditional Chinese法輪功
Simplified Chinese法轮功
Literal meaningPractice of the Wheel of Law, the symbol has no relation[1] with the Nazi swastika
Falun Dafa
Traditional Chinese法輪大法
Simplified Chinese法轮大法
Literal meaningGreat Law of the Wheel of Law

Falun Gong (Chinese: 法輪功) is a spiritual practice[2] founded in China by Li Hongzhi (李洪志) in 1992. Falun Gong has five sets of qigong exercises; its teachings are focused on the principles of "truthfulness, compassion and forbearance" as set out in the main books Falun Gong[3] and Zhuan Falun.[4] The books, lectures, and exercise materials have been translated into multiple languages and are freely available on the Internet.[5][6]

Falun Gong emerged at the end of China's "qigong boom" as a traditional qigong cultivation practice, and has been regarded as one of the most important phenomena to emerge in China in the 1990s.[7][8][9] The differences to traditional groups include the absence of rituals of daily worship, a self-consciousness about outside critics,[10] greater emphasis on morality and the apparently theological nature of its teachings, which make it appear to be a religion.[11][12]

Because Falun Gong practitioners have no membership system, numbers are unknown. In 1998, the Chinese government published a figure of 70 million practitioners in China.[13] Clearwisdom.net, a Falun Gong website, claims 100 million practitioners of Falun Dafa in "114 countries and regions around the world".[6]

In April 1999 over ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners gathered at Communist Party of China headquarters, Zhongnanhai, in a silent protest against beatings and arrests in Tianjin.[14][15][16] Two months later the People's Republic of China government, led by Jiang Zemin, banned the practice, began a crackdown, and started what Amnesty International described as a "massive propaganda campaign."[17][18][19] Since 1999, reports of torture,[20] illegal imprisonment,[21] beatings, forced labor, and psychiatric abuses have been widespread.[22][23] Two thirds of all reported torture cases in China concern Falun Gong practitioners, who are also estimated to comprise at least half of China's labor camp population according to the UN Special Rapporteur on torture, Manfred Nowak, and the US Department of State respectively.[24][25][26] In 2006, human rights lawyer David Matas and former Canadian secretary of state David Kilgour published an investigative report concluding that a large number of Falun Gong practitioners have become victims of systematic organ harvesting in China and that the practice is still ongoing.[27] In November 2008, The United Nations Committee on Torture called on the Chinese State party to commission an independent investigation of the reports and to "ensure that those responsible for such abuses are prosecuted and punished."[28]

Beliefs and teachings

Main article: Teachings of Falun Gong

Falun Gong was introduced to the public by Li Hongzhi(李洪志) in Changchun, China, in 1992. Its teachings cover spiritual, religious, mystical, and metaphysical topics. Falun Gong is an introductory book that discusses qigong, which introduces the principles and provides illustrations and explanations of the exercises involved in Falun Gong practice.

The main body of teachings is articulated in the core book Zhuan Falun (轉法輪),[29] published in late 1994. According to the texts, Falun Gong (or Falun Dafa) is a complete system of mind-body "cultivation practice" (修煉).[30] Truthfulness (眞 Zhen), Compassion (善 Shan), and Forbearance (忍 Ren) are regarded as the fundamental characteristics of the cosmos—an omnipresent nature that permeates and encompasses everything. In the process of cultivation, the practitioner is supposed to assimilate himself or herself to these qualities by letting go of "attachments and notions," thus returning to the "original, true self." In Zhuan Falun, Li Hongzhi said that "As a practitioner, if you assimilate yourself to this characteristic, you are one that has attained the Tao—it's just such a simple principle."

Falun Gong draws on oriental mysticism and traditional Chinese medicine, criticizes self-imposed limits of modern science, and views traditional Chinese science as an entirely different, yet equally valid knowledge system, according to Yuezhi Zhao, professor in the University of California. Concomitantly, it borrows the language of modern science in representing its cosmic laws; she says: "Falun gong is not conceptualized as a religious faith; on the contrary, its practitioners, which include doctorate holders from prestigious American universities, see it as 'a new form of science.'"[31]

Theoretical background

Qigong (or ch'i kung) refers to a wide variety of traditional "cultivation" practices that involve movement and/or regulated breathing designed to be therapeutic. Qigong is practiced for health maintenance purposes, as a therapeutic intervention, as a medical profession, a spiritual path, or a component of Chinese martial arts.

According to Xu Jian, writing for the Journal of Asian Studies, the discourses on qigong theory broadly divide into "naturalist" and "supernaturalist" schools. The "naturalist" discourse involves scientific research on qigong and seeks to understand it within a modern, empirical, paradigmatic framework, while the "supernaturalist" discourse is situated within a revival of nationalistic traditional beliefs and values and conceives qigong as psychosomatic and metaphysical. Xu says, "this discursive struggle has articulated itself as an intellectual debate and enlisted on both sides a host of well-known writers and scientists — so much so that a veritable corpus of literature on qigong resulted. [...] Each [discourse] strives to establish its own order of power and knowledge, its own 'truth' about the 'reality' of qigong, although they differ drastically in their explanation of many of its phenomena."[32]

At the center of the debate is whether and how qigong can bring forth "supernormal abilities" (特異功能, teyi gongneng). "The psychosomatic discourse emphasizes the inexplicable power of qigong and relishes its occult workings, whereas the rational discourse strives to demystify many of its phenomena and to situate it strictly in the knowledge of modern science."[32]

The Chinese government has generally tried to encourage qigong as a science and discourages religious or supernatural elements. However, the category of science in China tends to include things that are generally not considered scientific in the West, including qigong and traditional Chinese medicine.[32]

David Aikman says that unlike in America, where many may believe that qigong is a socially neutral, subjective, New Age-style concept incapable of scientific proof, much of China's scientific establishment believes in the existence of qi. He contends that controlled experiments by the Chinese Academy of Sciences in the late 1970s and early 1980s concluded that qi, when emitted by a qigong expert, "actually constitutes measurable infrared electromagnetic waves and causes chemical changes in static water through mental concentration."[33]

Theories about the cultivation of elixir (dan), "placement of the mysterious pass" (xuanguan shewei), among others, are also found in ancient Chinese texts such as The Book of Elixir (Dan Jing), Daoist Canon (Tao Zang) and Guide to Nature and Longevity (Xingming Guizhi). Falun Gong's teachings tap into a wide array of phenomena and cultural heritage that has been debated for ages. However, the definitions of many of the terms used differ somewhat from Buddhist and Daoist traditions. Francesco Sisci says that Falun Gong "re-elaborated old, well-known Taoist and Buddhist routines, used the old vocabulary that people found familiar, and revamped them in a simple, persuasive way."[34]

History

Beginnings

See also: Li Hongzhi
File:UNGenevaFalunDafaLecture.jpg
Li Hongzhi lectures on Falun Dafa at the UN General Assembly Hall, Geneva, 1998

Falon Gong was founded by Li Hongzhi. According to a biography which appeared as an appendix to Zhuan Falun, Li Hongzhi was taught ways of "cultivation practice" (xiulian) by several masters of the Dao and Buddhist schools of thought starting at a very young age. The biography indicates that he was trained by Quan Jue, the 10th Heir to the Great Law of the Buddha School, at age four. He was then trained by a Taoist master at age eight. This master left him at age twelve, and from then on, he was trained by a master of the Great Way School with the Taoist alias of True Taoist, who came from the Changbai Mountains.[35]

Li Hongzhi introduced Falun Gong to the public on May 13, 1992, in Changchun, Jilin.[36] Invited by qigong organizations from each area, Li traveled to almost all major cities in China from 1992 to 1994 to teach the practice. For the first few years of spreading Falun Gong, Li was granted several awards by Chinese governmental organizations to encourage him to continue promoting what was then considered to be a wholesome practice.[37] University of Montreal scholar David Ownby noted that neither Li nor Falun Gong were particularly controversial in the beginning.[38] Li became an "instant star of the qigong movement," with his practice method celebrated at the Beijing Oriental Health Expos of both 1992 and 1993. Falun Gong was welcomed into the Scientific Qigong Research Association, which sponsored and helped organise many of Li's activities between 1992 and 1994, including the 54 large-scale lectures given throughout China in most major cities to a total audience of 20,000. The scale of the activities was unprecedented at that time.

After teaching publicly in Changchun, Li began to make his ideas more widely accessible and affordable, charging less than other qigong systems for lectures, tapes, and books.[16] On 4 January 1995, Zhuan Falun, the main book on Falun Gong, was published and became a best-seller in China.[16] Before 1999, people learned Falun Gong by word of mouth, and it was usually practiced in the morning in parks like many other forms of exercise in China.[16] It attracted many retired persons, factory workers, farmers, state enterprise managers, entrepreneurs, intellectuals, and students.[39]

In 1994, Falun Gong was taught at the Chinese consulate in New York as part of the Party's "cultural propaganda to the West", alongside Chinese silk craft and cooking.[40] The consulate at that time also set up Falun Gong clubs at MIT and Columbia University which are active to this day. Starting in 1995, Li himself taught the practice outside of China, chairing a series of conferences at the Chinese embassy in Paris, upon invitation by China's ambassador to France, according to David Ownby.[40][41]

Ideological and social context

File:PrePersecutionFalunDafaPracticeinChina.jpg
Group practice in China in July 1999

Yuezhi Zhao opines that Falun Gong's spread in China in the 1990s "reflected the profound contradictions of the Communist Party's technocratic-oriented modernization drive."[31] Falun Gong's rise, she says, was responding to the deep and widespread ideological and identity crises that followed the 1989 suppression of mass pro-democracy movement. In the early 1990s, Deng Xiaoping called for an end to debates about the political and social meaning of the economic reforms, urging the populace to participate in commercialism and the pursuit of material wealth. Falun Gong, in contrast, writes Zhao, "insisted on the search for meaning and called for a radical transcendence of materialism in both the mundane and philosophical senses."[31]

Falun Gong taken in this context is a Chinese manifestation of "a worldwide backlash against capitalist modernity"[31] Though it is grounded in Chinese cultural traditions and responds to unique post-1989 Chinese realities, Zhao says Falun Gong also addresses universal concerns, "asking humanity to take a 'fresh look' at itself and re-examine its dominant value system. It is partly for this reason that Falun Gong appeals to some non-Chinese people in the West."

Zhao opines that, while Chinese authorities condemn Falun Gong as having "fallen prey to premodern superstitions," the practice "articulates a mixture of premodern, modern, and postmodern sensibilities."[31] In Zhao's view, Falun Gong has established a 'resistance identity', resisting prevailing pursuits of wealth, power, scientific rationality and "the entire value system associated with the project of modernization".

Li Hongzhi addresses precisely the actors and aspects of subjectivity bruised by the ruthless march of Chinese modernity... and provides an alternative meaning system within which individuals can come to terms with their experience. The multiple unfolding struggles over this resistance identity match, both in speed and intensity, the wider social transformation in China.[31]

In a reversal from the 1989 outpouring of desire for political participation, many Chinese turned to Falun Gong precisely because they saw it as "an apolitical response to their individual and social concerns. By focusing on self-cultivation and individual moral salvation, and by urging its members to take lightly or give up 'attachments' to the desires, ambitions, and sentimentality that ordinarily rule modern human life, Falun Gong is reactive, defensive, and politically conservative."[31] Zhao regards the required discipline as a form of religious fundamentalism, and is subsequently not "a purveyor of 'a social project'". Yet, she says, it has turned out to be "the most politicized and highly mobilized form of social contestation in post-1989 China." No other disenfranchised social group has staged a mass protest near Zhongnanhai, she says. And while the post-Mao Chinese state attempted to avert ideological struggles, "[the state] ended up having to wage a Maoist-style ideological campaign against the movement. Such is the dialectic of China's 'economic' reforms."[31]

According to a survey of practitioners conducted by Professor Scott Lowe, Chair of Philosophy and Religious Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire, published in Nova Religio, practitioners believed its rapid growth within China was related to "family ties and community relationships," which, he says, still retain great power.[42] Lowe says the "tremendously positive" word-of-mouth generated by practitioners naturally led to the rapid spread of the teachings within close-knit Chinese communities.[42]

The Economist asserts that much of Falun Gong's success in the 1990s was due to claims that it could heal without costly medicine, as many citizens had lost medical benefits and services due to changing economic conditions.[43] Some in China maintained that Falun Gong was the most popular qigong practice in the country, and that many professors from Beijing University practiced the exercises every day on the campus grounds until the crackdown in 1999.[44]

While Lowe acknowledges sociological "macro-issues," such as economic insecurity, free time, the collapse of moral standards, worries about health and medical care, the desire for existential certitude, and other factors as explanations for Falun Gong's rise, he suggests these were secondary, if not completely irrelevant, to the thinking of the individuals who took up Falun Gong practice.[42] Falun Gong appeals to individuals on several levels of understanding, he says: "For beginners, health benefits seem to be a primary concern. Over time, as good health comes to be a given and as their study of Master Li’s books deepens, the metaphysical system of Falun Gong seems to take precedence as cultivators work to shed their attachments and move to higher levels..."[42] Over time, followers appear to find in the teachings an "intricate, orderly, and internally consistent understanding of the cosmos," he writes. Other qigong practices were unable to provide "clear, unambiguous explanations of life’s deepest mysteries" and such a "complete and intellectually satisfying picture of the universe," as practitioners see it, he says.[42]

Situation in mainland China

Main article: Persecution of Falun Gong
See also: Tiananmen Square self-immolation incident
Falun Gong protest in London, 2006.

In April 1999, physicist He Zuoxiu published an article in the Tianjin College of Education’s Youth Reader magazine, entitled “I Do Not Agree with Youth Practicing qigong,” and criticized Falun Gong.[45] Practitioners found his treatment of Falun Gong unfair, and believed it to be part of a wider campaign to discredit the practice; they subsequently gathered to protest the article. Police were allegedly called, who then beat and arrested a number of them.[16] They were directed to take their appeal to the capital. On April 25, around ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners lined the streets near Zhongnanhai in silence, seeking legal recognition and protection of the practice in light of the alleged beatings and arrests in Tianjin. A few months later, on 20 July 1999, thousands of practitioners were arrested in the middle of the night, the media campaign to vilify the practice began, and the persecution was officially underway.

Julia Ching from the University of Toronto suggested that it was the Zhongnanhai incident which led to "fear, animosity and suppression."[46] A World Journal article suggested that certain high-level Party officials had wanted to crack down on the practice for several years, but lacked sufficient pretext until the protest at Zhongnanhai—which it claims may have been partly orchestrated by Luo Gan, a long-time opponent of Falun Gong.[44] Jiang Zemin is held by Falun Gong to be largely personally responsible for the final decision.[47][48] Cited motives include suspected personal jealousy of Li Hongzhi,[47] anger at Falun Gong's widespread appeal, and ideological struggle.[48] The nature of Communist Party rule and a perceived challenge to it is also a commonly understood reason for the persecution.[49]

The ban

On 20 July 1999, following seven years of rapid growth of the practice within mainland China,[38] Xinhua issued a statement saying the government was banning Falun Gong:

China today banned the Research Society of Falun Dafa and the Falun Gong organization under its control after deeming them to be illegal.

In its decision on this matter issued today, the Ministry of Civil Affairs said that according to investigations, the Research Society of Falun Dafa had not been registered according to law and had been engaged in illegal activities, advocating superstition and spreading fallacies, hoodwinking people, inciting and creating disturbances, and jeopardizing social stability.

The decision said that therefore, in accordance with the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Mass Organizations, the Research Society of Falun Dafa and the Falun Gong organization under its control are held to be illegal and are therefore banned.[50]

Xinhua further declared that Falun Gong was a highly organised political group "opposed to the Communist Party of China and the central government, [that] preaches idealism, theism and feudal superstition." It sought to make a distinction between "ordinary core members" and the leaders, which it referred to as "a small number of behind-the-scenes plotters and organizers who harbor political intentions." It struck a warning-bell against some important Party and government officials who were practitioners.[51] Xinhua also affirmed that "the so-called 'truth, kindness and forbearance' principle preached by Li has nothing in common with the socialist ethical and cultural progress we are striving to achieve."[52]

Li Hongzhi responded with a "Brief Statement of Mine" on July 22:

Falun Gong is simply a popular qigong activity. It does not have any particular organization, let alone any political objectives. We have never been involved in any anti-government activities. I am a cultivator myself, and I have never been destined to be involved in political power. I am just teaching people how to practice cultivation. If one wants to practice qigong well, he/she must be a person of high moral standards...

We are not against the government now, nor will we be in the future. Other people may treat us badly, but we do not treat others badly, nor do we treat people as enemies.

We are calling for all governments, international organizations, and people of goodwill worldwide to extend their support and assistance to us in order to resolve the present crisis that is taking place in China.[53]

The persecution

Reenacting torture during a demonstration in Berlin.
Falun Gong practitioners hold regular protests against the persecution, including encouraging mainland Chinese to "quit the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)". Photo from Auckland CBD, New Zealand.

A nationwide crackdown ensued with the exception of the special administrative regions of Hong Kong and Macau. In October 1999, four months after the ban, legislation was created to outlaw "heterodox religions" and applied to Falun Gong retroactively.[21] The Chinese authorities branded Falun Gong, along with some other practices, movements or organizations, as 邪教 or "xiejiao",[54] which was translated into English with the somewhat inaccurate term "cult" or "evil cult."[54][55]

According to some reports, every aspect of society was mobilized against Falun Gong, including the media apparatus, police force, army, education system, families, and workplaces.[19] An extra-constitutional body, the "6-10 Office" was created to "oversee the terror campaign,"[56] which was allegedly driven by large-scale propaganda through television, newspapers, radio and internet.[21] Families and workplaces were urged to cooperate with the government's position on Falun Gong, while practitioners themselves were subject to severe coercive measures to have them recant.[57] Amnesty International declares the persecution to be politically motivated and a restriction of fundamental freedoms.

There are particular concerns over reports of torture,[58][59] illegal imprisonment including forced labour, and psychiatric abuses.[20] Falun Gong related cases comprise 66% of all reported torture cases in China,[25] and at least half of the labour camp population.[26]

Since 2006, Falun Gong has alleged systematic organ harvesting from living practitioners, and an investigation led by two Canadians, parliamentarian David Kilgour and David Matas, has lent support to the claims.[27] Kilgour and Matas's conclusions are supported by two other independent investigations[60][61][62] however the United States Congressional Research Service regarded them as inconsistent with the findings of other investigations, relying largely on logical inferences.[63] The Christian Science Monitor states that the report's evidence, although circumstantial, is persuasive, and criticises China for a lack of openness in investigating the claims.[64] U.N. special rapporteur Manfred Nowak, in December 2007 said "The chain of evidence they [Kilgour and Matas] are documenting shows a coherent picture that causes concern."[65] In November 2008, the United Nations Committee Against Torture made a statement on the matter, citing Nowak's note that an increase in organ transplant operations coincides with “the beginning of the persecution of [Falun Gong practitioners]” and who asked for "a full explanation of the source of organ transplants." The Committee stated that it is concerned with the information that Falun Gong practitioners "have been extensively subjected to torture and ill-treatment in prisons and that some of them have been used for organ transplants." They called for the state to immediately conduct an investigation of the claims of organ harvesting, and take measures to ensure that those responsible for such abuses are prosecuted and punished.[28]

On July 30, 2008, the Chinese Communist Party foreign ministry spokesman confirmed that during the Beijing Olympic Games Falun Gong websites would be blocked, censoring journalists' access to the internet.[66]

Protests

Protests in Beijing were frequent for the first few years following the 1999 edict, though they have largely been silenced since.[19] Practitioners' presence in mainland China has become more low-profile, as they opt for alternative methods of informing the citizenry, such as through overnight letterbox drops of CD-ROMs. They have occasionally hacked into state television channels to broadcast their material, with harsh repercussions. Practitioners are also globally active in appealing to governments, media, and the people of their respective countries about the situation in China.

Outside mainland China

Main article: Falun Gong outside mainland China
Falun Gong protest in Auckland CBD, New Zealand.

Since 1999, Falun Gong practitioners around the world have conducted activities aimed at raising awareness about the their plight in China. These include lobbying, passing out of flyers,[67] participating in sit-ins in front of Chinese consulates, as well as participating in show, parades and demonstrations.

Falun Gong have set up groups CIPFG and WOIPFG to lobby foreign governments/legislators, human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, who now expressed their concerns over allegations of torture and ill-treatment of Falun Gong practitioners in China. They have also urged the United Nations and international governments to intervene and bring an end to the ongoing persecution.[68][69]

The cult debate

In October 1999, three months after Falun Gong was officially banned, the PRC government declared the practice xiejiao, which was translated into English as "evil cult."[70][71][72] Anti-Falun Gong propaganda activities dominated the Chinese media during that time as the government justifed its actions, arguing that Falun Gong practice was dangerous, and that its teachings were fabricated "by copying some qi gong practices and adding a lot of superstitious beliefs and ravings."[73][74] The characterization of Falun Gong as a cult has been dismissed by leading researchers in the field, such as David Ownby, who wrote "The entire issue of the supposed cultic nature of Falun Gong was a red herring from the beginning, cleverly exploited by the Chinese state to blunt the appeal of Falun gong and the effectiveness of the group’s activities outside of China."[41] Ian Johnson also rejected the label, writing that it "put Falun Gong on the defensive, forcing it to prove its innocence, and cloaked the government's crackdown with the legitimacy of the West's anticult movement."[19]

Practitioners themselves deny their practice is an "evil cult," and in fact deny that Falun Gong is a religion at all, regarding it instead as a "practice system." When Falun Gong first attracted the attention of Western media, largely through the Chinese government's attacks, it was widely labelled as a cult, or perhaps "vague exoticism."[75] James Murdoch, son of media mogul Rupert Murdoch, echoed the Chinese government's line when he described Falun Gong as a "dangerous" and "apocalyptic cult" that "clearly does not have China's success at heart".[75] In Western media circles this was seen as a cynical attempt to curry favor with the "Chinese communists."[76] Similar rhetoric was the basis for the Chinese State's anti-Falun Gong propaganda campaign.[73][75] Western media soon began using less loaded terms.[77]

Cult-watching groups in the west also turned their attention to Falun Gong after the Chinese state's repeated denunciations.[19] Controversial psychologist Margaret Singer, who works for cult-watching groups in the US and has worked particularly on "brainwashing" phenomena and "deprogramming" of ex-cult members [78], has characterized Falun Gong as a cult, and mentioned that she has been approached by concerned family members of Falun Gong practitioners.[79] Commenting on the general insistence of Cult Watching groups to classify most New Religious Movements as brainwashing cults, sociologists such as Eileen Barker have argued that labelling people as cultists serve little other purpose than to dehumanize certain groups in society, which may in turn lead to violence.[80] Singer's theories on brainwashing are regarded as unscientific by other researchers.[81]

The sociological term 'cult' has different definitions. At times it has been proposed that cults distinguish themselves by being culturally novel, that is by being culturally new phenomena, not drawing from the larger cultural historical background of their host society.[82] Whether or not Falun Gong qualifies as a cult on that account has been questioned, and it comes down to the importance assigned to Falun Gong's roots in the general Qigong tradition. Some scholars have stressed the movements ties to the Qigong tradition[7][31][83] whereas others[72] have stressed the syncretic combination of different philosophical traditions, thus seeing Falun Gong as a new phenomenon in China. Chan uses the definition of cult as a new religious movement that focuses on the individual experience of the encounter with the sacred more than on collective worship, that is less demanding of their members than sects and more tolerant of other religions, that has a strong charismatic leadership and fuzzy membership boundaries. Based on these criteria she concludes that from a sociological perspective Falun Gong is neither a cult nor a sect, but a New Religious Movement with Cult-like characteristics.[84] Kavan noted that "By his own account as Li is the exclusive saviour of the world. He teaches that members are superior to ordinary people, and they must relinquish 'affection for kinsfolk, love between a man and a woman, an affection for parents, feelings, and friendship.'"[85]

Many scholars choose to avoid the term cult altogether, arguing that "the term cult is useless, and should be avoided because of the confusion between the historic meaning of the term and current pejorative use"[82][86] Often academics use less loaded terms, like "spiritual movement" or "new religious movement," both to avoid the negative connations of the word cult, and because Falun Gong does not fit easily into standard definitions.[75] Another reason scholars avoid the word cult is its political ramifications: By classifying certain religious movements as cults or sects rather than religions, governments may be able to deny them the special privileges and legal protection that are normally offered to religious denominations.[74] Edelman and Richardson write that due to the Chinese Communist Party's increased sensitivity to international criticisms concerning China's human rights record, the anti-cult movement and its ideology have been useful tools to create the illusion that the rule-of-law has been upheld when taking action against the Falun Gong. "By applying the label and embracing theories that posit passive followers under the mental control of a dangerous leader, the government can aggressively destroy the group, all the while claiming to be protecting religious freedom. In this respect, the Western Anti-Cult Movement has served, unwittingly or not, as a lackey in the party's efforts to maintain its political dominance." [81]

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Further reading

  • David Ownby, Falun Gong and the Future of China (Oxford University Press, 2008) ISBN 978-0-19-532905-6
  • Maria Hsia Chang, Falun Gong: The End of Days (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 2004) ISBN 0-300-10227-5
  • Li Hongzhi, Falun Gong (Law Wheel qigong) (1993)
  • Li Hongzhi, Zhuan Falun (English translation 2000)
  • Danny Schechter, Falun Gong's Challenge to China (Akashic Books, 2000) hardback ISBN 1-888451-13-0, paperback ISBN 1-888451-27-0

External links

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Sites run by Falun Gong practitioners

Critical sites

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