1996 United States campaign finance controversy
The 1996 United States campaign finance scandal, also known as Chinagate, refers to alleged efforts by the People's Republic of China to influence domestic U.S. politics prior to and during the Clinton Administration as well as the fundraising practices of the administration itself.
While questions regarding the American Democratic party's fundraising activities first arose in October 1996, China's alleged role in the affair first gained public attention after Bob Woodward and Brian Duffy of the Washington Post published a story stating that a U.S. Department of Justice investigation into the fund-raising activities had discovered evidence that agents of China sought to direct contributions from foreign sources to the Democratic National Committee (DNC) before the 1996 presidential campaign.
The journalists wrote that intelligence information had showed the Chinese Embassy in Washington, D.C. was used for coordinating contributions to the DNC[1] in violation of U.S. law forbidding non-American citizens from giving monetary donations to U.S. politicians and political parties. The Chinese government denied the accusations.
Seventeen people were eventually convicted for fraud or for funneling Asian funds into the U.S. elections. A number of the convictions came against long-time Clinton-Gore friends and political appointees.
The campaign finance controversy regained prominence in 1999 with the United States Congress' release of the Cox report, which detailed China's alleged efforts to acquire sensitive American military technology (including, but not limited to, the W-88 nuclear warhead and neutron bomb designs).
"New China Lobby" and the "China Plan"
According to a U.S. Senate report, prior to 1995, China's approach to promoting its interests in the United States was focused almost exclusively on diplomacy, including summits and meetings with high-level White House officials. In these meetings, China often negotiated with U.S. officials by using the appeal of their huge commercial market[2].
U.S. companies were also known to lobby the U.S. government on various issues involving the companies and China. In the 1990s, the news media reported on the phenomenon of U.S. companies lobbying for favorable trade policies regarding China and labelled this activity as the "New China Lobby". The group consisted of representatives of businesses with trade and investment interests in China (AT&T, General Motors, Boeing, et al). In addition, prominent Americans, including several former U.S. Secretaries of State, were reported to be involved in promoting increased economic relationships with China, notably Henry Kissinger as well as George Shultz, Cyrus Vance, Lawrence Eagleburger Jr., Alexander Haig, and Brent Scowcroft. This "New China Lobby" urged U.S. officials to protect Beijing's trade relationship with the United States because American exports to China were rapidly increasing and creating new American jobs[3][4].
A U.S. Senate report noted that the country's exports to China grew from $3 billion in 1980 to $38 billion in 1994. Between 1991 and 1996, U.S. exports to China increased by 90.5 percent and the U.S. designated China as one of the top ten "Big Emerging Markets" offering the largest potential for U.S. goods in future years[5]. Total trade between the two countries had risen from $4.8 billion in 1980 to $63.5 billion in 1996, making China the fourth largest U.S. trading partner at the time[2].
With this information in mind, some critics questioned whether China should still be seen as a geopolitical rival of the United States. One explanation, according to the Senate report, was the American public's negative attitude toward China's human rights record, still marked by the Chinese government's suppression of democratic movements (most notably the crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square in 1989). Another reason, from the Chinese government's perspective, according to the report, was that "the coming to power of a China-bashing U.S. Congress (was) perceived as part of an increas(ed) anti-Chinese atmosphere in Washington." According to the Senate Committee, information discovered during its investigation supported the conclusion that the Chinese government, beginning in 1994, was concerned that decisions by Congress, including its stance toward the issue of Taiwan, would harm Chinese interests[2].
In early 1995, Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui requested a visa to enter the United States to attend events associated with his college reunion at Cornell University scheduled to be held in June 1995. By March of that year, Congress passed a resolution calling for the president to grant a visa to President Lee and President Clinton subsequently agreed to grant it. China immediately protested the decision and, working through traditional diplomatic channels, suspended ongoing treaty negotiations and recalled its ambassador to the United States[2].
After this crisis, according to the Senate report, Chinese officials developed a set of proposals to promote their interests with the U.S. government and to improve China's image with the American people. The proposals, which had become known in the media as the "China Plan", were prompted by China's surprise that Congress had successfully lobbied the president to grant the visa to President Lee. The Chinese government was aware that President Clinton initially had been opposed to the visa and concluded that the influence of Congress over foreign policy was more significant than it had previously determined. When formulating the so-called plan, Chinese officials acknowledged that, compared to other countries, it had little knowledge of, or influence over, policy decisions made in Congress[2].
According the Senate report, the plan instructed Chinese officials in the U.S. to improve their knowledge about members of Congress and increase contacts with its members, the public, and the media. The plan also allegedly suggested ways to lobby U.S. officials[2].
Over the years, China repeatedly denied these lobbying efforts involved financial contributions of any kind:
"(S)ome people and media in the United States speculated... about so-called participation by Chinese individuals in political donations during the U.S. elections," China's Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhu Bangzao said in May 1998. "It is sheer fabrication and is intended to slander China." Beijing, he added, "has never, nor will we ever, use money to influence American politics"[6].
Though the ultimate level of participation or non-participation by the Chinese government in the fund-raising schemes may never be fully known, investigations by the American media, the U.S. Justice Department, and the U.S. Congress, did prove there was a conspiracy by individuals to influence American elections with Asian funds prior to 1996.
Major fund-raising figures and groups
Yah Lin "Charlie" Trie and Wang Jun
The most significant of the illegal foreign contributions was a $460,000 donation by Yah Lin "Charlie" Trie to President Bill Clinton's legal defense fund. The donation was made by delivery of an envelope containing $460,000 in $1,000 contributions, some on sequentially numbered money orders made out in different names but with the same handwriting[7].
Born in Taiwan, Trie emigrated to the U.S. in 1974. He eventually became an American citizen and co-owner of a restaurant in Little Rock, Arkansas where he befriended then Governor Clinton. In addition to the donation to Clinton's defense fund, Trie and his immediate family donated $220,000 to the DNC which was later returned[8].
In February 1996, Trie brought Wang Jun, chairman of China International Trust Investment Company (CITIC) -- the chief investment arm of the Chinese government -- and Poly Technologies (a "front company for the Chinese military" [9][10] that was later charged with smuggling 2,000 AK-47 automatic rifles into the U.S.), to a White House "coffee" with the president[11][12]. President Clinton later admitted Wang's attendance at the White House was "clearly inappropriate"[13][14].
After questions arose regarding Trie's activities during Congressional investigations in late 1996, he left the country for China[8]. Mr. Trie returned to the U.S. in 1998 and was convicted and sentenced to three years probation and four months home detention for violating federal campaign finance laws by making political contributions in someone else's name and by causing a false statement to be made to the Federal Election Commission (FEC)[15].
Johnny Chung and Liu Chaoying
Born in Taiwan, Johnny Chung went from being the owner of a "blastfaxing" business (an automated system that quickly sends out faxes to thousands of businesses) in California to being in the middle of the Washington, D.C. elite within a couple weeks of his first donations to the Democratic Party. Called a "hustler" by a National Security Council (NSC) aide[16], Chung made forty-nine separate visits to the White House between February 1994 and February 1996[17]. He also attended Commerce Department trade missions to Asia where he befriended former Chinese Lt. Col. Liu Chaoying, daughter of former top Chinese General Liu Huaqing, then an executive at China Aerospace Holdings (China's main satellite company).
Between 1994 and 1996, Chung donated $366,000 to the DNC. Eventually, all of the money was returned. Chung told federal investigators that $35,000 of the money he donated came from Liu Chaoying and, in turn, China's military intelligence[16].
Specifically, Chung testified under oath to the U.S. House Committee investigating the issue in May 1999 that he was introduced to Chinese Gen. Ji Shengde, then the head of Chinese military intelligence, by Liu Chaoying. Chung said that Ji told him: "We like your president very much. We would like to see him reelect [sic]. I will give you 300,000 U.S. dollars. You can give it to the president and the Democrat Party"[18]. Ms. Liu and the Chinese government denied the claims.
"The Chinese government has always opposed the interference by any country in the internal affairs of another country. China has never and never will use money to influence U.S. politics. China has never made political donations," a statement issued by the Chinese Foreign Ministry said[19].
Mr. Chung was eventually convicted of bank fraud, tax evasion, and two misdemeanor counts of conspiring to violate election law[20].
John Huang and James Riady
John Huang (pronounced "Wong") was another major figure. Born in 1945 as Jian-Nan Huang in Fujian, China, Huang and his family originally moved to Taiwan before he eventually emigrated to the United States in 1969. A former employee of the Indonesian company Lippo Group's Lippo Bank and its owners Mochtar Riady and his son James (whom he first met along with Bill Clinton at a financial seminar in Little Rock, Arkansas in 1980), Huang became a key fund-raiser within the DNC in 1995. While there, Huang raised $3.4 million for the party. Nearly half had to be returned when questions arose regarding their source during later investigations by Congress[21].
The most well-known of his fund-raisers involved Vice President Al Gore, Maria Hsia, and the Hsi Lai Buddhist Temple in California.
According to U.S. Secret Service logs, Huang visited the White House 78 times while working as a DNC fund-raiser[22]. James Riady visited the White House 20 times (including 6 personal visits to President Clinton)[23].
Immediately prior to joining the DNC, Huang worked in President Clinton's Commerce Department as deputy assistant secretary for international economic affairs. His position made him responsible for Asian/U.S. trade matters. He was appointed to the position by President Clinton in December 1993. His position at the Commerce Department gave him access to classified intelligence on China. While at the department, it was later learned, Huang met 9 times with Chinese embassy officials in Washington D.C. The reason for the meetings have never been learned[12].
Some DNC records suggested Huang started fund-raising before he left his government job which would have been a violation of the U.S. law known as the Hatch Act, though no charges regarding this issue were ever brought[21]. Huang eventually pleaded guilty to conspiring to reimburse Lippo Group employees' campaign contributions with corporate or foreign funds[24]. James Riady was later convicted of campaign finance violations relating to the same scheme as well.
"Your honor," Riady told U.S. District (Court) Judge Consuelo Marshall, "mistakes have been made, which I regret. I did not have to come back here (to the United States) but I wanted to own up to what I did and put this all behind me. I am grateful for the opportunity to be here today"[25].
According to the Justice Department some of those "mistakes" included reimbursing contributions made by Huang and various employees of Lippo Bank with funds wired from a foreign Lippo Group entity into an account maintained by Huang at a bank in Hong Kong. Shortly after Riady pledged $1 million in support of then-Governor of Arkansas Clinton's campaign for the presidency, contributions made by Huang were reimbursed with funds wired from a foreign Lippo Group entity into an account Riady maintained at Lippo Bank and then distributed to Huang in cash. Also, contributions made by Lippo Group entities operating in the United States were reimbursed with wire transfers from foreign Lippo Group entities[20].
An unclassified U.S. Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs report issued in 1998 stated that both James Riady and his father Mochtar had "had a long-term relationship with a Chinese intelligence agency." According to a story by journalist Bob Woodward, "the report was drawn from highly classified intelligence information supplied by both the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) that was not revealed during several months of public committee hearings the (previous) year"[26].
Maria Hsia and the Hsi Lai Buddhist Temple
A close business associate of John Huang and James Riady since 1988, Taiwan-born Maria Hsia (pronounced "Shah") began her association with Al Gore the same year as well. The association began after Hsia sent the then-senator a letter inviting him to come visit Taiwan: "If you decide to join this trip, I will persuade all my colleagues in the future to play a leader [sic] role in your presidential race..."[27]
Gore went, and the two began an eight-year relationship. Mr. Gore said his dealings with Hsia were strictly business in nature, but, at least at one point, Gore sent a letter to Ms. Hsia referring to her as "special friend"[27].
Regardless, their relationship came to an end when she was charged with money-laundering in early 1998. The Justice Department alleged Hsia facilitated $100,000 in illegal contributions to the 1996 Clinton-Gore reelection campaign through her efforts at the Hsi Lai Buddhist Temple in California. Hsia was eventually convicted by a jury in March 2000[28]. The Democratic National Committee eventually returned the money donated by the Temple's monks and nuns. Former Vice President Gore said he had no idea the Temple meeting was financial in nature:
"I did not know that it was a fund-raiser. But I knew it was a political event, and I knew there were finance people that were going to be present, and so that alone should have told me, 'This is inappropriate and this is a mistake; don't do this.' And I take responsibility for that. It was a mistake"[29].
The U.S. Senate Governmental Affairs Committee that investigated the controversy said, however:
"The Vice President's staff... knew that the Temple event was a fundraiser. In March 1996, Deputy Chief of Staff David Strauss had helped arrange a meeting in the White House with the head of the Temple, Master Hsing Yun – a meeting which Strauss believed would 'lead to a lot of $.' The White House staff repeatedly referred to the event as a 'fundraiser' in internal correspondence, and assigned to it a 'ticket price' of '1000-5000 [dollars per] head'"[29].
It is illegal for religious organizations to hold political fund-raising events in the U.S. due to their tax-exempt status.
The Senate Governmental Affairs Committee also said they learned that Hsia had served as an "agent" of the Chinese government[29]. Hsia denied the claim.
Ted Sioeng
Another notable figure involved in the affair was Ted Sioeng (pronounced "Shong") who illegally donated money to both Democrats and Republicans. Sioeng, who doesn't speak English, found himself invited to sit side-by-side with President Clinton or Vice President Gore at three different fundraising events[30].
According to the U.S. Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, $200,000 of the $400,000 that Sioeng and his family gave to Democrats was "funded by transfer from overseas accounts." All the money was eventually returned.
Also, from their report:
"(I)n late July 1997... (t)he Committee learned that Chinese government officials... were aware of, and possibly encouraged, (Ted) Sioeng's purchase of a Los Angeles-based newspaper... in 1995 and succeeded in having the paper report from a pro-Beijing perspective. There was also information suggesting that Sioeng met with Chinese officials in 1995 and 1996."
Furthermore,
"Sioeng also may have been involved in directing or funding contributions to American political entities and campaigns. The public information obtained by the Committee suggests that Sioeng personally directed contributions to Republican California officials in 1995. According to public information, Sioeng was involved in these contributions, but the source of the contributions is difficult to determine. The non-public information suggests that approximately half of the just over $100,000 used for these contributions may have come from unknown sources in China. According to public information, one of the officials, Republican California State Treasurer, Matt Fong, has returned the $100,000 he received from Sioeng"[31].
Former Attorney General Janet Reno and the directors of the FBI, CIA and National Security Agency (NSA) told members of the Senate committee they had credible intelligence information indicating Sioeng acted on behalf of China[32].
Department of Justice investigation
The Justice Department opened a task force in late 1996 to begin investigating allegations of campaign fund-raising abuses by the Clinton/Gore re-election campaign. It expanded its internal investigation to include activities related to President Bill Clinton's legal defense fund in December 1997[33].
President Clinton announced in February 1997 that he thought there should be a "vigorous" and "thorough" investigation into reports that the People's Republic of China tried to direct financial contributions from overseas sources to the Democratic National Committee. The president stopped short of calling for an independent prosecutor, saying that was the decision of the Justice Department.
"(O)bviously it would be a very serious matter for the United States if any country were to attempt to funnel funds to one of our parties for any reason whatever," President Clinton said[34].
By July 1997, the administration determined that no evidence of any such thing had yet been proven.
"We have received the relevant (FBI) briefings," White House press secretary Michael McCurry said. "We believe there's no basis for any change in our policy toward China, which is one of engagement"[35].
"I do not know whether it is true or not," President Clinton stated. "Therefore, since I don't know, it can't... and shouldn't affect the larger long-term strategic interests of the American people in our foreign policy."[35].
Members of Congress of both parties reached opposite conclusions, however. According to the Washington Post: "Sen(ator) Fred D. Thompson (a Republican from Tennessee), chairman of the committee investigating allegations of illegal 1996 campaign fund-raising, has said he believes the Chinese plan targeted presidential and congressional elections. (While Democratic Senators Joseph) Lieberman and (John) Glenn sa(id) they believe the evidence show(ed) the Chinese targeted only congressional elections"[35].
Peter Lund, a retired China analyst for the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, felt the U.S. had become the target of a sustained Chinese intelligence campaign as well. In 1996, he wrote: "Not only have the Chinese obtained some of the United States' most closely guarded secrets, but there is a strong reason to believe that they have secured agents of influence in the government, the civil service, academia, the media and the private business sector"[36].
Calls for an indepedent counsel
President Clinton's FBI Director Louis Freeh wrote in a 22-page memorandum to then Attorney General Janet Reno in November 1997 that "It is difficult to imagine a more compelling situation for appointing an independent counsel"[37].
In July 1998, the Justice Department's campaign finance task force head, Charles LaBella, sent a report to Janet Reno also recommending she seek an independent counsel to investigate alleged fund-raising abuses by Democratic party officials[38]. The media reported that LaBella believed there was clearly an appearance of a conflict of interest by Ms. Reno[39].
Robert Conrad, Jr., who later became head of the task force, called on Ms. Reno in Spring 2000 to appoint an independent counsel to look into the fund-raising practices of Vice President Gore[40].
Ms. Reno rejected all of these requests:
"I try to do one thing: what's right," Reno said. "I am trying to follow the independent counsel statute as it has been framed by Congress. If you had a lower threshold, then any time somebody said 'boo' about a covered person, you'd trigger the independent counsel statute"[41].
Six weeks after this statement, Ms. Reno agreed to Whitewater independent counsel Kenneth Starr's request to look into allegations that President Clinton had committed perjury and obstruction of justice relating to the sexual harassment lawsuit brought against him by Paula Jones (a former Arkansas state employee during Clinton's governorship there)[42].
Critics such as columnist Charles Krauthammer, as well as a number of FBI agents, suggested that the investigations into the improper fund-raising allegations were impeded as part of a cover-up[43][44].
Notable convictions secured
Even without an appointment of an independent counsel, the Justice Department's internal investigation was fruitful. The task force created to investigate campaign fund-raising irregularities during the 1996 U.S. elections secured criminal convictions against 17 people by 2001.
Some of the most notable convictions were against Ernest G. Green (a former member of the Little Rock Nine), who pleaded guilty in 2001 to failure to declare and pay taxes on $30,000 in income which he received in 1995 from "Charlie" Trie (The $30,000 was for a planned business venture between the two); James Riady, who pleaded guilty in March 2001 to campaign finance violations by himself and his corporation and was sentenced to pay fines of $8.6 million (The most ever against an individual) for using foreign corporate funds to back Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign. In addition to the fines, Riady was put on probation for two years and ordered to do 400 hours of community service; Maria Hsia, who was convicted on charges of causing false statements to be submitted to the FEC, and John Huang, who pleaded guilty to a felony charge that he conspired with other employees of Lippo Group to make campaign contributions and reimburse employees with corporate funds or with funds from Indonesia. He was sentenced to one year of probation, 500 hours of community service, a $10,000 fine and directed by the judge to continue cooperating with the investigation as a condition of his probation.
Additionally, the list of notable convictions includes "Charlie" Trie, who was sentenced in 1999 after pleading guilty to three years probation, four months home detention, 200 hours of community service, and a $5,000 fine for violating federal campaign finance laws by making political contributions in someone else's name and by causing a false statement to be made to the FEC; Johnny Chung, who was sentenced in late 1998 to probation and 3,000 hours of community service for bank fraud, tax evasion and two misdemeanor counts of conspiring to violate election law, and Howard Glicken (a fund-raiser for the Democratic party) who was sentenced to 18 months probation, an $80,000 fine, and ordered to perform 500 hours of community service for violating campaign finance laws.
Donors to former Democratic Senator Robert Torricelli (a member of the Senate Government Affairs Committee during the time its investigations took place) were particularly affected by the criminal investigations. David Chang, a member of the 1996 Torricelli Campaign Finance Committee, pled guilty to violating federal election law by making illegal contributions to Torricelli's campaign. Chang also pled guilty to witness tampering in connection with the campaign financing task force investigation. Chang's co-defendant, Audrey Yu, pled guilty to obstruction of justice under the same superseding indictment. Lawrence Penna, the former president of a now-defunct New Jersey securities firm, was charged with violating election laws by funneling illegal campaign contributions to the 1996 federal election campaigns of both President Clinton and Sen. Torricelli. Cha-Kuek Koo, a New Jersey businessman, pled guilty to violating federal election law by making illegal contributions to the Torricelli's Campaign. Koo admitted to assisting David Chang in making conduit contributions using Koo's employees at LG Group, Executive Office of the Americas. Berek Don, former Republican party leader in Bergen County, NJ, pleaded guilty to another conduit contribution scheme to the Senator's Campaign. Carmine Alampi, a Bergen County New Jersey attorney, pleaded guilty to the same scheme[45][20]. Senator Torricelli announced on October 1, 2002 he would not stand for re-election as a result of the controversy[46].
Congressional investigations
Senate Government Affairs Committee
Opening statements of public hearings on July 8, 1997 from Senate Committee Chairman Senator Fred Thompson:
"I would like to turn our attention to one of the most troublesome areas of this investigation. I speak of allegations concerning a plan hatched during the last election cycle by the Chinese government and designed to pour illegal money into American political campaigns. The plan had a goal: to buy access and influence in furtherance of Chinese government interests."
"The committee," he continued, "believes that... Chinese government officials crafted a plan to increase China's influence over the U.S. political process. The committee has identified specific steps taken in furtherance of the plan. Implementation of the plan has been handled by Chinese government officials and individuals enlisted to assist in the effort... Our investigation suggests that the plan continues today. Although most discussions of the plan focuses on Congress, our investigation suggests it affected the 1996 presidential race and state elections as well. The government of China is believed to have allocated substantial sums of money to achieve its objectives. Another aspect of the plan is remarkable because it shows that the PRC is interested in developing long-term relationships with persons it has identified as up and coming government -- up and coming officials at state and local levels. The intent is to establish relations that can be cultivated as the officials rise through the ranks to higher office"[47].
Opening comments from the Committee's Minority Leader, Senator John Glenn (a Democrat from Ohio):
"According to the press the Chinese government intended to use a relatively modest amount of money to gain influence in the Washington lobbying game, and it intended to do this by focusing on the legislative branch of government. Now, I mention these reports here because I am greatly concerned about how the reports are sometimes discussed by individuals in this body and in the press. I've heard language like infiltration, foreign spies, foreigners, as we're jeopardizing our national security. Well, on this issue the committee should go just as far as the facts take us, recognizing that it's the FBI that's in a much better position to do an espionage investigation. Now, let's be careful, however, not to jump to conclusions that treason has been committed based on a partial story with ambiguous information. But wherever the trail leads let's look at it"[47].
House Government Reform and Oversight Committee
A United States House of Representatives investigation, headed by Republican Dan Burton, also focused on allegations of campaign finance abuse, including the contributions channeled through Chung, Huang, Trie, et al.
The investigation was lengthy, spanning both the 105th and 106th Congresses, and according to a Democratic report had cost over $7.4 million as of August 31, 1998, making it the most expensive Congressional investigation ever (the Senate Watergate investigation cost $7 million in 1998 dollars)[48].
The investigation itself was quite controversial, attracting biting criticism as partisan and abusive. Norman Ornstein, a Congressional expert at the American Enterprise Institute said in May 1998, "Barring some dramatic change, I think the Burton investigation is going to be remembered as a case study in how not to do a congressional investigation and as a prime example of investigation as farce"[49]. A New York Times editorial characterized the Burton investigation as a "House investigation travesty" and a "parody of a reputable investigation"[50]. A Washington Post editorial called the investigation "its own cartoon, a joke, and a deserved embarrassment"[51].
Investigators, however, complained the investigation took so long due to the unprecedented lack of co-operation of witnesses. Ninety-four people either refused to be questioned, pled the Fifth Amendment, or left the country altogether[52].
See also
References
- ^ Woodward, Bob and Duffy, Brian, "Chinese Embassy Role In Contributions Probed", Washington Post, Feb. 13, 1997
- ^ a b c d e f Investigation of Illegal or Improper Activities in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns, Minority Report, Chapter 2, U.S. Senate
- ^ Weeks, Jennifer, "Sino-U.S. Nuclear Cooperation at a Crossroads", Arms Control Association, June/July 1997
- ^ Judis, John B., "China Town", The New Republic, March 10, 1997
- ^ Dryfuss, Robert, "The New China Lobby", The American Prospect, Vol. 8, Iss. 30
- ^ Pomfret, John, "China Denies Contribution Charges", Washington Post, May 20, 1998
- ^ "The Exploits of Charlie Trie", Washington Post, Aug. 3, 1997
- ^ a b 1997 Special Investigation in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns: Section 3, pp. 11-14, U.S. Senate (PDF file)
- ^ Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI), Retrieved Feb. 10, 2006
- ^ Russell, Richard L., "China's WMD Foot in the Greater Middle East's Door", The Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 9, No. 3, Article 6, Sep. 2005
- ^ Jackson, Brooks, "Clinton's Re-election Road Paved With Money", CNN.com, Feb. 24, 1997
- ^ a b "Highlights of U.S. report on alleged China spying", CNN.com, May 25, 1999
- ^ "Campaign Finance Key Player: Wang Jun", Washington Post, July 27, 1997
- ^ Duffy, Michael, "How Huang Makes Two Nominations Harder", TIME, Feb. 3, 1997
- ^ "Fund-raiser Charlie Trie pleads guilty under plea agreement", CNN.com, May 21, 1999
- ^ a b Jackson, David and Sun, Lena H., "Liu's Deals With Chung: An Intercontinental Puzzle", Washington Post, May 24, 1998
- ^ Isikoff, Michael, "Cash and Kerry", Newsweek, February 9, 2004
- ^ Park, Scott, "FBI transcripts resurrect Clinton-China questions", Human Events, Sep. 3, 1999
- ^ "China denies Chung's claim it gave money to influence U.S. presidential campaign", CNN.com, April 5, 1999
- ^ a b c James Riady Pleads Guilty, Department of Justice, press release, Jan. 11, 2001
- ^ a b "Campaign Finance Key Player: John Huang", Washington Post, July 27, 1997
- ^ "The Democratic Fund-Raising Flap: Timeline", CNN.com, July 1, 1997
- ^ "The Democratic Fund-Raising Flap: Cast of Characters", CNN.com, July 1, 1997
- ^ "Former Democratic fund-raiser John Huang pleads guilty", CNN.com, Aug. 12, 1999
- ^ "Clinton Donor Pleads Guilty", CBSNews.com, March 20, 2001
- ^ Woodward, Bob, "Findings Link Clinton Allies to Chinese Intelligence", Washington Post, Feb. 10, 1998
- ^ a b Suro, Roberto, "Gore's Ties to Hsia Cast Shadow on 2000 Race", Washington Post, Feb. 23, 1998
- ^ Eskenazi, Michael, "For both Gore and GOP, a guilty verdict to watch", CNN.com, March 3, 2000
- ^ a b c Senate Governmental Affairs Committee's Majority Report Executive Summary, Washington Post March 8, 1998
- ^ China Connection: Summary of Committee’s Findings Relating to Efforts of PRC to Influence U.S. Policies and Elections, page 9, U.S. Senate (PDF file)
- ^ 1997 Special Investigation in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns (Minority Report): Volume 4, part 1.7, U.S. Senate
- ^ Woodward, Bob and Duffy, Brian "Senate Panel Is Briefed on China Probe Figure", Washington Post, Sept. 12,1997
- ^ "Justice To Expand Inquiry To Clinton's Legal Fund", CNN.com, Dec. 19, 1997
- ^ "Clinton Wants Probe Of Possible Chinese Involvement", CNN.com, Feb. 13, 1997
- ^ a b c Harris, John F., "White House Unswayed By China Allegations", Washington Post, July 20, 1997
- ^ Lacey, Marc, "FBI Warned Feinstein of China Aim to Funnel Cash", Los Angeles Times, March 9, 1997
- ^ Lewis, Neil A., "Freeh Says Reno Clearly Misread Prosecutor Law", New York Times, June 16, 1998
- ^ Thomas, Pierre, "Reno Aide Recommends Independent Campaign Finance Probe", CNN.com, July 23, 1998
- ^ Politics and Prosecution Discussion, NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, transcript, PBS, Aug. 4, 1998
- ^ Fundraising Investigation Discussion, NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, transcript, PBS, June 23, 2000
- ^ "Reno Defends Independent Counsel Decision", CNN.com, Dec. 4, 1997
- ^ Baker, Peter, et al., "Clinton Accused of Urging Aide to Lie", Washington Post, Jan. 21, 1998
- ^ Krauthammer, Charles, "Reno's Humiliation" (Opinion), Washington Post, Oct. 10, 1997
- ^ Sperry, Paul, "FBI agents claim DOJ fixed probe", WorldNetDaily.com, July 17, 2001
- ^ Ernest G. Green Pleads Guilty to Tax Violations, Department of Justice, press release, Dec. 21, 2001
- ^ "Torricelli drops out of N.J. race", CNN.com, Oct. 1, 2002
- ^ a b NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, transcript, PBS, July 8, 1997
- ^ Cost of Congressional Campaign Finance Investigations to the U.S. Taxpayer, Minority Report: page 8, U.S. House of Representatives
- ^ Lacey, Marc, "House Probe of Campaign Fund-Raising Uncovers Little, Piles Up Partisan Ill Will", Los Angeles Times, May 2, 1998
- ^ Editorial, Los Angeles Times, March 20, 1997
- ^ Editorial, Washington Post, April 12, 1997
- ^ Abse, Nathan, "A Look at the 94 Who Aren't Talking", Washington Post, June 9, 1998
External links
- 1997 (U.S. Senate) Special Investigation in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns: Final Report (PDF files)
Bibliography
- Clinton, Bill (2000). The Clinton Foreign Policy Reader. M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 0765605848.
{{cite book}}: Unknown parameter|month=ignored (help) - Gertz, Bill (2002). The China Threat: How the People's Republic Targets America. Regnery Publishing. ISBN 0895261871.
{{cite book}}: Unknown parameter|month=ignored (help) - Timperlake, Edward (1998). Year of the Rat. Regnery Publishing. ISBN 0895263335.
{{cite book}}: Unknown parameter|coauthors=ignored (|author=suggested) (help); Unknown parameter|month=ignored (help) - Vogel, Ezra F. (1997). Living With China. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 039331734X.
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