Talk:2009 Thai political unrest

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Content from 2009–2010 Thai political crisis

The following content was split off from 2008–10 Thai political crisis (and for a while parked at 2009–2010 Thai political crisis). It should be incorporated into this article. See the origin page's history for the complete list of contributors. --Paul_012 (talk) 13:05, 18 January 2017 (UTC)

Extended content

Timeline of key events 2009 11–12 Apr A UDD protest group storms the Fourth East Asia Summit in Pattaya, forcing its cancellation. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva declares a state of emergency in Bangkok and five neighbouring provinces. Overview Following the 2008 political crisis, the Constitutional Court dissolved the ruling People's Power Party (PPP), and a government was formed by Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva. It is alleged that the army urged MPs of a former PPP faction, the Friends of Newin Group, and MPs of the former PPP coalition partners to cross the aisle and form a coalition. After days of negotiations, Abhisit Vejjajiva, leader of the Democrat Party, was voted in by a margin of 235 in favor, 198 against. PPP members and its supporters, UDD, then protested Abhisit's rise to power and engaged in a mass protest in Bangkok in April 2009. The Government's House was under siege again and main roads, intersections and entrances to hospitals were blocked in downtown Bangkok. A protest also took place in Pattaya, the site of the planned Fourth East Asia Summit. After clashes with security forces and government supporters called "the blue-shirts", Thaksin loyalists stormed the hotel, disrupting the Fourth East Asia Summit. A state of emergency was declared in Pattaya. Protests in Bangkok became more violent. The next day the government arrested the leaders of the Pattaya protest, causing unrest at the Supreme Court and the Interior Ministry, where prime minister Abhisit was declaring a state of emergency in Bangkok. The protesters finally stormed the ministry, "hunting" the premier and ministers. The premier's secretary and several guards were injured. The situation became more intense in the evening after the government called in military forces to secure the capital. The military began disbanding the protests on main roads. Violent clashes were seen in downtown. Clashes between the red shirts and the "Bangkokians" took place in many areas as the red shirts tried to storm their homes, burning tires, and blocking the railway. On 14 April, red shirt leaders ended their protest at Government House. Accusations against Prem Tinsulanonda and the beginning of protests In March 2009, Thaksin Shinawatra claimed via video broadcast that Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda masterminded the 2006 military coup, and that Prem and fellow Privy Councilor members Surayud Chulanont and Chanchai Likhitjittha conspired with the military to ensure that Abhisit became Premier. Although Abhisit denied the accusations, hundreds of thousands protested in Bangkok early April demanding that Abhisit resign from the Premiership and that Prem, Surayud, and Chanchai resign from the Privy Council. Thaksin openly called for a "peoples revolution" to overthrow the amatayathipatai with slogan "Khon Ammat' Down the Nobles' bureaucratic policy (government run by traditional or noble elites or royal advisors) influences of the Abhisit government. However the police found and arrested a suspect charged with assassination plot of Chanchai Likhitjittha in early April. UDD and Thaksin Shinawatra's supporters eventually began their mass protest on Wednesday 8 April with 100,000 demonstrators were at Government House and the nearby Royal Plaza by the evening. Thaksin Shinawatra vowed to phone in, supporting the protesters. The aim of the protesters as they said, was to 'topple' the 'Elites or Nobles Regime', or 'Amatyathipatai', accused of meddling politics, a controversial issue for the monarchists or royalists, particularly the PAD supporters, believing 'anti-monarchists' movement, ex-communist party members, working within UDD and Thaksin's supporters. Therefore, the movement of UDD has also been seen as an 'anti-royalist' movement by several critics. The protesters also urged a revoking of the 2007 Constitution. They also called for the resignation of Abhisit, dissolution of the parliament, and an immediate election. Violence against the Abhisit government in April Main article: 2009 Thai political unrest The early signs of a violent move against the new government was seen from early April. On 7 April, while Abhisit was in his automobile, returning from the site of planned the ASEAN Summit, a group of Thaksin supporters' in red shirts followed and tried to stop his escort. The dramatic scene took place when the premier's car was stopped by the police due to the 'red light' at the intersection. Suddenly a policeman asked the premier to change his car from an armored car to another auto. Suddenly the red-shirts who reached and could even hit his car, broke the glass on the back of his car. However the premier's escort and the premier himself were able to escape safely. Pattaya protests The protests, led by the red-shirted National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) expanded to Pattaya, the site of the 14th ASEAN summit a barricade blocking the transport of foreign leaders. The Peoples Republic of China's leader was blocked from leaving his hotel by the protesting taxi drivers, Thaksin's supporters. In the afternoon, while the red-shirted protesters were heading to the hotel, the site of the summit, violent clashes occurred between the UDD and blue-shirted government supporters on the way to the hotel. The Straits Times reported that both sides used sticks, stones, clubs, molotov cocktails, and "small bombs" in the clashes. The protests and clashes escalated. The red-shirted protesters finally stormed the hotel building, causing the summit to be cancelled. Abhisit declared a state of emergency in the areas of Pattaya and Chonburi on 11 April. Visiting leaders were evacuated from the venue by helicopter to a nearby military airbase that had been Suvarnabhumi's replacement during the PAD's airport sieges of 2008. Legislation authorizing emergency decrees was originally drafted and pushed through Parliament in 2005 by the Thaksin government, provoking charges of authoritarianism at the time by the Democrats. The decree was used previously by Samak's government, coping with PAD protest. After military personnel took control, the red-shirt demonstrators returned and dispersed. Bangkok unrest The liquid gas truck that the red shirt protesters threatened to blow up in the midst of the Din Daeng flats, Bangkok. (13 April 2009) Thai soldiers against the red-shirt protesters at Pracha Songkhroh Road, Din Daeng, Bangkok. (13 April 2009) As the week-long Songkran (Thai New Year) holiday began, protests escalated in Bangkok. Protesters in red shirts used cars, buses, and in one location LPG tankers to take control of several locations in central Bangkok. Small clashes began apparently between anti-government and government supporters, and the general population. At a demonstration in front of Prem's residence, an angry woman wearing a yellow shirt, the royal color, plunged her car into a crowd of UDD protesters before driving away. Abhisit declared a state of emergency for Bangkok and surrounding areas due to the heightened escalation of tension and denounced the anti-government protesters as "national enemies". These clashes emerged in locations where control had been taken over by the demonstrators. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva declared another state of emergency in Bangkok and surrounding areas on 12 April 2009. Abhisit also issued a decree that empowered the government to censor television broadcasts. A television journalist reported that he was ordered not to show images damaging to the military or government. Thaksin, who daily showed his live broadcast on a D-Station television, showing support for his loyalists, calling for the overthrow of the government, now began to urge the King Bhumibol to intervene and end the showdown. Ministry of Interior riot On 12 April, the tension ran high after the authority arrested leaders of the red-shirts who stormed the summit site in Pattaya. The protesters began to block of the Criminal Court, aiming at releasing their leader. In the afternoon, after the declaration of state emergency at the Ministry of Interior, hundreds of protesters who had blocked the gates of the Ministry, eventually broke out the ministry's gates. Abhisit and members of his cabinet were followed by the protesters. The premier's car and his secretary's car were under siege and hit. Abhisit escaped safely while his secretary and his driver became victimized, and their car's windows were all broken. Among those with serious injuries were some of the premier's security guards who were military, one of them was 'held' and was 'presented' to the red protesters on their stage. Despite the state of emergency, large crowds of protesters continued to meet on the streets. After the attack of Abhisit's car at the Interior Ministry after declaring the state of emergency. A large crowd gathered outside the prime minister's office and barricades were constructed in an attempt to block access by the military. At one point protesters gained access to the Interior Ministry, in a confrontation with army units where several warning shots were fired, and they barricaded key road junctions and at least one railway. The anti-government protesters commandeered buses and two armored cars and blocked access to key government offices, some of them made ready by arming themselves with klewang and petrol bombs. According to BBC news, at least two people were killed in the protests and violent scuffles which had already broken out between the army and protestors with several people arrested while the government denied this report. Thai New Year events In a pre-dawn raid on Monday 13 April, Thai soldiers in full combat kit used tear gas and fired live rounds and training rounds from automatic weapons to clear protesters from the Din Daeng intersection near the Victory Monument in central Bangkok, injuring at least 70 people. The Army later claimed that live rounds were only fired into the air while training rounds were fired at the crowd. Human Rights Watch confirmed that there are some cases where the Army fired live ammunition directly at protesters, but that this only occurred when military forces approached protesters throwing Molotov bombs and improvised grenades, firing slingshots, and shooting guns at the troops. The UDD claimed one protester died from gunshot wounds sustained during the military's attack. However, the Army later claimed that the wound was not caused by an M-16, the standard Army rifle. Also on Monday the government ordered the blocking of satellite news station D Station, an affiliate of the UDD which, at the time, was broadcasting the clashes. Several community radio stations were shut down and searched upon suspicion of being supporters of the UDD. Violent clashes at numerous locations in Bangkok continued while arrest warrants were issued for Thaksin and 13 protest leaders. Many protest leaders voluntarily gave themselves in to police on 14 April 2009, ending the violence. The demonstrators at the main site, near the Government House, agreed to suspend their activity peacefully. Demonstrators were sent back to the provinces by government's buses. Government House protesters were identified and had their photographs taken prior to being released. Soon afterwards, Abhisit revoked Thaksin's ordinary passport (Abhisit had revoked Thaksin's diplomatic passport shortly after taking office) and issued warrants for dozens of other protest leaders. On 21 April, Abhisit declared a "media war" against the UDD's claims. He also announced the public distribution of millions of VCDs documenting the government's views on the unrest. At the time, the government's emergency and censorship decrees were still in place. The state of emergency, but not the censorship decree, was lifted on 24 April. Abhisit's treatment of the UDD prompted criticisms that he applied one standard for his critics and another standard for his PAD supporters. The Asian Human Rights Commission noted "The obvious differences in how the yellow shirts and red shirts have been treated will only encourage government opponents to resort to increasingly extralegal means to get their way." At the time, warrants had not yet been issued for the PAD's airport seizures that occurred months before, while warrants had been issued for the UDD hours after the military commenced its crackdown. Deaths, injuries, and damage According to government figures, over 120 people were injured in the unrest, most of them UDD demonstrators. At least 1 UDD protester was injured from gunshot wounds sustained during the military's attack in Din Daeng, although the Army claimed the wound was not caused by their standard firearm. The UDD claimed that at least 6 demonstrators were killed in the unrest and their bodies hauled away by the military, although the Army rejected the claim. The dead bodies of 2 UDD protesters were found floating in the Chao Phraya River, their hands tied behind their backs and their bodies badly beaten, although police had yet to conclude whether their murders were politically motivated. Despite the claims, Army chief Anupong Paochinda swore on his life that no lives were lost as a result of his security operations. Abhisit aide Satit Wongnontaey claimed that two Bangkok residents were shot dead by red shirted protesters in clashes in Din Daeng. The Bangkok Metropolitan Administration estimated that it had incurred 10 million Baht (approximately 300,000 USD) in property damages, including 31 damaged and burned buses. Standard & Poor's lowered Thailand's local currency rating to "A-" from "A", although Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij claimed this would increase the government's borrowing cost minimally. Assassination attempt on Sondhi Limthongkul Sondhi Limthongkul, leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy, was shot early in the morning of 17 April 2009. Gunmen firing M-16 and AK-47 rifles shot out his tires at a petrol station and sprayed over 100 bullets into Sondhi’s car, wounding Sondhi and seriously wounding his driver. The attackers escaped the scene when Sondhi's followers in another car opened fire on them. Sondhi suffered one wound to the head but was conscious, standing, and lucid before being sent to the hospital for surgery. Sondhi survived the surgery and was visited by relatives afterwards. Sondhi's son, Jittanart Limthongkul, blamed factions within the military and the Abhisit government of being behind the assassination attempt: "A new form of war is emerging – it's being launched by the collusion of certain police and military officers. They are plotting a new coup. It is said that a minister, who is said to be involved in the attempted assassination of a privy councillor, is actively behind this new exercise." Privy Councillor Charnchai Likitjitta had recently allegedly been the target of an assassination plot. The Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for a close aide to Deputy Prime Minister and senior Chart Thai Pattana Party figure (close coalition partner of the Democrats) Sanan Kachornprasart, on the grounds that the aide masterminded the alleged assassination attempt on privy councillor Charnchai Likitjitta. However, foreign minister and former PAD leader Kasit Piromya speculated that Thaksin was behind the assassination attempt: "Thaksin failed on the populist movement and now I think he has resorted to some sort of assassination attempt." Kasit revealed that he had planned to have lunch with the Sondhi on the day of the attack. Kasit also claimed that himself, Abhisit, Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij, and Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban were planned targets for assassination, and that he was guarded by several fully armed marines. International reactions ASEAN Ministerial Meeting at the Dusit Thani Hotel in Bangkok According to CNN, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said that he was disappointed by the delay of the 14th ASEAN Summit, stating that "I understand the circumstances that led the Thai government to take this difficult decision. While I had hoped to have exchanges with the leaders of ASEAN and its dialogue partners, I continue to look forward to engaging again with them in the near future. I strongly value the long-standing relationship between ASEAN and the United Nations, and their cooperation in various fields. I hope for an early restoration of normalcy in Thailand and for the settlement of differences through dialogue and peaceful means." Human Rights Watch condemned the violence. "Soldiers and police who used force beyond what was needed should not escape investigation and prosecution. The government cannot only prosecute protest leaders or they will make a mockery of Thai law," said the group's Asia director. Travel advisories Following the protests at the summit, a number of countries, including Australia, Canada, Great Britain, Hong Kong, New Zealand, Philippines, and Singapore issued new travel advisories for their citizens. As of 27 April 2009, Hong Kong lifted its travel advisory to Thailand. Money laundering allegations against Thaksin Shinawatra Shortly before the April unrest, Privy Councilor General Pichitr Kullavanijaya claimed to the Thai media that former US ambassador to Thailand Ralph Boyce told him that Thaksin had laundered 100 billion baht (US$2.8 billion) through Cayman Island bank accounts and was using the funds to organize the anti-government protests. Thaksin strongly denied the charges and filed a defamation suit against the royal advisor in a Thai court. Ambassador Boyce was reported to have told numerous people that he has no idea why he was cited by Privy Councilor Pichitr, and that he has no such information about the alleged money laundering. Bhumibol and the 2006 coup On 20 April 2009, Thaksin claimed in an interview with the Financial Times that King Bhumibol had been briefed by Privy Councillors Prem Tinsulanonda and Surayud Chulanont about their plans to stage the 2006 coup. He claimed that General Panlop Pinmanee, a leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy, had told him of the briefing. The Thai embassy in London immediately denied Thaksin's claims. Coup leaders had earlier revealed that they started planning for the coup in approximately February 2006. Former National Security Council head Prasong Soonsiri claimed that he and Sonthi Boonyaratklin had been planning a coup as early as July 2006, but that Surayud and Prem were not yet involved at the time. The King had an audience with Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda at the same time as the First Special Forces were ordered mobilised. The purpose of the audience was reported to concern a meritmaking ceremony for the Queen's late mother. In a 23 April interview with the Financial Times, Abhisit also denied the claims, noting "We checked up on the answer and the meeting referred to did not in any way discuss the coup." Editor Thanong Khanthong of The Nation newspaper also denied Thaksin's claim, noting “As a matter of fact, His Majesty did not personally approve the 2006 coup.” According to Thai political tradition, the king of Thailand always complied with the change of the regime caused by the coup, since the 1932 Revolution. Economic effects Bangkok skyline on fire the afternoon of 19 May 2010. The April 2009 unrest was reported to have caused nearly 10 million Baht (approximately 300,000 USD) in property damages to the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration, including 31 damaged and burned buses. Political effects In 2009, there was growing concern about a perceived double standard in how the UDD's protests were treated compared to how the PAD's 2008 protests were treated. Contrasts were drawn between the light touch used by security forces in 2008 against royalist protesters and the thousands of troops who forcibly dislodged the UDD from Bangkok’s streets in 2009. The Abhisit government censored several Internet sites linked to the UDD as well as a satellite television station that carried live broadcasts of the protests. By contrast ASTV, a satellite station run by the PAD, was never shut down. The 2009 protests also saw two distinct camps emerge within the UDD: one camp which openly supports Thaksin and one camp whose primary focus is upon protesting against the Abhisit government and the bureaucratic polity that is perceived to be supporting it.

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