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Iraq War

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OVER 2000 AMERICANS HAVE NOW DIED IN THIS WAR - END THE RETORIC AND BEGIN A REAL CONVERSATION. CALL YOUR SENATOR, YOUR CONGRESMEN, THE MEDIA EVERYONE DEMAND THAT THE ADMINISTRATION ANSWER FOR THE LIVES THEY HAVE THROWN AWAY. MAKE OCTOBER 26 A DAY OF PROTEST – STAY HOME FROM WORK, SCHOOL – WHAT EVER YOU CAN DO TO SEND A MESSAGE. THIS INSANITY HAS GOT TO END!

This article covers the colloquial reference "Iraq War" to the overall series of different conflicts in Iraq, see War of Iraq for the "war proper" or Iraq war (disambiguation) for other meanings

The Iraq War or war in IraqTemplate:Fn is a common term for various conflicts in Iraq that began with the invasion of 2003 and has continued with varying levels of violence by several entities — initially the old Iraqi army and, later, many counter-invasion groups. The use of the "Iraq war" term is prominent in news and opinion reportsgn. The official United States government designation for the military operations in Iraq has been Operation IRAQI FREEDOM since 2003.

Terminology

The term "Iraq War" can characterizes the various series of different conflicts as continous, beginning with the 2003 invasion and include the violence which resulted as a direct consequence of the invasion and occupation. This is used by anti-war activists and war opponents, who characterize the invasion and occupation as destructive, and a causal force which gave rise to the subsequent violence. (This variant considers current conflict as both anti-colonialist and sectarian, and characterizes the occupation as anti-democratic, and exacerbating the potential for civil war.) Anti-war activists and war opponents include the ongoing anti-Coalition violence in Iraq (characterized by some as a "rebellion") as part of the "Iraq War". Other viewpoints claim the current conflict is almost exclusively sectarian in nature, and characterize the occupation as democratic, and preventative of a larger civil war.) The term "Iraq War" has been used by war proponents, who characterize the invasion and occupation as a smaller ("necessary") battle within the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT).

The "Iraq War" as a war proper concerns the major hostilites against the Saddam Hussein government of Iraq. The war of Iraq technically began with the 2003 invasion and ended with the defeat of Saddam Hussein's government and the Old Iraqi army. This end brought about the cessation of major hostilities. It is limited to the 2003 invasion and the succeeding period of military occupation. The war proper ended after the period of military occupation with the handover of sovereignty to the new Iraqi government in 2004.

Rationales

Stated or percieved goals of the invasion and occupation as stated by the United States in 2002 before the Iraq invasion are likewise controversial factors. The various rationales given for the initiation of the war included Hussein's regime was in violation of United Nations demands for weapons inspections, allegedly had a program intended to develop weapons of mass destruction, failed to comply with UN resolutions requiring a full accounting of its weapons of mass destruction and full cooperation with UN inspections.[1][2],# Saddam's regime's abuse of Iraqi citizens' human rights and the spread of democracy as a justification for the war,[3] and the Hussein regime had ties to al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations that posed a threat to international safety.

Opponents of the war hold to concepts, erronously or not, that are defined from American "involvement" in Southeast Asia, and draws direct parallels to the earlier war,

  1. its protracted nature, being defined by the continued dominant presence of U.S. soldiers
  2. the changing status of the local government, and rising sectarian factionalism
  3. changes and conflicts in the publicly stated goals for invasion and occupation
  4. the colonialist character of the occupation (i.e. "colonize the government", blanket and unconditional diplomatic immunity for invader soldiers, etc.)
  5. evidence of continued (or growing) local resistance (dubbed the "insurgency," by the coalition) and political dissidence
  6. evidence of invader war crimes (Abu Ghraib, indiscriminate bombing, intentional targeting of civilians, etc.)
  7. evidence of fraud, incompentence, and inefficiency in the claimed "reconstruction" (Halliburton, reused MREs etc.)

Economically, US engagement in Iraq cost about USD $200,000,000,000, and still costs about USD $4,000,000,000 a month. [4]

Debate

Both critics and supporters of the war have disagreed about the validity of each of these rationales, and over whether the ex post facto failure to find weapons stockpiles indicates a failure of intelligence (or, at an extreme, a deliberate deceit). As stated in public political rhetoric such goals have changed notably since 2002, and views differ as to whether past statements should be considered "failed goals" or "deceptive premises," for the war. Pro-war proponents have argued a "fight them over there, so we dont have to fight them over here" rationale, which views goals claimed in rhetoric as subordinate to maintaining a positive view toward the continued conflict. Anti-war proponents argue that both the rhetorical shift and the lack of success in acheiving a peaceful resolution show evidence of both failure and deception on the part of pro-war government officials, and de-legitimizes both the original cause for the invasion as well as any continued support for the war.

Leaders of the multinational coalition have increasingly pointed to human rights issues to justify the war, as articulated in President George W. Bush 2003 State of the Union Address:

"The dictator who is assembling the world's most dangerous weapons has already used them on whole villages -- leaving thousands of his own citizens dead, blind, or disfigured. Iraqi refugees tell us how forced confessions are obtained -- by torturing children while their parents are made to watch. International human rights groups have catalogued other methods used in the torture chambers of Iraq: electric shock, burning with hot irons, dripping acid on the skin, mutilation with electric drills, cutting out tongues, and rape. If this is not evil, then evil has no meaning. And tonight I have a message for the brave and oppressed people of Iraq: Your enemy is not surrounding your country -- your enemy is ruling your country. And the day he and his regime are removed from power will be the day of your liberation."

In October 2003, David Kay, head of the Iraq Survey Group, reported the interm ISG findings that small amounts of banned material were uncovered, (including a number of vials containing biological agents stored in the home refrigerators of Iraqi scientists, for example) as well as discoveries of non-WMD programs banned by the United Nations and concealed during the IAEA and UNMOVIC inspections that began in 2002. The discoveries made by the ISG include a "clandestine network of laboratories ... that contained equipment ... suitable for continuing chemical biological weapons research". Kay testified on January 28, 2004 that "the effort that has been directed to this point has been sufficiently intense that it is highly unlikely that there were large stockpiles of deployed, militarized chemical weapons [in Iraq]". Charles Duelfer, as the new head of the Iraq Survey Group, released the final ISG report which included the following points:

  1. Iraq's main goal was to end sanctions while preserving the capability to reconstitute WMD production;
  2. Iraq had intended to restart all banned weapons programs as soon as multilateral sanctions against it had been dropped, a prospect that the Iraqi government saw coming soon;
  3. No senior Iraqi official interviewed by the ISG believed that Saddam had forsaken WMD forever;
  4. Saddam Hussein convinced his top military commanders that Iraq did indeed possess WMD that could be used against any U.S. invasion force, in order to prevent a coup over the prospects of fighting the U.S.-led Coalition without these weapons; and,
  5. Iraq used procurement contracts allowed under the Oil for Food program to buy influence among U.N. Security Council member states.
See also: Rationale for the 2003 Invasion of Iraq, Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda, Iraq disarmament crisis, and Iraq and weapons of mass destruction.

War of Iraq

Prior to invasion, the United States and other coalition forces involved in the 1991 Persian Gulf War had been engaged in a low-level conflict with Iraq, enforcing Iraqi no-fly zones. Iraqi air-defense installations were engaged on a fairly regular basis after repeatedly targeting American and British air patrols. A change in enforcement tactics was acknowledged at the time, but it was not made public that this was part of a plan known as Operation Southern Focus.

On March 20 2003 at approximately 02:30 UTC (05:30 local time), about 90 minutes after the lapse of the 48-hour deadline set by the coalition for Saddam Hussein and his sons to leave Iraq, the war of Iraq began. The assumption was that superior coalition mobility and coordination would allow the the multinational forces to attack the heart of the Iraqi command structure and destroy it in a short time, which would minimize civilian deaths and damage to infrastructure. It was expected that the elimination of the leadership would lead to the collapse of the army and the government, and that much of the population would support the invaders once the government had been weakened. Occupation of cities and attacks on peripheral military units were viewed as undesirable distractions.

After a rapid initial advance, the first major pause occurred in the vicinity of Hillah and Karbala, where U.S. leading elements, hampered by dust storms, met resistance from Iraqi troops and paused for some days for re-supply before continuing toward Baghdad. The first Civil Affairs unit to enter Iraq, the 411th Civil Affairs Battalion, was on hand to restore basic services, distribute humanitarian aide, and begin the arduous process of building a democratic government from scratch. This unit would later play a pivotol role in the Iraqi elections when they returned to Iraq a second time. The 2nd Battalion of the U.S. 5th Special Forces Group (part of the Green Berets) conducted reconnaissance in the cities of Basra, Karbala and various other locations. In the North 10th SFG had the mission of aiding the Kurdish factions such as the Union of Kurdistan and the Democratic Party of Kurdistan.

Three weeks into the invasion, U.S. forces moved into Baghdad. Initial plans were for armor units to surround the city and a street-to-street battle to commence using Airborne units. However, within days a "Thunder Run" of US tanks was launched to test Iraqi defenses, with about 30 tanks rushing from a staging base to the Baghdad airport. They met heavy resistance, including many suicide attacks, but launched another run two days later into the Palaces of Saddam Hussein, where they established a base. Within hours of the palace seizure, and television coverage of this spreading through Iraq, Iraqi resistance crumbled around the city. Iraqi government officials had either disappeared or had conceded defeat.

On April 9 2003, Baghdad was formally secured by US forces and the power of Saddam Hussein was declared ended. Saddam had vanished, and his whereabouts were unknown. Many Iraqis celebrated the downfall of Saddam by vandalizing the many portraits and statues of him together with other pieces of his personality cult. General Tommy Franks assumed control of Iraq as the supreme commander of occupation forces. Coalition troops promptly began searching for the key members of Saddam Hussein's government. These individuals were identified by a variety of means, most famously through sets of most-wanted Iraqi playing cards.

In the north, Kurdish forces opposed to Saddam Hussein had already occupied for years an autonomous area in northern Iraq. With the assistance of U.S. Special Forces and airstrikes, they were able to rout the Iraqi units near them and, on 10 April, to occupy oil-rich Kirkuk, a city of significant emotional importance to Kurds, causing further complications in U.S.-Turkish relations. [5] Coalition special forces had also been involved in the extreme west of Iraq, attempting to occupy key roads to Syria and airbases. In one case two armored platoons were used to convince Iraqi leadership that an entire armored battalion was entrenched in the west of Iraq. On 15 April, Multinational forces mostly took control of Tikrit, the last major outpost in central Iraq, with an attack led by the U.S. Marines' Task Force Tarawa (comprised of units from 1st Marine Expeditionary Force) and followed by elements of the Army's 4th Infantry Division.

Coalition forces managed to topple the government and capture the key cities of a large nation in only 28 days, taking minimal losses while also trying to avoid large civilian deaths and even high numbers of dead Iraqi military forces. The invasion was, in a military context, a complete success, and did not require the huge army built up for the 1991 Gulf War, which numbered half a million Allied troops. This did prove short-sighted, however, due to requirement for a much larger force to combat the irregular Iraqi forces in the aftermath of the war.

The Saddam-built army had no weapons that could stand up to Coalition forces, and managed only to stage a few ambushes that gained a great deal of media attention but in reality did nothing to slow the Coalition advance. The Iraqi T-72 tanks, the heaviest armored vehicles in the Iraqi Army, were both outdated and ill-maintained, and when they did stand up to Coalition forces they were destroyed quickly, thanks in part due to the Coalition's control of the air. The U.S. Air Force and British Royal Air Force operated with impunity throughout the country, pinpointing heavily defended enemy targets and destroying them before ground troops arrived.

The main battle tanks (MBT) of the Coalition forces, the U.S. M1 Abrams and British Challenger 2, proved their worth in the rapid advance across the country. Even with the large number of RPG attacks by irregular Iraqi forces, few Coalition tanks were lost and no tank crewmen were killed by hostile fire. All three British tank crew fatalities were a result of friendly fire. The only tank loss sustained by the British Army was a Challenger 2 of the Queen's Royal Lancers that was hit by another Challenger 2, killing two crewmen.

The Iraqi Army suffered from poor morale, even amongst the supposedly elite Republican Guard, and entire units simply melted away into the crowds upon the approach of Coalition troops. Other Iraqi Army officers were bribed by the CIA or coerced into surrendering to coalition forces. Worse, the Iraqi Army had incompetent leadership - reports state that Qusay Hussein, charged with the defense of Baghdad, dramatically shifted the positions of the two main divisions protecting Baghdad several times in the days before the arrival of U.S. forces, and as a result the units within were both confused and further demoralized when the U.S. Army attacked. By no means did the Coalition invasion force see the entire Iraqi military thrown against it, and it is assumed that most units disintegrated to either join the growing anti-occupation forces or return to their homes.

Criticism and countries opposed

The war was unpopular from the outset in many Coalition countries, as reflected in opinion polls and widespread protests, including the largest worldwide protest in human history, on February 15th, 2003: a day of Global protests against war on Iraq. The Iraq War was widely viewed by many critics as counterproductive. Many viewed the war as improper (being a moral and ethical violation); and, at the extreme, illegal under international law. By the summer of 2005, there was an increase in the number of individuals in the United States that felt the same way. [6] [7] A decorated British Royal Air Force Officer has been court-martialled for refusing to take further part in the war. He was decorated more than once in the Iraq War, and considers that the war is illegal. He has been charged with "refusing to obey a lawful command". [8]

The following countries did not support the Iraq War in principle.

For more information, see: Criticism of the Iraq War, Popular opposition to the 2003 Iraq War, American popular opinion of invasion of Iraq, protests against the invasion of Iraq, and popular opposition to war on Iraq

Bush's 'Mission Accomplished'

The USS Abraham Lincoln returning to port carrying its Mission Accomplished banner.

On 1 May 2003 George W. Bush landed on the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, in a Lockheed S-3 Viking, where he gave a speech announcing the end of major combat operations in the Iraq war. Bush's landing was criticized by opponents as an overly theatrical and expensive stunt. Clearly visible in the background was a banner stating "Mission Accomplished." It was criticized by some as premature - especially later as the guerrilla war dragged on. However, one crewmember later stated the banner refered specifically to the aircraft carrier's mission and not the war itself.

Aftermath

Main article: Post-invasion Iraq, 2003–2005

a discussion of the post-invasion environment.

Military rule and occupation

The post-invasion environment began after the Hussein regime had been overthrown. It centers around Coalition and U.N. efforts to establish a democratic state capable of defending itself [9], versus Iraqi demands that the foreign forces leave the country. According to opinion polls, the war was considered unpopular from it's beginning by many Coalition countries. In the weeks that followed Bush's dramatic aircraft carrier landing, all types of crime significantly increased in Iraq due to the end of the Saddam Hussein regime.

Early occupation

During the early occupation, a number of widely-cited humanitarian, tactical, and political errors by United States and United Kingdom planners and forces led to a growing armed resistance, usually called the "Iraqi insurgency" by coalition governments and mainstream media. The anti-occupation forces are believed to be predominantly, but not exclusively, Iraqi Sunni Muslim Arabs, plus some foreign Arab and Muslim fighters, some of the latter tied to al-Qaeda. Several minor coalition members have pulled out of Iraq; this has been widely considered a political success for the anti-occupation forces.

The failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption, and decaying infrastructure had left major cities functioning at much-reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council. On 2 July 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would remain in Iraq in spite of the attacks, challenging the opponents with "My answer is, Bring 'em on," a line the President later expressed misgivings about having used. [10] In the summer of 2003, the multinational forces focused on hunting down the remaining leaders of the former regime, culminating in the shooting deaths of Saddam's two sons in July. In all, over 200 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel.

The capture of Saddam and calls for elections

On 22 July 2003, during a raid by the U.S. 101st Airborne Division and men from Task Force 20, Saddam Hussein's sons (Uday and Qusay) and one of his grandsons were killed. Saddam Hussein was captured on December 13 2003 by the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task Force 121 during Operation Red Dawn.

With the weather growing cooler, United States forces were able to operate in full armor or "battle rattle", which reduced their casualty figures. The provisional government began training a security force intended to defend critical infrastructure, and the United States promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Of this, less than half a billion dollars had been spent in the of 10 months after it had been promised. Oil revenues were used also for rebuilding schools and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure.

At the same time, elements left out of the CPA began to agitate for elections. Most prominent among these was Ali al-Sistani, Grand Ayatollah in the Shia sect of Islam. More anti-occupation forces (the great majority of which are native Iraqis; the minority being connected with international terrorist groups, and with conduits to neighboring Iran and Syria) stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad to Basra in the south.

Iraqi resistance and guerilla units

With the Ba'ath party organization disintegrated, elements of the secret police and Republican Guard formed guerrilla units, since some had simply gone home rather than openly fight the multinational forces. These join the anti-occupation forces and their attacks around Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah. In the fall, the anti-occupation groups, guerrilla units, and other elements (who called themselves "freedom fighters") began using ambush tactics, bombings, kidnappings, and improvised explosive devices, targeting coalition forces and checkpoints. These irregular forces favored attacking unarmored Humvee vehicles. In November, some anti-occupation forces successfully attacked U.S. rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market.

Initially, the anti-occupation activity in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle which includes Baghdad [11]. Critics point out that the regions where violence is most common are also the most populated regions, but this is not entirely true. The three provinces with the most number of attacks are Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah Ad Din. Combined they account for 32% of the population. Even this is misleading because Baghdad has a very low ratio of attacks per capita, indicating that it is only a small minority within the city that supports attacks. This resistance has been described as a type of guerrilla warfare. Anti-occupation tactics include mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure. There is evidence that some anti-occupation groups are organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign fighters. [12] These groups are generally known to the Coalition forces as Anti-Iraqi Forces (AIF). (this needs a cite)

American and Iraqi forces continue to battle anti-occupation fighters. As of late October, nearly 2,000 U.S. soldiers have been killed, and around ten times this many have been wounded. The number of Iraqi citizens who have fallen victim to anti-occupation fighting has risen. An election for a government to draft a permanent constitution took place. Although some violence and lack of widespread Sunni participation marred the event, most of the eligible Kurd and Shia populace participated. Suicide bombers tore through Iraq. Its targets where often Shia gatherings or civilian concentrations mainly of Shias. As a result, over 700 Iraqi civilians died in the month, as well as 79 U.S. soldiers. During early and mid-May, the U.S. also launched Operation Matador, an assault by around 1,000 marines in the ungoverned region of western Iraq.

Counter insurgency assaults

The United States and the IPA decided to face the growing insurgency with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque, which had become the focal point for the Mahdi Army and its activities. Just before the American attack on Fallujah, four private military contractors, working for Blackwater USA, were ambushed and their corpses mutilated by a large crowd, receiving a great deal of media attention. In the ensuing offensive, the United States was unable to dislodge the insurgents, and instead suffered repeated attacks on its own rear and flank.

While the Marine Division attacking had clear superiority in ground firepower and air support, it decided to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Baathist general in complete charge of the town. The marines were then shifted south, because Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. The marines relieved the Poles and Italians, and put down the overt rebellion, but were unable to reestablish control over the centers of the towns.

British forces in Basra were faced with increasing insurgency and became more selective in the areas they patrolled. In all, April, May and early June saw more fighting. The city of Fallujah fell under insurgent control despite the Marine's attempt to recapture it in Operation Vigilant Resolve. In the April battle for Fallujah, Coalition troops killed about 600 insurgents and a number of civilians, while 40 Americans died and hundreds were wounded in a fierce battle. Due to these abrupt setbacks, the Coalition gradually began admitting that it was facing independent organized rebel forces.

Sovereignty issue

In June of 2004, the Coalition Provisional Authority transferred the "sovereignty" of Iraq to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. Sovereign power handed to the interim government ended the U.S.-led rule of that nation. Fighting continued in the form of an insurgent rebellion against the new sovereignty, with some parts composed of non-Iraqi Muslim militant groups like Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda. The new government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, has lead to delays. Militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr took control of Najaf and, after negotiations broke down, the government asked the United States for help dislodging him. Through the months of July and August,a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imman Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by al-Sistani in late August. Al-Sadr then declared a national cease fire, and opened negotiations with the American and government forces on disbanding his militia and entering the political process.

The Iraqi government, with some holdovers from the CPA, engaged in securing control of the oil infrastructure (a source of Iraq's foreign currency) and control of the major cities of Iraq. The insurgency, the developing the Iraqi Army, disorganized police and security forces, as well as a lack of revenue have hampered efforts to assert control. In addition, former Baathist elements and militant Shia groups have engaged in sabotage, terrorism, open rebellion, and establishing their own security zones in all or part of a dozen cities. The Allawi government vowed to crush the resistance.

Notes

Template:FnbThe conflict is also commonly referred to as Gulf War II or the Second Gulf War (ie. of 2003), to distinguish it from the Persian Gulf War of 1991. These terms are less frequently used today than "the Iraq War" or "the war in Iraq."

"War" in "Iraq War" is often written in lowercase to indicate informal status, or to distinguish its definition from formal variants. The "Iraq war" [sic] term may in fact reference either definition 1 or 2 and all variants. The "Iraq War" term likewise may be used for either, but because it emphasises the formality, may be particular to specific variants of the two definitions.

Comically, some referred to it as "Gulf War II: Clone of the Attack" after the release of "Star Wars II: Attack of the Clones"

References

February 20, 2003.

Years in Iraq
General
Multinational forces
Casualties
Other related articles and concepts

External articles