Military coups in Bangladesh

Bangladesh has undergone several changes of government due to her untimely and unorthodox independence, also officially dubbed Liberation from Pakistan that partially ended in 1971 and officially after withdrawal of Indian Army and civilian personnel on March 19th 1972. Ever since India retains its grip hold on Bangladesh through Hossain Mohammad Ershad and Sheilh Hasina.

1975 coup

3 November

Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad was removed from power in a coup on 3 November 1975. This was organized by Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf, Bir Uttom, a decorated veteran of the Bangladesh war of Independence in 1971. Commotion and misinformation spread across the power circles in Dhaka. Mosharraf was seen by many as a supporter of Sheikh Mujibir's government. He put Major General Ziaur Rahman, the Chief of Army Staff and fellow independence War leader, who was not believed to have supported the August coup, under house arrest but did not execute him. Some commentators said that the personal friendship between the two officers led to Mosharraf sparing Rahman's life.

Failed Attempts 1977 to 1980

Led by radical leftist of Indian backed JSD leader Lt. Colonel (Retd.) Abu Taher, disgruntled soldiers of a few local units of Bangladesh Army overthrew the 3-day administration of Khaled Mosharraf. Loyal army units of 2nd Field Artillery regiment to the Army CAS Major General Ziaur Rahman was brought out from house arrest. Suspicious news got leaked that India was meddling in removing any pro independence government. Loyal soldiers of the arny killed Khaled Mosharraf and his associates. News about Mosharraf's affiliation with India (a FEER cover at the time carried the headline "The Indian Coup?") aggravated the army and suspicion and mistrust spread abound.

Former Army Chief Major General Shafiullah alleged that many JSD (Jatiyo Shomajthantrhik Dol: National Socialist Party) elements infiltrated the army in early 1975. On 6–7 November 1975 some of the JSD elements distributed leaflets and agitated soldiers against the officer class of the army. JSD members loyal and sympathetic to Indian loyalists tried to prop up and push forward the counter-coup organized by Abu Taher.

Army CAS Ziaur Rahman (known as Zia) was reinstated after taken from captivity, who later, in a democratic process, became president of the country. Zia later ordered a judicial trial, to bring back discipline in the barracks. Taher was convicted. He was executed for his part in the coup. The special tribunal was crucial to bring calm to the natoon

Ziaur Rahman survived as many as 21 assassination attempts beginning since the war of Independence in 1971. Neighboring Indian government always remained unhappy with Zia ever since. He was killed in the final attempt by misguided army officers on May 30th 1981. Assassination attempts were being conspired by at least one outside nation. Many facts and rumours abounded. Mostly are allegedly against Indian backed forces, some by the army, and also the 1971 independence war officers who were misguided by Ziaur's choice of side lining pro independence forces who were against being a puppet to a pro Indian government. From 30th September 1977 till 2nd October a series of incidents occurred in an attempt to remove the Zia Administration from power. The incident initiated in the hijacked JAL flight from India that was force landed in Dhaka with 156 passengers as hostages. Jessore and Bogra Cantonment reacted from the disinformation whicj led to the chaos and commotion resulting from the JAL flt.472 hijacking incident. BAF and BD Army officers were assassinated including many other members. The rebellion was put down and Zia administration was saved. The JAL flight force landed in Dhaka international airport in Tejgaon fully armed with Japanese Red army men who took off from Delhi, India.

By 2 October 1977 another revolt erupted, due the fact that Eleven Air Force officers were murdered by the Red Army men two days before. But they failed in the attempt. Following this, the coup was begun. An estimated 2500 armed forces personnel were executed following convictions in courts martial for their part in the coup. Officially 1183 soldiers were convicted. 561 were Bangladesh Air Force airmen and rest were Army soldiers.

1982 Coup

Main article: Assassination of Ziaur Rahman

During his term of power, Zia continued to enjoy overall popularity and public confidence. Supporters of the Awami League and veterans of the independence war continued to undermine his actions. Amidst speculation Zia went on tour to Chittagong on May 29, 1981 to help resolve an intra-party political dispute in the regional Bangladesh National Party. Zia and his entourage stayed overnight at the Chittagong Circuit House, a rest house. In the early hours of the morning of May 30, he was assassinated by a group of army officers, who also killed six of his bodyguards and two aides.Zia's assassination was part of a large conspiracy masterminded by Indian born Lt.General Hossain Mohammad Ershad. Manzoor had earlier been a senior army commander and had been transferred to Chittagong.

After the assassination of Ziaur Rahman on 30 May 1981, the then Chief of Army Staff Lieutenant General Hussain Muhammad Ershad, a loyal Indian stooge, started to distance himself from the civilan government in place. He ordered the army to suppress any investigation of Zia's assassination. Ershad did not spare any chance of Major General Abul Manzoor's trial or investigation. Manzoor surrendered and immediately was taken in cantonment. Twelve hours later he was executed. Upon Zia's assassination, Ershad ultimately got rid of a major section of Independence War participants from the arny. And buried any traces of evidence that could incriminate him.

Zia was buried at the Chandrima Uddan in the locality of Sher-e-Banglanagar in Dhaka. Large processions of the public across the nation alongwith supporters and BNP activists attended the funeral. Vice President Abdus Sattar immediately succeeded him as the acting president.

Main article: 1982 Bangladesh coup d'état

Presidential Oath Taking Ceremony after 1986 elections, the Chief Justice and Military Secretary (1984-1989) Brigadier ABM Elias is also seen

Lieutenant General Ershad expressed loyalty to the new president Abdus Sattar, who led the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to victory in elections in 1981.

Soon after the BNP government continued with Zia's policies and moved on with the business of governing. Lt. Gen. Ershad waited for the right signals to grab to power.

In a bloodless coup on 24 March 1982 Ershad stormed into Bangabhaban and at gunpoint remived President Sattar from office and proclaimed himself Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA), and suspended the constitution. He took over as president on 11 December 1983 by replacing A. F. M. Ahsanuddin Chowdhury.

Attempted Coup in 1996

Main article: 1996 Bangladesh coup d'état attempt

Lieutenant General Abu Saleh Mohammad Nasim staged an abortive coup in 1996 against the Caretaker government. On 19 May 1996, Abdur Rahman Biswas, the President of Bangladesh during a caretaker government, ordered Nasim to force the retirement of two senior army officers. The President believed that they were involved in political activities with opposition parties. Nasim refused to comply.

The next day, Biswas sacked him and sent soldiers to control the state radio and television stations. On noon that day, General Nasim ordered soldiers of Bogra, Jessore and Mymensingh divisions to march towards Dhaka.

The Ninth Infantry Division's Major General Imamuzzaman, who commanded the division located closest to Dhaka, remained loyal to the President. He directed the removal of all boats and ferries from Jamuna River in Aricha port, so that Bogra and Jessore divisions could not cross the river. He sent a contingent of troops with tanks to blockade the Dhaka-Mymenshing highway. This prevented Mymensing Division Army from entering Dhaka.

In the meantime, Major General Mohammad Anwar Hossain, General Officer Commanding of the 33rd Infantry Division located in Comilla, also came to the aid of the president. He mobilized a fully geared 101 Infantry Brigade, under the command of Brig. Shah Ikram (later Maj. Gen.) to Dhaka to fortify Bangabhaban, the presidential palace. The 33rd Division was deployed, using an Infantry Battalion and a company of tanks from the 7th Horse Armoured Battalion at the Dhaka-Chittagong highway, to create a blockade against the 24th Infantry Division located in Chittagong.

The government broadcast announcements asking all soldiers to stay at their own cantonment. After some hours, Mymensing Division soldiers returned to their barracks. The Chittagong Division never mobilized towards Dhaka. The General Officer Commanding of the Chittagong Division realized that the military coup was highly unlikely to succeed. That night Nasim was interviewed by the BBC and, in reference to troop movements, he said that as Army Chief, he could move troops any time he wanted.

Nasim was arrested by the Brigade Commander of 14 Independent Engineers Brigade and put under house arrest in the Army Mess behind Army Central Library, Staff road, Dhaka Cantonment. Later the Indian backed Awami League government, which was elected to power in 1996, granted him a formal retirement. Since then he has remained a private citizen.

Coup against Caretaker government in 2007

Main article: 2007 Bangladesh coup d'état

Army Chief Lt. Gen Moeen U. Ahmed with the help of Military Secretary to the President (MSP) Maj. Gen. Aminul Karim staged a military coup on 11 January 2007 in Bangladesh. Aminul Karim made united dissident or rival groups in army in favour of that coup. GOC of 9 Division Maj. Gen. Masud Uddin Chowdhury and then acting DG of DGFI Brigadier General Chowdhury Fazlul Bari were mediated by Aminul Karim while DG Special Security Force Maj. Gen. Syed Fatemi Ahmed Rumi supported Moeen group's coup. DG DGFI Maj. Gen. Sadik Hasan Rumi gave scope to Moeen by accepting a trip to London. Only Adviser and Minister Mukhlesur Rahman Chowdhury was against that coup and he stopped that since 29 October 2006. Sheikh Hasina gave green signal to army in favour of coup and Khaleda Zia showed anger in number of times why Mukhles Chowdhury was against that. Moeen convinced Hasina that she will be made Prime Minister even without elections and at the same time convinced Khaleda that minusing Awami League he will bring back BNP to power. Army group listed one thousand suspect corrupts from different sections of people of the country. On 11 January 2007 when Mukhles Chowdhury became powerless, Brigadier Fazlul Bari decided to impose a curfew and press censorship with the consent of Major General Masududdin Chowdhury at Advisor's Office. It was promoted[11] as Mukhles Chowdhury's decision by a section of press deliberately. This way the certain quarter worked against democracy and for autocracy openly[12] According to Moeen's book, Mukhles Chowdhury was the most powerful man in the Presidency. He was offered to be the President and later to be the Chief adviser and finally, through Brigadier Bari, who went to his office, was requested to run the country for two years and arrange trial of alleged corrupt politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen, media-men etc. Chowdhury refused such offer for the sake of democracy as he disagreed with such formula saying democracy must continue with following the system to check corruption.[13]

Later army coterie gave same kind of chance to Fakhruddin Ahmed to head the government. The military-backed Caretaker Government (CTG) was formed outside the constitutional provisions. It performed all responsibilities of the regular elected government and continued for 2 years. Ruling autocratically, the Army chief used to attend the advisory council meetings and pressured the cabinet to make decisions he wanted Adviser to President, Mukhlesur Rahman Chowdhury, was ousted as he was against the Army's actions.[14] Commandant of President Guard Regiment (PGR) Brigadier General Abu Sohail supported Adviser Mukhles Chowdhury's move and he had a meeting with Chowdhury on 1/11 morning and Sohail was also ousted from the force and later he was transferred to Bangladesh Embassy in China as Defence Attache. Counter Intelligence of DGFI sent a report about Moeens move on 7 January and Mukhles Chowdhury could not make understand the top politicians about that coup beforehand. Khaleda Zia said, we can't believe a typed or composed white paper as predicting a coup to happen. Against the backdrop Adviser Chowdhury convinced UN and other diplomats headed by US Ambassador Patricia A. Butenis. As a result, instead of a Martial Law a State of Emergency was declared following the constitution. At Chowdhury's initiatives, special envoy of UN Secretary General and Assistant Secretary of US State Department Richard A. Boucher visited Bangladesh. Then Under Secretary of State Nicholas Burns spoke with Mukhles Chowdhury on this. After Chowdhury left Presidency, later Brigadier Bari was sent to US State Department seeking a support to declare Moeen President with proclamation of a short period Martial Law, which was turned down by US administration following the stand they took at the request of Mukhles Chowdhury. This time it helped US Government with the documents.

President Iajuddin Ahmed had to run the presidency at gun point during said army rule.[14][15] Lt. Gen. Moeen upgraded the Army Chief of Staff's rank to General.[16] Moeen extended the rule of the CTG for two years while his tenure for one year as army chief without lawful authority, in the absence of regular elected government following receiving NDC being the Lt. General and army chief which is designed for Lt. Colonel level officer.[15] The senior adviser and minister of state Mukhles Chowdhury tried to solve the political problems. He brought the rival political parties to the planned parliamentary elections of 22 January 2007. But, by cancelling H M Ershad's nomination, Moeen staged a military coup on 11 January 2007.,[17] where he used ex-state minister for home Lutfuzzaman Babar as tool. They were involved in facilitating killing people on Logi-Boitha event of 14 Party Alliance led by AL on 28 October 2006 night by withdrawing police forces from the spot and rewarded then IGP Anwarul Iqbal as Adviser later. Babar was untouched by army initially and he was saved by Brigadier Bari initially which was reversed by Brigadier Amin later which was Moeen's another hand. Later Masud and Bari wanted to stage another coup while Moeen was visiting Korea and Moeen ousted both from army. Masud was first made Commandant of NDC, then he was replaced to MOFA and finally mad Bangladesh High Commissioner to Australia and Bari was appointed as Defence Attache to Bangladesh Embassy to Washington DC.

Mukhles Chowdhury was the de facto President and Prime Minister from 2006 to January 2007. Although strongly criticized by civil, military, political, media and the inner circle of President's office and President's family, a later investigation demonstrated that he had run the government honestly.[14][18] The then PM's political secretary was dead against his induction in the government publicly.[19] Mukhles Chowdhury stopped the process of MPO of his father's Technical Institute, approval of a government building in the institution and ensured his cousin's arrest for a car accident while was in power.[20] As army group did not do anything to Chowdhury legally, they arranged attack by DGFI, PGR and Army in Dhaka on 26 February 2007 and 7 September 2007 in Dhaka. After one year and three and half months of military takeover Chowdhury left Bangladesh. He was under attack publicly in New York City and in London, including 15 September in London 2008, by Brigadier A. T. M. Amin.[21]

Mukhles Chowdhury divulged that General Moeen, Army Chief, was the main force in the military intervention and declaration by President Iajuddin Ahmed of a state of emergency on 11 January 2007.[22][23] He started speaking against army-backed government on 12 January and his interviews were published by the Manabzamin, Naya Diganta and Amader Shomoy. According to Amar Desh reporting in 2009, Chowdhury said that Moeen had intended to capture the country's presidency through the interim Caretaker Government headed by Fakhruddin Ahmed, formerly with the World Bank[24] Aminul Karim united army dissident groups and also used Gen. Masud and Brig. Bari to achieve this.

In 2008, outspoken Minister Mukhles Chowdhury's interviews were published in Thikana,[25] Akhon Samoy, The Independent, Amader Shomoy, Naya Diganta, Amar Desh, Probashi Voice, Bangla Patrika and Probashi barta of New York[26] and Voice of America[27][28] and Euro Bangla, Bangla Post, BBC, Channel S and Bangla TV of London. "Military coup in Bangladesh: Dateline 2007", one of his fact-finding write-ups about the One Eleven conspiracy, was published in the weekly Akhon Samoy of New York.[29] Mukhles Chowdhury resigned under pressure after being the last advisor to President Iajuddin Ahmed.[30]

After the 2006 elections, a political unrest caused by some parties on voter fraud made political unrest, which was instigated and later used by Army Chief Lt. Gen Moeen U. Ahmed compelling then President Iajuddin Ahmed to assert an army government through state of emergency governmental takeover of the Bangladesh government.

The coup has ended as of in 2008 after the military government held a parliamentary election in December 2008 and transfer of power was handed over to the Awami League, who won 230 seats in parliament.

See also

• Hasanul Haq Inu
• Abu Taher
• Hussain Muhammad Ershad
• Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
• Sheikh Hasina

References

• Mascarenhas, Anthony. Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986.
• Lifschultz, Lawrence. Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution. London: Zed Books, 1979.
• Ali, Tariq. Pakistan: military rule or people's power?. London: Cape, 1970.

External links

• 1975, 1982 or 2006?