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===Ottoman Parliament acting by itself, January 1920=== |
===Ottoman Parliament acting by itself, January 1920=== |
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[[Image:Anti_Turkism_Terrible_Turk_1.png|thumb|right|160px|A cartoon depicting Turkish independence movement; published in the [[Punch (magazine)|Punch]] magazine. <br/>Young Turk: ''"I will fight to the death for our national honor."''<br/> |
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Old Turk: ''"Well, if you must. But I wash my hands of the whole business—unless, of course, you win."'']]]] |
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On [[January 12]], 1920 the last Ottoman Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan’s speech was presented and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey being in Ankara in the name of the Representative Committee. |
On [[January 12]], 1920 the last Ottoman Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan’s speech was presented and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey being in Ankara in the name of the Representative Committee. |
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Revision as of 18:40, 5 February 2008
The Turkish War of Independence | |||||||
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The Turkish War of Independence[1][2][3] (Turkish: Kurtuluş Savaşı or İstiklâl Harbi) refers to the political and military events following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire along with the Central Powers in World War I and subsequent Allied occupation of most of its territory; and the resistance to Allied terms by the Turkish National Movement centered in Anatolia, ultimately leading to the foundation of today's Republic of Turkey.
Following the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918), the occupation of Istanbul (13 November 1918) placed the Ottoman government in Istanbul under control of Allied occupation forces led by the British. The eastern and southern parts of the Empire's core in Anatolia were occupied. Greek forces captured Izmir (21 May 1919) and occupied western Anatolia. The deceleration of Paris Peace Conference (21 January 1920) was followed by the Treaty of Sèvres (August 1920) which ceded all of the Empire's Balkan and Arab provinces to the Allies. Prompted by the incapacity of the Istanbul government, the efforts of a nationalist resistance movement in central Anatolia culminated in the formation of a new National Assembly in Ankara, acting independent of the Ottoman government. The nation successfully mobilized its resources under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, driving out the Greek, British, French and Italian occupation forces and effectively invalidating the Treaty of Sèvres. This result was internationally recognized through the Treaty of Lausanne in July 1923, leaving Anatolia and Eastern Thrace to form their own state. This was concluded by the declaration of the Republic of Turkey in October 1923, with Ankara as its capital.
On the political front, it instituted relationships and ideas among the Turkish revolutionaries that led to the end of the millet system, and the Ottomanism of the Ottoman Empire. This was followed by Atatürk's Reforms in political, legal, cultural, social and economic fronts, defining the newly founded Turkish Republic as a modern, secular nation-state.
Precursors, (October 1918 - May 1919)
With the Armistice of Mudros (Turkish: Mondros Mütarekesi) signed on October 30 1918, the Allies began to implement previously planned secret agreements for partitioning of the Ottoman Empire.[4][5] As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey" was established by the allies to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915-1917.[6] Among the objectives, was a new Hellenic Empire (Megali Idea) based on the promise of territorial gains by British Prime Minister David Lloyd George to Greece.[7] Italy sought control over the southern part of Anatolia (Mediterranean region) under the Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. Under the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement, the French expected to exercise control over Hatay, Lebanon and Syria, and also wanted control over a portion of South-Eastern Anatolia, and she signed the French-Armenian Agreement (1916). The British already had control over Arabia, Palestine, Jordan and Iraq, and were also seeking control over the straits linking the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea.
The Occupation of Istanbul began before the Ottoman Army's leading officers, such as Mustafa Kemal (Nov 13 1918), Kazım Karabekir (Nov 28 1918), İsmet İnönü, and others returned to Istanbul from their last posts.[8][9] The partitioning of Anatolia began with the occupation of İzmir on May 15, 1919 by the Greek army.[10] A few days later the Italian forces landed in Antalya. British units were in the Black Sea region intending to build a bridge to the Democratic Republic of Armenia.[11] Armenia invaded Kars in May 1919.[12] When the British landed in Alexandretta, Admiral Calthorpe resigned on the basis that this was against the Armistice that he had signed.[13] The French, aided by Armenian conscripts, landed in Adana on the 21st of December in 1918. [14]
Following the armistice, the first group of some thirty former members of the Committee of Union and Progress were arrested on January 30 1919 and exiled to Malta.[15] Although a renowned critic of the Committee of Union and Progress, Mustafa Kemal had some friends among these exiles.[16][17] The verdicts on these commanders were later decided during the famous Turkish Courts-Martial of 1919-20. Resistance to the Ottoman government began soon after the first dictated orders came in from allied powers. With Istanbul under British control, the Sultan and his government lacked any effective power to counter the demands of the Allies. In reaction to the policies of the Allies, many Ottoman officials organized secret Outpost Societies (Karakol Cemiyeti). The objective of the Outpost Societies was to thwart Allied demands, both through passive and active resistance. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia. Munitions initially seized by the Allies were secretely smuggled out of Istanbul into Central Anatolia, along with Ottoman officers keen to resist any division of Ottoman territories. General Ali Fuat Cebesoy in the meantime had moved his army corps from Syria to Ankara and started organizing resistance groups, including Caucasian immigrants under Çerkez Ethem.
Since the southern rim of Anatolia was effectively controlled by British warships and competing Greek and Italian troops, the Turkish National Movement's headquarters moved to the rugged terrain of central Anatolia.
Initial organization (May 1919-March 1920)
In the face of nationalist resistance, the sultan and his government bribed major Ottoman Pashas like Mustafa Kemal with important positions in the areas remaining under "direct Ottoman authority" territories defined by the Treaty of Sèvres, areas free of Allied control. The reasons for these new assignments is still a matter of debate; one view is that it was an intentional move to support the national movement, another was that the Sultan wanted to keep Istanbul under his control, a goal which was in total agreement with the aims of the occupation armies which can keep the Sultan in control. The most prominent idea given for the Sultan’s decision was by assigning these officers out of the capital, the Sultan was trying to minimize the effectiveness of these soldiers in the capital. The Sultan was cited as saying that without an organized army, the Allies could not be defeated, and the national movement had two army corps in May 1919, one based in Ankara under the command of Ali Fuat Cebesoy and the other based in Erzurum under the command of Kazım Karabekir.
Through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, Mustafa Kemal became the Inspector General of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of the remaining Ottoman forces. [18] He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople (Istanbul) aboard SS Bandırma, an old steamer for Samsun on the evening of May 16, 1919.[19] The inspector general stepped ashore on May 19 and set up his quarters in the Mintika Palace Hotel. Mustafa Kemal made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged mass meetings (whilst remaining discreet) and made, thanks to the excellent telegraph network, fast connections with the army units in Anatolia and began to form links with various nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Mustafa Kemal and his staff moved to Havza, about 85 kilometers inland.
Mustafa Kemal writes in his memories that he needed nationwide support. The importance of his position, and his status as a hero after the Battle of Gallipoli, gave him some credentials. On the other hand, this was not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he had increased his various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Orbay, Ali Fuat Cebesoy, and Refet Bele on June 21, 1919 and declared the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919).
Decoding Mustafa Kemal, June 1919
The Damat Ferit Paşa government and the Sultan were under the impression that Mustafa Kemal was a good choice for the task of stopping ethnic strife between Turks and Pontic Greeks.[20] However, the British, who had better intelligence, were alarmed when they learned that Mustafa Kemal had become Inspector General, as they believed that Mustafa Kemal had nationalist ideals. A British detachment entered and search for documents in his mother's house where he was residing at the time.[21] The British were correct in their suspicions, as Mustafa Kemal at the time was meeting in that house with the Ottoman Army generals and commanders who were to become leaders in the coming war.[22] Britain urged the Sultan to recall Kemal. Thanks to friends and sympathizers in government circles, a compromise was worked out whereby the power of the Inspector General was curbed. As a result, Inspector General became a title that had no power, at least on paper. On June 23 High Commissioner Admiral Calthorpe, realizing the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about Kemal to the Foreign Office. His remarks were down played by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst (British army) in Samsun warned Admiral Calthorpe one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with a Brigade of Gurkhas. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced the population that Mustafa Kemal was right. Right after this "The Association for Defense of National Rights" (Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti) was founded in Trabzon, and a parallel association in Samsun was also founded, which declared the Black sea region was not safe. The same activities that happened during the Occupation of İzmir were happening in the region.
The Ottoman War Minister Damat Ferid Pasha ordered Refet Bele and Mustafa Kemal to work on reducing the tensions among the Muslim Black Sea population. Ferit Pasha promised that the British would not take any action against them. Mustafa Kemal said to his close friends "Ferit Pasha does not understand the realities of the region, he should resign for the benefit of the Empire".
On 2 July in Erzincan, Kemal received a telegram from the Sultan himself. The Sultan asked him to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Mustafa Kemal did not want to return to Istanbul. Fearing that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the Sultan's plans, he felt the best course for him was to take a two month leave of absence.
Representational problem, October 1919
Ali Riza Pasha sent a navy minister Hulusi Salih Pasha, who had not been in World War I, to negotiate with the Turkish National Movement. Salih Pasha and Mustafa Kemal met in Amasya on October 16 1919. Mustafa Kemal put the representational problems of Ottoman Parliament on the agenda. Kemal wanted to have a signed protocol between Ali Riza Pasha and the "representative committee" established at the Sivas Congress (4 September - 11 September 1919). On the advice of the British, Ali Riza Pasha rejected any form of recognition or legitimacy claims by this unconstitutional political formation in Anatolia.
In December 1919, fresh elections were held for the Ottoman parliament in Istanbul in an attempt to build a better representative structure. The Ottoman parliament was seen as a way to reassert the central government's claims of legitimacy in response to the emerging nationalist movement in Anatolia. In the meantime, groups of Ottoman Greeks, had formed Greek nationalist militias within Ottoman borders and were acting on their own. Greek members of the Ottoman parliament repeatedly blocked any progress in the parliament, and most Greek subjects of the Sultan boycotted the new elections.
The elections were held and a new parliament of the Ottoman State was formed under the occupation. However, Ali Riza Pasha was too hasty in thinking that his parliament could bring him legitimacy. The house of the parliament was under the shadow of the British battalion stationed at Istanbul. Any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Riza Pasha and the commanding British Officer. The freedom of the new government was limited. It did not take too long for the members of parliament to recognize that any kind of integrity was not possible in this situation. Ali Riza Pasha and his government had become the voice of the Triple Entente. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.
Ottoman Parliament acting by itself, January 1920
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/6/63/Anti_Turkism_Terrible_Turk_1.png/160px-Anti_Turkism_Terrible_Turk_1.png)
Young Turk: "I will fight to the death for our national honor."
Old Turk: "Well, if you must. But I wash my hands of the whole business—unless, of course, you win."
]]
On January 12, 1920 the last Ottoman Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan’s speech was presented and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey being in Ankara in the name of the Representative Committee.
A group called Felâh-ı Vatan among the ottoman parliament worked to acknowledge the decisions taken at the Erzurum Congress and the Sivas Congress. The British began to sense that something had been flourishing that they did not want. The Ottoman government was not doing what it could to suppress the nationalists. On January 28 the deputies met secretly. Proposals were made to elect Mustafa Kemal president of the Chamber, but this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber before it could do what has been planned all along, namely accept the declaration of the Sivas Congress.
On 28 January, 1920 Ottoman parliament developed the National Pact Misak-ı Milli and published it on 12 February 1920. They adapted six principles; which called for self-determination, the security of Constantinople, and the opening of the Straits, also the abolishment of the capitulations. Misak-ı Milli on the ideological level solidified a lot of nationalist notions, which during the Conference of London (February 1920) allies concentrated on these issues. Misak-ı Milli was in conflict with the Allies' plans.
Allies shift from de facto to de jure occupation, February 1920
The national movement, which persuaded the ottoman parliament to declare "Misak-ı Milli", prompted the British government to take a very important step. A step that brought these parties face to face. To put an end to this situation the major allied power, Britain, said "If the Ottomans wouldn't do it, we would". If the Allies could not control Anatolia, they can control Istanbul and step by step dismantle every organization beginning from Istanbul to deep into Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal's national movement was the main problem in deep Anatolia. The British Foreign Office was asked to devise a plan to ease this move.
In 1920 Turkish national movement was registered as Muslim population of Anatolia for British Intelligence. The Foreign Office developed the same plan they used during the Arab revolt, but this time the resources were channeled to warlords like Ahmet Anzavur. The political side of this decision was solidified under the Treaty of Sèvres. Anatolia was to be westernized under Christian governments. That was the only way that Christians could be safe said the British government. The Treaty of Sèvres placed most of Anatolia under Christian control. This policy aimed to break down the authority in Anatolia by separating the Sultan, its government, and putting Christians (Greece and Democratic Republic of Armenia, Armenians of Cilia) against Muslims. The details of these covert operations is summarized under the title Jurisdictional Conflict.
On the night of March 15 British troops began to occupy key buildings and arrest Turkish nationalists. It was a very messy operation. The 10th division and military music school resisted the arrest. At least 10 students died under the gunfire of the British Indian army. The total death toll is unknown even today. British to capture the control of the movement, secured the departments of both the "minister of war" and the "chief of the general staff". Chief of the general staff was Fevzi Çakmak. He was an able and relatively conservative officer who was known as one of the army’s oldest field leaders and who soon was become one of the principal military leaders of the national movement.
Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the nationalist organizations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to stop the British was to organize protests. He said "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence - its entire future". Mustafa Kemal was extensively familiar with the Arab Revolt and British involvement. He managed to stay one step ahead of the British Foreign Office. His abilities over covert British operations gave Mustafa Kemal a big credential among the revolutionaries.
On March 18 the Ottoman parliament met. The parliament sent a protest to allies. Remind them that it is unacceptable to arrest five of its members. It was end of the Ottoman Political system. This move had left Sultan as sole controller of the Empire and pushed him to corner with the British. Beginning with March 18 the Sultan become the puppet of the British foreign department. There would be no one left to blame for what will be coming soon, said the Sultan. Parliament will have one more session in the future, which they will be reading a text edited by Mustafa Kemal.
Jurisdictional Conflict (March 1920 - March 1922)
The new government, hoping to undermine the national movement, passed a fatwa (legal opinion) from Şeyhülislam. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the nationalist (rebels) movement. Along with this religious decree, the government sentenced Mustafa Kemal and prominent nationalists to death in absentia. At the same time, the müfti of Ankara, in defense of the nationalist movement, issued a counteracting fatwa declaring that the capital was under the control of the Entente and the Ferit Pasha government. In this text, nationalist movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultan and Caliphate from its enemies.
Dissolution of the Ottoman parliament, March 1920
Mustafa Kemal expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. One thing he did was moving the Representative Committee's capital from Erzurum to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Istanbul to attend the parliament. He also started a newspaper, the Hakimiyet-i Milliye (National Sovereignty), to speak for the movement both in Turkey and the outside world (January 10, 1920).
Mustafa Kemal declared that the only legal government of Turkey was the Representative Committee in Ankara and that all civilian and military officials were to obey it rather than the government in Istanbul. This argument gained very strong support, as by that time the fact of the Ottoman Parliament being fully under the Allied control had been established.
Declaration of the national parliament, April 1920
The strong measures taken against the nationalists by the Ottoman government created a distinct new phase. For the first time the nationalists claimed the sole right to rule. However, Mustafa Kemal appealed to the entire Islamic world asking for help against the infidel to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan. He stated he wanted to rescue him from the Allies. Plans were made to organize a new government and parliament in Ankara, and then ask the sultan to accept its authority.
A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip, her husband, Adnan Adıvar, İsmet İnönü, Kemal’s most important allies in the Ministry of War, and the last president of the Chamber of Deputies, Celaleddin Arif.
The latter's desertion of the capital was of great significance. As the legally elected president of the Ottoman Parliament, his claim that it had been dissolved illegally, in violation of the Constitution, enabled Kemal to assume full governmental powers for the Ankara regime. On March 1920, he announced that the Turkish nation was establishing its own Parliament in Ankara under the name Grand National Assembly.
Some 100 members of the Ottoman Parliament were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected around the country by the national resistance group. On April 23, 1920, the new Assembly gathered for the first time, making Mustafe Kemal its first president and Ismet Inonü, now deputy from Edirne, chief of the General Staff. The new regime’s determination to revolt against the government in the capital and not the Sultan was quickly made evident.
Early pressure on nationalist militias, April-June 1920
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/da/Kuvva-i_Milliye_millitias%2C_1919.png/220px-Kuvva-i_Milliye_millitias%2C_1919.png)
Anatolia had many forces on its soil. British battalions, Ahmet Aznavur forces, and Sultans army. The Sultan gave 4,000 soldiers from his Kuva-i Inzibatiye (Caliphate Army). Then using money from the Allies, he raised another army, a force about 2000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants which were initially deployed in İznik (Nicaea). The sultan's government sent forces under the name of the caliphate army to the revolutionaries and aroused counterrevolutionary outbreaks. [23].
The British being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counter act this rebellion. The nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many small units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. Their commanders were living inside the Ottoman warship Yavuz. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat Cebesoy and Refet Bele.
On 13 April 1920 first conflict occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the sheik ul-Islam's fatwa. On 18 April the Düzce extended to Bolu, and on 20 April, to Gerede. The movement englobed an important part of northwestern Anatolia for about a month. The Ottoman government had accorded semi-official status to the "Kuva-i İnzibatiye" and Ahmet Anzavur held an important role in the uprising. Both sides faced each other in a pitched battle near Izmit on June 14 1920. Ahmet Aznavur's forces along with British units outnumbered the militias. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-i Inzibatiye deserted and joined the opposing ranks. This revealed the Sultan did not have the unwavering support of his men. Meanwhile the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which they held their position.
The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. The British forces opened fire on the nationalists and bombed them from the air. This bombing forced a retreat but there was a panic in Istanbul. The British commander General George Milne, asked for reinforcements. This initiated a chain reaction to determine what was required to handle the Turkish nationalists. Marshal Ferdinand Foch signed the investigative report on the matter. The report ended with the summation that twenty seven divisions would be sufficient. British army did not have twenty seven divisions to spare. Also a deployment this size could have disastrous political consequences. The Great War had just ended for British and the public back home would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.
The British did accept the fact that a nationalist movement can not be faced without deployment of consistent and well trained forces. On June 25 the forces originating from Kuva-i Inzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The official stance was that there was no use for them. British realized the best option to overcome these Turkish nationlists, was to use a force which was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor - Greece.
Establishment of the army, July 1920
Before the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919), Mustafa Kemal met with a Bolshevik delegation headed by Colonel Semyon Budyonny. The Bolsheviks wanted to annex the parts of the Caucasus, including Democratic Republic of Armenia, which were formerly part of Czarist Russia. They also saw a Turkish Republic as a buffer state or possibly a communist ally. Kemal's official response was "Such questions had to be postponed until Turkish independence was achieved." Having this support was important for the national movement[24]
The first objective was the securing of arms from abroad. They obtained these primarily from the Soviet Union, but also Italy and France. These arms, especially the Soviet weapons, allowed the Turks to organize an effective army. After the Treaty of Kars (October 23, 1921) nationalists agreed to cede Nachicevan and Batum and in response they received support and gold. For the promised resources nationalist had to wait until the Battle of Sakarya (August - September, 1921). On August 4 1920, Turkey's representative in Moscow, Riza Nur, sent a telegram saying that soon 60 Krupp artillery pieces, 30,000 shells, 700,000 grenades, 10,000 mines, 60,000 Romanian swords, 1.5 million captured Ottoman rifles, 1 million Russian rifles, 1 million Manlicher rifles, as well as some more modern Martini-Henry rifles and 25,000 bayonets would be in the possession of the Turkish nationalists.[25]
The Turks also received arms from Italy and France, who threw in their lot with the Kemalist against Greece which was seen as a British client[citation needed]. The Italians used their base in Antalya to arm and train Turkish troops to assist the Kemalists against the Greeks[citation needed].
Treaty of Sèvres, August 1920
Ottoman Government signs Treaty of Sèvres, on the bases that the Treaty did not dismember the Caliphate and Istanbul was left to Sultan. Treaty was rejected by the Turkish national movement, which thought the territorial settlements in the Treaty were made not on the basis of broad practical statesmanship to arrange durable frontiers and a tolerable future for the peoples concerned. It was drawn on the momentary interests of foreign policy. The policy of which its arrangements were settled many years ago.
Also Venizelos draw the Greek gains in the Treaty as other nations had to let Greece to occupy these regions. It was not Triple Entente wanted to see these regions detached from Bulgaria and Anatolia, but they were not strong enough, either their domestic policy or armed units did not have will to go forward, to take themselves.
Conflicts in the East, June - November 1920
The border of the Democratic Republic of Armenia (ADR) and Ottoman Empire was defined with Brest-Litovsk (March 3, 1918) after the Bolshevik revolution and later with Treaty of Batum (June 4, 1918) with the ADR. It was obvious that after the Armistice of Mudros (October 30 1918) the eastern border was not going to stay as it was drawn. There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Triple Entente on reshaping the border. The Fourteen Points was seen as an incentive to ADR, if Armenians could prove that they were the majority of the population and that they had military control over the eastern regions. The Armenian movements on the borders were being used as an argument to redraw the border between Ottoman Empire and ADR. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer the territories back to the ADR as given the ideas that they are dominantly controlled by Armenians. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres (August 10 1920). There was also a movement of Armenians from southeast with the French support. French-Armenian Agreement (1916) granted the Armenian claims to Cilicia with establishment of French Armenian Legion. The general idea at that time was to integrate ADR to the French supported southeast Armenian movement. This way ADR could gain much sought resources to balance the Bolshevik expansionist movements.
One of the most important fights had taken place on this border. The very early onset of national army was the proof of this, even though there was a pressing Greek danger on the west. The stage of the east campaign developed through Kâzım Karabekir's two reports (May 30 and June 4, 1920) outlining the situation in the region. He was detailing the activities of the Armenian Republic and advising on how to shape the sources at the eastern borders, especially in Erzurum. Russian government sent a message to settle not only the Democratic Republic of Armenia but also Iranian border through diplomacy under Russian control. The Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami Bey was assigned for the talks. Bolsheviks demanded Van and Bitlis to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. Revolutionaries were also faced with another dilemma, their hesitation to move forces to prevent the Armenian raids was causing a growing unsettlement among the Turks. The Greek threat and diplomatic connections needed to be balanced.
Active stage
Before more diplomatic exchanges took place, to show a sign of power on the discussion table, Armenia moved its forces to Oltu, and subsequent Battle of Oltu. Battle of Oltu killed the discussions with Russian government and in a couple of days the Treaty of Sèvres was signed by Ottoman Empire. This was followed by occupation of Artvin by Georgian forces on 25 July.
Resolution
The Treaty of Alexandropol (December 2, 1920) was the first treaty of Turkish revolutionaries. It nullified the Armenian activities on the east boarder which was reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres as succession of regions named as Wilsonian Armenia. The 10th item in the Treaty of Alexandropol stated that Armenia renounced the Treaty of Sèvres, which stipulated the Wilsonian Armenia.
After the peace agreement with Turkish nationals, in late November, a Soviet-backed communist uprising happened in Armenia. On November 28, 1920 the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Hekker crossed from the Soviet Azerbaijan to Armenia. The second Soviet-Armenian war lasted only a week. Armenian Republic was not eliminated by the Turkish revolutionaries, whom Armenians could no longer threaten after being defeated. It is also possible to claim that had Armenian Republic been content with the boundaries as of 1919, she could have shown more resistance to the Bolshevik conquest, both internally and externally.
On March 16, 1921 The Bolsheviks and nationalists signed more comprehensive agreement Treaty of Kars which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan and Soviet Georgia.
The arms left by the defeated Armenian forces were sent to the west to develop the resistance to the Greeks.
Conflicts in the West
The war arose because the western Allies, particularly British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, had promised Greece territorial gains at the expense of the Ottoman Empire if Greece entered the war on the Allied side. These included Eastern Thrace, the islands of Gökçeada (Imbros) and Bozcaada (Tenedos), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of İzmir (Smyrna). Greece wanted to occupy Constantinople, the historical capital of the Byzantine Empire, to achieve the Megali Idea, but Entente powers did not give permission.
It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would occupy a zone around İzmir (Smyrna) and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor. The reason for these landings were prior Italian landings on the southern coast of Turkey, including in the city of Antalya. The Allies worried about further Italian expansion and saw Greek landings as a way to avoid this.
On May 28, Greeks landed on Ayvalık. It was no surprise that this small town was chosen as this town was the Greek speaking strong hold before Balkan Wars. The Balkan Wars changed the nature of this region. The Turkish inhabitants who were forced out with the extending boarders of Greece, mainly from Crete, settled in this area. Under an old Ottoman Lieutenant Colonel Ali Çetinkaya, these people formed a unit. Along Ali Çetinkaya's units population in the region gathered around Resit, Tevfik and Çerkes Ethem. These units were very determined to fight against Greece as there was no other place that they can be pushed back. Resit, Tevfik and Ethem were of Circassian origin who were expelled from their ancestral lands in the Caucasus by the Russians and Armenians. They were settled around the Aegean coast. Greek troops first met with these irregulars. Mustafa Kemal asked Admiral Rauf Orbay, if he can help in coordinating the units under Ali Çetinkaya, Resit, Tevfik and Çerkez Ethem. Rauf Orbay, also of Circassian origin, managed to link these groups. He asked them to cut the Greek logistic support lines.
Allied decision to let Greek landing in Smyrna was due to earlier Italian landings at Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna, ostensibly in order to protect the civilian population from turmoil. Turks claim that Venizelos wanted to create a homogeneous Greek settlement to be able to annex it to Greece, but his statements indicated that the Greeks were in Smyrna to protect the locals:"Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic Ottoman Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks."[26] Greek territorial ambitions and claims at this time contradict this statement.
Active stage
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/a7/Mustafa_Kemal_and_his_staff_enter_Smyrna_on_10_September_1922.png/220px-Mustafa_Kemal_and_his_staff_enter_Smyrna_on_10_September_1922.png)
As soon as Greek forces landed in İzmir, a Turkish nationalist opened fire prompting brutal reprisals. Greek forces used this as a base for launching attacks deeper into Turkey. Atatürk refused to accept even a temporary Greek presence in İzmir. Eventually the Turkish revolutionaries would push the Greeks out of İzmir.
Resolution
With the borders secured with treaties and agreements at east and south, Kemal was now in a commanding position. The Nationals were then able to insist that unconditionally, the Greeks evacuate east Thrace, Imbros and Tenedos as well as Asia Minor, and the Meriç River to be set as the border at Thrace at its pre-1914 position.
France, Italy and Britain called Mustafa Kemal to Venice for cease-fire negotiations. In return, Mustafa Kemal demanded negotiations be started at Mudanya. Negotiations at Mudanya began on October 3, and it was concluded with the Mudanya Armistice.
Conflicts in the south, January 1920 - February 1921
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French wanted to settle in Syria. With a pressure against French, Cilicia would be easily left to nationalist. The Taurus Mountains were critical for Mustafa Kemal. French soldiers were foreign to the region and they were using Armenian militia to acquire their intelligence. Turkish nationals had been in cooperation with Arab tribes in this area. Within time Mustafa Kemal said "French army will leave the region". If compared to Greek threat, they were the second for Mustafa Kemal. He proposed that if the Greek threat could be disseminated, French would not resist. His insights all come through.
The resistance of the national forces was a big surprise to France. They blamed the British forces which did not curb the resistance power of the local sources. The strategic goal of opening a front at the south by moving Armenians against the Turkish National forces was a failure after the defeat of the Greek-British forces on the west. Use of armed local Armenians in the region against the Turkish National forces turned out to be a failure. Most of the Armenians in this region had to migrate alongside the French army. Even though most of the fight was organized alongside the Armenian sources, the loss of French soldiers did generate a large disapproval in France, which tried to mend the results of the continental wars. France asked 1,500,000 gold coins from the Turkish National Government (Mustafa Kemal) for their loss, which was denied.
Conference of London, March 1921
In salvaging the Treaty of Sèvres, Triple Entente forced the Turkish Revolutionaries to agree with the terms through a series of conferences in London. Conference of London with sharp differences failed in first stage, and the second stage was a failure too. The modified Serves of the conference as a peace settlement was incompatible with the National Pact.
The conference of London gave Triple Entente an opportunity to reverse some of their policies. In October, parties of the conference received a report from Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol. A commission was organized by Mark Lambert Bristol to analyze the situation, inquire into the bloodshed during the Occupation of Izmir and the following activities in the region. The commission reported that if annexation will not fallow Greece should not be the only occupation force in this area. Admiral Bristol was not so sure how to explain this annexation to Woodrow Wilson as he would insist on 'respect for nationalities' in Fourteen Points. He believed that the sentiments of the Turks 'will never accept this annexation'.
Neither the Conference of London nor the Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol's report did not change the David Lloyd George's position. On February 12 1921 David Lloyd George went with the annexation of the Eagean cost which was followed with the Greek offensive. David Lloyd George acted with his sentiments that were developed during Battle of Gallipoli, opposing to General Milne who was his officer on the ground.
Stage for Peace (March 1922- October 1923)
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The first communication between the sides were during the failed Conference of London. The stage for peace effectively began after the Triple Entente's recognition to make an arrangement with the Turkish revolutionaries. Before the talks with Entente, the nationalists partially settled their eastern boarders with Democratic Republic of Armenia signing Treaty of Alexandropol, but changes in the Caucasus especially establishment of Armenian SSR required one more round of talks. The outcome was Treaty of Kars, a successor treaty to the earlier Treaty of Moscow of March 1921. It was signed in Kars with Russian SFSR on October 23, 1921 [27] and ratified in Yerevan on September 11, 1922 [28].
Armistice of Mudanya, October 1922
The Marmara sea resort town of Mudanya host the conference to arrange the armistice on October 3, 1922. Ismet Inonü, commander of the western armies was in front of Allies. The scene was unlike Mondros as the British and the Greeks were on the defense. Greeks were represented by the Allies.
The British still expected Ankara, Grand National Assembly, to make concessions. From the first speech, the British were startled as Ankara demanded fulfillment of the National Pact. During the conference the British troops in Constantinople were preparing for a Kemalist attack. There was never any fighting in Thrace, as Greek units withdrew before the Turks crossed the straits, remaining in Asia Minor. The Greeks were willing to give up Eastern Thrace[citation needed] as its population was mostly Turks, Christian Bulgarians and Pomaks, and its only use served as a corridor to Constantinople, and it was now clear that the city would remain in Turkish hands. The only concession that Ismet made to the British was an agreement that his troops would not advance any farther toward the Dardanelles, which gave a safe haven for the British troops as long as the conference continued. The conference dragged on far beyond the original expectations. In the end it was the British who had to yield, with the Ankara's advances.
The Armistice of Mudanya was signed on October 11. By its terms the Greek army would move west of the Maritsa, clearing the Thrace to the Allies. This was a method that started an end to hostilities. The famous American author Ernest Hemingway was in Thrace at the time, and he covered the retreat of the time. He has several short stories written about Thrace and Smyrna, which appear in his book In Our Time. The agreement came into force starting October 15. Allied forces would stay in Thrace for a month to assure law and order. In return Ankara would recognize continued British occupation of the Straits zones until the final treaty was signed. This arrangement included also Constantinople, which thus would have to wait a little while longer to be seized by Turkish forces.
Refet Bele was assigned to recovery of Thrace from Allies. He was the first representative to reach the old capital. The British did not allow the hundred gendarmes who came with him. That resistance lasted till the next day.
Abolition of the Sultanate, November 1922
The form of the government in Istanbul, resting on the sovereignty of the Sultan, had already ceased to exist when the British forces occupied the city after the World War I.[29] The law for the abolition of the Sultanate was submitted to the National Assembly for voting. Furthermore, it was argued that although the Caliphate had belonged to the Ottoman Empire, it rested on the Turkish state by its dissolution and Turkish National Assembly would have right to choose a member of the Ottoman family in the office of Caliph. On 1 November, The Grand Assembly voted for the abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate. The last Sultan left Turkey on 17 November 1922, in a British battleship on his way to Malta. This was last act in the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Conference of Lausanne, November 1922
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Treaty of Lausanne, July 1923
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Establishment of the Republic, October 1923
The Republic was proclaimed on October 29, 1923, in the new capital of Ankara. Mustafa Kemal was elected as the first President which he placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kazım Özalp and İsmet İnönü in the important positions. They helped him to establish the Atatürk's Reforms which were impossible to be foreseen back in 1923.
See also
References
- ^ "Turkey, Mustafa Kemal and the Turkish War of Independence, 1919–23". Encyclopædia Britannica. 2007. Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- ^ "Turkish War of Independence". Microsoft® Encarta® Online Encyclopedia 2007. 2007. Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- ^ "Turkey, Section: Occupation and War of Independence". History.com Encyclopedia. 2007. Retrieved 2007-10-29.
- ^ Mango, Andrew. (1999) Atatürk - The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Chap 10
- ^ Erickson, Edward J. (2001) Ordered To Die, A History Of The Ottoman Empire In The First World War, Westport USA - Greenwood Publishing Group, Chap 1. (Erickson's first chapter has good information on why the Entente Powers were so keen on taking land from what today is the Republic of Turkey.)
- ^ The activities of commission can be find at; Henry Churchill King, Charles Richard Crane, "Report of American Section of Inter-allied Commission of Mandates in Turkey" published by American Section in 1919.
- ^ Erickson, Edward J. (2001) Ordered To Die, A History Of The Ottoman Empire In The First World War, Westport USA - Greenwood Publishing Group, Chap 8, at the end of the Cost section.
- ^ Mango, Andrew. (1999) Atatürk - The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Chap 10
- ^ Lord Kinross. The Rebirth of a Nation, Chap 20
- ^ Llewellyn Smith, Michael. (1973) Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor 1919-1922, Ailen Lane
- ^ Pastirmadjian, Garegin. (1918) Why Armenia Should Be Free. Hairenik Publishing Company, Boston. p 40. "The Armenians had built their hopes on British assistance, since nothing was expected from the demoralized Russian army. But, unfortunately, the British were unable to reach Baku with large forces from their Bagdad army. Nevertheless, on August 5th, they landed at Baku 2800 men to help the Armenians. The arrival of this small British contingent caused great enthusiasm among the tired and exhausted defenders of the city."
- ^ Mango, Andrew. (1999) Atatürk - The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Chap 10
- ^ Lord Kinross. (1999) Atatürk: The Re-birth of a Nation, Chap 16
- ^ Mango, Andrew. (1999) Atatürk - The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Chap 10, Mango goes on to explain that the Armenian civilians came back from Syria and ethnic strife escalated. Mango claims that part of the motivation for the Turkish struggle was the invaders' plan to rule Anatolia through minorities of the Ottoman Empire.
- ^ Mango, Andrew. (1999) Atatürk - The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Chap 10
- ^ Volkan, Vamik and Itzkowitz, Norman, Immortal Ataturk, A Psychobiography, chap 9
- ^ Mango, Andrew. (1999) Atatürk - The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, John Murray Publishers, Chapter 10. Mango lists Dr. Tevfik Rüştü (Aras) as such a friend.
- ^ Lord Kinross. The Rebirth of a Nation, Chap 19. Kinross writes that the Erkân-ı Harbiye Reis Muavini, ie the General Commander of the Ottoman Empire at the time was Fevzi Paşa, and old friend. Although he was temporarily absent, his substitute was Kâzım (İnanç) Paşa, another old friend. Neither Mehmet VI, nor the Prime Minister Damat Ferit had actually seen the actual order.
- ^ Lord Kinross. The Rebirth of a Nation, Chap 19.
- ^ Lord Kinross. The Rebirth of a Nation, Chap 19.
- ^ Volkan, Vamik and Itzkowitz, Norman, Immortal Ataturk, A Psychobiography, chap 9.
- ^ Volkan, Vamik and Itzkowitz, Norman, Immortal Ataturk, A Psychobiography, chap 9. The regular guests of this house included Kâzım (Karabekir), Ali Fuat, İsmet (İnönü)
- ^ George F. Nafziger, "Islam at War: A History" page 132
- ^ By Stanford J. Shaw, Ezel Kural Shaw History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey Page 344
- ^ Kapur, H Soviet Russia and Asia, 1917-1927
- ^ "Not War Against Islam-Statement by Greek Prime Minister" in The Scotsman, June 29 1920 p.5
- ^ Template:Ru icon Text of the Treaty of Kars
- ^ English translation of the Treaty of Kars
- ^ Kinross, Rebirth of a Nation, p. 348
- Aftermath of World War I
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