Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono | |
|---|---|
| File:Fotopresdn.jpg | |
| 6th President of Indonesia | |
| Assumed office October 20,2004 | |
| Vice President | Jusuf Kalla (from Golkar) |
| Preceded by | Megawati Soekarnoputri |
| Personal details | |
| Born | September 9 1949 Pacitan, East Java, Indonesia |
| Political party | Democratic Party |
| Spouse | Kristiani Herawati |
General (ret.) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (born September 9, 1949 in Pacitan, East Java, Indonesia), is an Indonesian retired military general and statesman as well as the sixth President of Indonesia, and the first to be elected directly by voters. Yudhoyono won the presidency in September 2004 in the second round of the Indonesian presidential election, in which he defeated incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri. He was sworn into office on 20 October 2004, together with Jusuf Kalla as Vice President.
Javanese do not have surnames in the Western sense. The name Yudhoyono was not inherited either from his father or his mother. While Susilo Bambang uses Yudhoyono in naming his children, it is not a descended family surname. In Indonesia, he is referred to in some media as Susilo and is widely known in Indonesia as SBY. Abroad, he is referred to as Yudhoyono, a name that he chose for his military name-tag, while in formal meetings and functions he is addressed as Dr Yudhoyono. Susilo is apparently derived from Sushil, which in Sanskrit means one with good character.
Early Life
Yudhoyono was born in Pacitan, East Java on 9th September 1949, to a lower-middle class family and is the son of Raden Soekotjo, an army officer, and Siti Habibah. Since he was a child, he always wanted to be in the army[1].
His first school was Sekolah Rakyat Gajahmada (now is SDN Baleharjo I). Yudhoyono developed a reputation as an extremely talented student in addition to being an academical achiever , excelling in writing poems, short stories, and playacting. Yudhoyono was also talented in musics and sports, reflected when he and his friends established a volleyball club called "Klub Rajawali" and a band called "Gaya Teruna". Music became a hobby for Yudhoyono and he often sang one of his favorite songs, "Pelangi di Matamu" during his presidential campaign.
When he was in 5th Grade, Yudhoyono visited the National Military Academy (AMN) at Magelang. After seeing the soldiers training there and perhaps inspired by his own father's career, Yudhoyono became determined to join ABRI and become a soldier. Yudhoyono had originally wanted to get into the ABRI Academy (Akabri) after graduating from high school in 1968, however, he missed out because he did not register in time.
Yudhoyono then became a student at the Sepuluh Nopember Institute of Technology (ITS) before entering the Teachers Education School in Malang, East Java. There, he was able to prepare everything for his next education at Akabri. Yudhoyono officially entered Akabri in 1970 after he passed the test which took place in Bandung, West Java.
Military Career
Yudhoyono spent three years at Akabri (Academy of Indonesian Armed Forces) and became the Commander of the Cadet Corps Division there. He graduated from Akabri in 1973, and as the best graduate of the year, received the prestigious Adhi Makayasa Medal from President Suharto.
After graduating, Yudhoyono joined Kostrad and became a platoon Commander in the 330 Airborne Battalion. Aside from leading his troops, Yudhoyono also received the task of giving the Battalion soldiers lessons on general knowledge and English. Yudhoyono's proficiency in English was one of the reasons why he was sent to the United States to undertake the Airborne and Ranger Course at Fort Benning in 1975.
Yudhoyono returned to Indonesia in 1976 where he became a platoon Commander in the 305 Battalion and assigned to East Timor. Yudhoyono had several tours of duty there since and Like many other Indonesian officers involved in the occupation of East Timor, was accused of committing war crimes. However, Yudhoyono has never been charged with any specific act. From East Timor, Yudhoyono became a Mortar platoon commander (1977), an Operations Officer for an Airborne Brigade (1977-1978), and Battalion Commander (1979-1981) at Kostrad. Yudhoyono then spent 1981 and 1982 working at the Army Headquarters.
Whilst working at the Army Headquarters, Yudhoyono was sent to the United States again, this time to participate in the Infantry Officer Advanced Course at Fort Benning and in the On The Job Training with the 82nd Airborne Division. Yudhoyono also spent time at Panama and went through the jungle warfare school. When Yudhoyono returned in 1983, he was made Commander of the Infantry Trainers' School. It was not long before he was abroad again this time to Belgium and West Germany to undertake the Antitank weapons Course. In 1985, Yudhoyono also took a Battalion Commando Course in Malaysia.
From 1986-1988, Yudhoyono served at KODAM IX/Udayana which looked after the security of Bali and the smaller Sunda Islands. Yudhoyono was Battalion Commander from 1986-1988 and was part of the Operational Staff in 1988. In 1989, Yudhoyono became a lecturer at the Army Staff College (Seskoad) and delivered a presentation entitled "ABRI's Professionalism at the Present and in the Future". Together with Agus Wirahadikusumah, Yudhoyono published a book entitled "The Challenges of Development". As a lecturer, Yudhoyono also began to experiment with the concept of democracy.
Whilst at Seskoad, Yudhoyono also took the opportunity to further his own military education. He went to the US Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth. While at the United States, he also took the opportunity to getan MA in business management from Webster University in 1991.
In 1992, Yudhoyono was transferred to the Army Information Department and worked as a speech writer for General Edi Sudrajat, the Army Chief of Staff. In 1993, when Edi became ABRI Commander, Yudhoyono became the Coordinator Edi's personal staff. Edi did not last long as ABRI Commander and Yudhoyono was then transferred back to Kostrad where he became a Brigade Commander. A year later, Yudhoyono was the Operations Assistant at KODAM Jaya before becoming a Military Resort Commander (KOREM) at KODAM IV/Diponegoro.
Yudhoyono had one more stint overseas when he became Indonesia's Chief Military Observer of United Nation Peacekeeping Force in Bosnia in 1995-96.
When Yudhoyono returned to Indonesia, he was made KODAM Jaya Chief of Staff before being appointed as KODAM II/Sriwijaya Commander. In this position, Yudhoyono was responsible for the security of the southern provinces of Sumatra. He served in this position until 1997, when he was appointed Chief of Staff for Social Political Affairs. At the same time, he was also appointed Chairman of the ABRI Faction at the 1998 People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) General Session and participated in Suharto's election to a 7th term as President.
During the days which would lead to Suharto's fall in May, Yudhoyono and pro-reform ABRI officers conducted meetings and discussions with Nurcolish Madjid, a pro-reform Muslim leader. From his discussions, Yudhoyono accepted to the fact that Suharto should resign but like the ABRI officers who went to the meeting with him, was reluctant to withdraw their support of Suharto publicly much less ask for Suharto's resignation [2]. Nevertheless the pressure would eventually become too much for Suharto, who resigned on 21st May 1998.
As Indonesia entered the reform period, ABRI's popularity, because of its association with Suharto, was at an all time low. Nevertheless, ABRI undertook reform much like all the other aspects of Indonesian society. To de-emphasize ABRI's political role, Yudhoyono's Chief of Staff for Social Political Affairs was renamed Chief of Staff for Territorial Affairs and in 1999, ABRI would be separated into TNI and the Republic of Indonesia Police (Polri). At this time, Yudhoyono's popularity began to increase as he offered ideas and concepts to reform the military and nation. He did this by combining the strong reformist sentiment of the time with TNI's concern for security and stability [3]. Yudhoyono then became known in the media as "The Thinking General".
Political Career
Wahid Presidency (1999-01)
Yudhoyono was appointed Mines and Energy Minister in the government of President Abdurrahman Wahid in 1999. According to General Wiranto who assisted Wahid in the formation of the Cabinet, he had recommended to the President that Yudhoyono would do better as Army Chief of Staff [4]. However, Wahid rejected the idea and Yudhoyono became the Minister of Mines and Energy instead. At the same time, Yudhoyono ended his military career with the rank of Lieutenant General, although he would be made honorary General in 2000.
Yudhoyono's popularity grew, even as Minister of Mines and Energy. In June 2000, there were talks that Wahid, because of his lack of skill as an administrator was going to appoint a First Minister to look after the day to day running of the Government [5]. Yudhoyono's name appeared as a potential candidate for the position, although this never came true with Wahid appointing Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri as the day to day administrator.
In August 2000, after a Cabinet reshuffle, Yudhoyono became the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security. One of his tasks was to get the army out of politics. This is in line with his reformist ideas on the future of Indonesian military, and is a view he has held since his days in an army policy center. "Since 1998, the military has decided to stay out of day-to-day politics," he said at that time. "The basic idea of military reform is to go back to the role and function of the military as a defense force and move them away from politics systematically. The trend is moving in such a way that there is no so-called 'dual function' of the military, there is no so-called social political mission in the military."
Another task that Yudhoyono was given was as an intermediary between Wahid and the Suharto family. At the time, Wahid was trying to get Suharto to hand back all the money which he had gotten through corruption when he was the President. Yudhoyono was sent by Wahid to convey this wish and to negotiate with them. However, Yudhoyono was not successful in this venture.
In the beginning of 2001, with political pressure increasing on him, Wahid ordered Yudhoyono to form a Crisis Centre with Yudhoyono as Chairman [6] The purpose of this Crisis Centre was to assist the President in giving policy advice and was headquartered at Yudhoyono's office. It seemed as if because of this appointment, Yudhoyono could be considered one of Wahid's men, however Yudhoyono would break ranks from Wahid in July 2001 when the latter was facing impeachment. In desperation, Wahid issued a decree freezing the People's Representative Council (DPR) and then asked asked Yudhoyono to declare a state of emergency to further strengthen his position. Yudhoyono refused to accept this, and Wahid dismissed him.[7] This gave him a new reputation for liberalism.
Given Wahid's physical incapacity, Yudhoyono was seen as the dominant figure in the Wahid government[8].
Megawati Presidency (2001-04)
It was not long after Yudhoyono broke ranks with him that Wahid's fate was sealed. On 23rd July 2001, in a Special Session, the MPR impeached Wahid and replaced him with Megawati as President. A couple of days later when the MPR assembled to elect a new Vice President, Yudhoyono threw his name in the hat and competed against Golkar's Akbar Tanjung and United Development Party's (PPP) Hamzah Haz [9]. Yudhoyono and Akbar lost out to Hamzah who became the Vice President.
Yudhoyono was appointed to his old position of Coordinating Minister of Politics and Security in Megawati's new Cabinet. After the October 2002 Bali bombing, he oversaw the hunt for and arrest of those responsible, and gained a reputation both in Indonesia and abroad as one of the few Indonesian politicians serious about the War on Terrorism. His speech during the one year anniversary of the Bali bombing (in which many Australians were killed) was praised by the Australian media and public.[7].
Yudhoyono also dealt with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), a separatist movement wanting to separate the Province of Aceh from Indonesia. On his advice, Megawati declared martial law in Aceh on 19th May 2003. This martial law was then extended in November 2003 [10]
The Democratic Party
Yudhoyono's supporters saw Yudhoyono's participation in the Vice Presidential election as a sign of his popularity and recognized Yudhoyono's potential as a possible leader for Indonesia. One of these supporters, Vence Rumangkang approached Yudhoyono with the idea of forming a political party to help shore up support for the 2004 Presidential Elections. Yudhoyono approved of the idea and after going the basic concepts left Rumangkang in charge of forming the Party.
From 12th-19th August 2001, Rumangkang began holding a series meetings to discuss the formation of the Party while holding consultations with Yudhoyono who was now serving as the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security. Yudhoyono personally led the meeting on 19th August and on the 20th August 2001, the basic outline of the (PD) was finalized.
On 9th September 2001, the formation of PD was officially declared and on 10th September 2001, it was enlisted at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.
The organizers behind PD's formation went to extreme lengths to make sure that PD was Yudhoyono's personal political party. The declaration of its formation was 9th September 2001, which was Yudhoyono's birthday and to start off with, the Party had 99 members.
Road to Presidency
 |
By 2003 there was a gathering momentum behind the possibility of Yudhoyono being a Presidential Candidate [11] The National Democratic Union Party (PPDK) was the first to bring up the subject of nomination. In September 2003, Yudhoyono's own PD began to make preparations in the case that Yudhoyono was willing to accept a Presidential nomination. PD then initiated a publicity campaign to promote Yudhoyono as a candidate. For his part, Yudhoyono was not responsive both to PPDK or PD's maneuverings to nominate him and continued his duties as Minister. PPDK was disappointed to Yudhoyono's reaction and PD continued to wait for Yudhoyono to resign his position as what was expected of all Presidential candidates apart from the incumbent President and Vice President.
The turning point came on 1st March 2004, when Yudhoyono's secretary, Sudi Silalahi announced to the media that for the last 6 months, Yudhoyono had been excluded from policy decision-making in the field of Politics and Security [12]. On 2nd March, Megawati responded that she had never excluded Yudhoyono while her husband, Taufik Kiemas called Yudhoyono childish for complaining to the media instead of the President herself. On 8th March, Yudhoyono sent a letter asking for permission to meet the President about his ministerial authorities. Megawati did not respond when she received the letter, although she invited Yudhoyono along to a Cabinet meeting on 11th March. Yudhoyono did not attend the Cabinet meeting and instead held a press conference at his office and announced his resignation from the position of Coordinating Minister of Politics and Security. Yudhoyono also announced that he is ready to be nominated as President.
Yudhoyono's popularity skyrocketed after his falling out with Megawati as he was seen by the people to be the underdog. However this popularity did not translate to a victory for PD at the 2004 Legislative Elections. There, PD won 7.5% of the votes which was still enough to nominate Yudhoyono as a Presidential candidate. Yudhoyono accepted the nomination and picked Golkar's Jusuf Kalla as his running mate. Aside from PD, their Presidential and Vice Presidential candidacy were also supported by the Crescent Star Party (PBB), Star Reform Party (PBR) and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI) [13]
Unlike most other presidential candidates, Yudhoyono put forward broad policies for the future of Indonesia. His manifesto, summarised in a book titled "Vision For Change" written by him and distributed for free during the campaign, was built on four pillars: prosperity, peace, justice and democracy. At the top of his agenda was a plan for increasing economic prosperity, aiming for economic growth of at least 7% and a revival of small and medium-sized enterprises. He also put forward policies to offer better credit lines, to cut red tape, improve labor laws and to root out corruption from the top down. He told an interviewer: "If we are to reduce poverty, create jobs, increase purchasing power and rebuild infrastructure, then we will need new capital. Of course, to be able to invite investment, I have to improve the climate — legal certainties, political stability, law and order, sound tax policies, customs policies, good labor management. I will improve the guarantees to encourage investors to come to Indonesia."
Yudhoyono's reputation for integrity, strong personality appeal, and excellent communication skills made him the front-runner throughout the election campaign, according to all opinion polls and the opinions of election commentators, a long way ahead of the other candidates (Megawati, Wiranto, Amien Rais, and Hamzah). On 5th July 2004, Yudhoyono participated in the first round of Presidential Elections coming first with 33% of the votes. However, 50% of votes are required for a new President and Vice President to be elected and this meant Yudhoyono going into a run-off against Megawati.
For the run-off, Yudhoyono faced challenge from Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), forming a National Coalition with Golkar, PPP, Prosperous Peace Party (PDS) and Indonesian National Party (PNI). Yudhoyono then declared that his coalition, which now received political support from the National Awakening Party (PKB), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Mandate Party (PAN), would be the People's Coalition.
On 20th September 2004, Yudhoyono participated in the run-off elections, winning it with 60.87% of the votes.
Yudhoyono was inaugurated as President on 20th October 2004.
Presidency (2004-Present)
Cabinet
The day of his inauguration, Yudhoyono announced his new Cabinet, which would be known as the United Indonesia Cabinet. Consisting of 36 Ministers, it included members of PD, Golkar, PPP, PBB, PKB, PAN, PKP, and PKS. Professionals were also named in the Cabinet, most of them taking on Ministries in the Economic field. The Military were also involved, having 5 of its former members as Ministers in the Cabinet . As per Yudhoyono's promise during the election, 4 of the Cabinet Ministers are female [14].
On 6th December 2005, Yudhoyono announced a reshuffle of the Cabinet.
Disasters
Yudhoyono's presidency has been plagued by natural disasters. Two months after he took office, the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami strikes in the province of Aceh and many other countries along the Indian Ocean coastline. In March 2005, an aftershock of the earthquake which triggered the Tsunami occured in Sumatra. In April 2006, Mount Merapi, considered to be a holy site in Javanese culture erupted and this was followed in May 2006 by an earthquake. Two month later,there was another earthquake in July 2006 which triggered a mini-Tsunami.
Other disasters that struck Indonesia are the outbreaks of bird flu and the Sidoarjo mud flow. Many media such as newspaper and news on television has reported and brought up the subject of the connection between Yudhoyono's governance and the disasters.
Recent research and studies relate the disasters which happened in his presidential era with the political stability of Indonesia. Nonetheless, the president is also involved. One study shows that the possibility of Yudhoyono being re-elected in 2009 is narrow if the pattern of the disasters continues.[15]
Terrorism
On October 1, 2005, suicide bombings were conducted on the island of Bali. The attacks bear the hallmarks of Muslim terrorist group Jemaah Islamiah (JI) -- a group with links to Al-Qaeda -- though the police investigation is ongoing. This group was also responsible for the 2002 Bali nightclub bombing. Yudhoyono condemned the attack, promising to "hunt down the perpetrators and bring them to justice." [16].
On 9th November 2005, Polri managed to locate Dr. Azahari Husin. Husin and his assistant decied to put up a fight as Polri surrounded their hideout. Husin was shot dead while his assistant decided to commit suicide by setting off his bomb vest [17].
Economy
In 2005, the economic growth was 5.6%[18] which decreased to 5.4% in 2006 [19]
Inflation reached 17.11% in 2005 [20] but decreased to 6.6% in 2006.
In March 2005 and again in October 2005, Yudhoyono made the unpopular decision to cut fuel subsidy and increase the fuel prices by 29% and 125% respectively [21]. The increase in oil price meant that the Government had to put more money to subsidize fuel prices when it could be used in other areas such as health and education. The poor were somewhat compensated by the Direct Cash Assistance (BLT) in October but the subsidy cutting did a lot of damage to Yudhoyono's popularity when the decision was made.
Alleged Rivalry with Kalla
Although he had overwhelmingly won the Presidency, Yudhoyono was still weak in the People's Representative Council (DPR). PD combined with all of its coalition partners were still too weak to contend with the Legislative muscles of Golkar and PDI-P who now intended to play the role of opposition.
With a National Congress to be held in December 2004, Yudhoyono and Kalla had originally backed Head of DPR Agung Laksono to become Golkar Chairman. When Agung was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono and Kalla threw their weight behind Surya Paloh. Finally, when Paloh was perceived to be to weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono gave the green light for Kalla to run for the Golkar Chairmanship [22]. On 19th December 2004, Kalla was elected as the new Chairman of Golkar.
Kalla's victory posed a dilemma for Yudhoyono. Although it now enabled Yudhoyono to pass legislation, Kalla's new position meant that in one sense, he was now more powerful than Yudhoyono.
The first sign that points to the existence of a rivalry was during the Indian Ocean Tsunami when Kalla, apparently on his own initiative assembled the Ministers and signed a Vice Presidential decree ordering work to begin on rehabilitating Aceh. The legality of his Vice Presidential decree was questioned [23] although Yudhoyono maintained that it was he who gave the orders for Kalla to proceed.
The second sign was in September 2005 when Yudhoyono went to New York to attend the annual United Nations Summit. Although Yudhoyono had left Kalla to take charge of proceedings at Jakarta, he seemed to be bent on maintaining a watch on matters at home. Yudhoyono would hold a video conference from New York to receive reports from Ministers. Critics suggest that this was an expression of distrust by Yudhoyono [24] The suggestion seemed to gain momentum when Kalla only showed up for one video conference and then spent the rest of the time taking acre of Golkar matters.
Although things calmed down, especially with Golkar gaining another Cabinet position in the reshuffle, the alleged rivalry resurfaced again in October 2006 when Yudhoyono established the Presidential Work Unit for the Organization of Reform Program (UKP3R). There was accusation that this was an attempt by Yudhoyono to exclude Kalla from Government. Yudhoyono was quick to clarify that in supervising UKP3R, he will be assisted by Kalla [25]
Dealings with Suharto
On 6th May 2005, Yudhoyono visited Suharto at hospital when the latter suffered from intestinal bleeding.
On 12th May 2006, Attorney General Abdurrahman Saleh issued a Decision to Terminate Prosecution Letter (SKPP) citing Suharto's health as grounds. This letter was overruled by the South Jakarta Regional Court on 12th June 2006.
Other
In February 2006, Yudhoyono appointed Air Marshal Djoko Suyanto as Commander of TNI [26]. Suyanto was the first TNI Commander to come from the Air Force.
In October 2006, Yudhoyono formed the UKP3R which functioned to implement, supervise, and accelerate the implementation of Government policy. In addition to that, Yudhoyono delegated the task of improving the conditions for business investment, executing Government diplomacy and administration, improving the performance of the State Owned Enterprises, expanding the role of Small and Middle Businesses, and improving law enforcement as a whole [27]. The UKP3R is headed by Marsillam Simanjuntak who served as Attorney General during the Wahid Presidency.
Family
Yudhoyono lives both in the Presidential Merdeka Palace in Jakarta and his family residence in Bogor with his wife, Ani Bambang Yudhoyono. Ani Bambang (pronounced ah-nee bumb-bung, maiden name: Kristiani Herawati) is a holder of political science degree from local Merdeka University, and was the first vice chairman of her husband's political vehicle Democratic Party. She is also a daughter of Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, one of Indonesia's high-profile generals.
The family's elder son, Agus Harimurti (born 1978), graduated from the reputable Taruna Nusantara High School in 1997 and Indonesian Military Academy in 2000 and is a holder of the Adhi Makayasa Medal like his father. He is an army first lieutenant, assigned to an infantry battalion in Bandung, West Java and is married to Annisa Larasati Pohan,[28] a model and also the daughter of an ex-Bank Indonesia vice-president, since July 8th, 2005. In July 2006, Agus was graduated from Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Singapore in master degree of Strategic Studies. He is currently posted in Lebanon, being a member of Indonesian contingent for United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon.[29]
The family's younger son, Edhie Baskoro (born 1980), received a degree with double major, Financial Commerce and eCommerce in 2005 from the Curtin University of Technology, in Perth, Western Australia and currently following his brother's footsteps in pursuing his Master Degree in the Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Singapore.
Academical Achievement
He received his PhD in agricultural economics from the Bogor Institute of Agriculture on 3 October 2004, two days before his presidential victory was announced. His dissertation is entitled "The Rural and Agricultural Development as an Effort to Alleviate Poverty and Unemployment: a political economic analysis of fiscal policy".
References
- ^ [1]
- ^ Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknapp Press of Harvard University Press. pp. p. 339. ISBN 0-674-01834-6.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help) - ^ Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknapp Press of Harvard University Press. pp. p. 339. ISBN 0-674-01834-6.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help) - ^ Wiranto (2003). Bersaksi Di Tengah Badai: Dari Catatan Wiranto, Jenderal Purnawirawan. Jakarta: Ide Indonesia. pp. pp. 229-232. ISBN 979-96845-1.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help) - ^ Barton, Greg (2002). Abdurrahman Wahid: Muslim Democrat, Indonesian President. Singapore: UNSW Press. pp. p.320. ISBN 0-86840-405-5.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help) - ^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/s/susilo-b-yudhoyono/biografi/jenderal.shtml
- ^ a b Rachel Harvey, "Profile: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono", BBC News, October 20, 2004.
- ^ Taiwan's Politics www.apdrc.org.tw/apdrc/web/country_study_indonesia_1_1.htm
- ^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/s/susilo-b-yudhoyono/biografi/jenderal.shtml
- ^ http://www.pikiran-rakyat.com/cetak/1103/04/0501.htm
- ^ http://www.kompas.com/kompas-cetak/0403/12/opini/908892.htm
- ^ http://www.suaramerdeka.com/harian/0403/12/nas1.htm
- ^ http://www.tempointeraktif.com/hg/nasional/2004/05/06/brk,20040506-32,id.html
- ^ http://www.tempointeraktif.com/hg/nasional/2004/09/29/brk,20040929-01,id.html
- ^ "Superstitions About Indonesia's Disasters May Affect Political Fortunes", VOA News, July 25, 2006.
- ^ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4301630.stm
- ^ http://www.gatra.com/2005-11-14/artikel.php?id=89776
- ^ http://www.mail-archive.com/ekonomi-nasional@yahoogroups.com/msg04978.html
- ^ http://seputarekonomi.blogspot.com/
- ^ http://www.antara.co.id/seenws/?id=25514
- ^ Redaksi Tempo (24th October-30th October 2005 Edition). SBY-JK Duet Atau Duel: Edisi Khusus Setahun Pemerintahan SBY-JK. Jakarta, Indonesia. pp. p. 90.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help); Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ http://www.suaramerdeka.com/harian/0412/20/nas02.htm
- ^ Redaksi Tempo (24th October-30th October 2005 Edition). SBY-JK Duet Atau Duel: Edisi Khusus Setahun Pemerintahan SBY-JK. Jakarta, Indonesia. pp. p. 41.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help); Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ Redaksi Tempo (24th October-30th October 2005 Edition). SBY-JK Duet Atau Duel: Edisi Khusus Setahun Pemerintahan SBY-JK. Jakarta, Indonesia. pp. p. 40.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help); Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/s/susilo-b-yudhoyono/berita/2006/ukp3r.shtml
- ^ http://www.gatra.com/2006-02-13/artikel.php?id=92223
- ^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/m/marsillam-simanjuntak/index.shtml
- ^ Tabloid Nova
- ^ "First Indonesian peacekeepers leave for Lebanon", Associated Press (International Herald Tribune), November 8, 2006.
