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Anti-Japanese sentiment

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Anti-Japanese sentiment involves xenophobia, particularly dislike, grievance, suspicion, antagonization, dehumanization, intimidation, fear, and/or hostility of the Japanese people, Japanese nation and/or Japanese culture. Sometimes the term Japanophobia is also used [1].

The anti-Japanese sentiment is strongly viewed by China and South Korea[2][3]. Anti-Japanese sentiments range from animosity towards the Japanese government's actions and disdain for Japanese culture to racism against the Japanese people. Sentiments dehumanizations have been fueled by anti-Japanese propaganda during World War II.

In the past, anti-Japanese sentiment contained innuendos with Westerners viewing Japanese people as barbaric, while at the same time Japanese people sometimes described westerners as "white barbarians" or "savages." Japan was intent on adopting Western ways in an attempt to join the West as an industrialized imperial power. Fukuzawa Yukichi's Leaving Asia was the 1885 article that provided the intellectual basis for Japan's modernization and Westernization. However, a lack of acceptance of the Japanese in the West made integration and assimilation difficult. One commonly held view was that the Japanese were sub-human or evolutionarily inferior. Japanese culture was viewed with suspicion and even disdain.

Today, anti-Japanese sentiment continues based on Japanese military aggression in the early 20th century, war atrocities committed by the Imperial Japanese Army and Imperial Japanese Navy before and during World War II, and Japanese governmental corruption and unfair trade practices sometimes encountered more recently. While passions have settled somewhat since Japan's defeat in World War II, tempers continue to flare on occasion over the perception among some that the Japanese government has made insufficient penance for the Pacific War, or has sought to whitewash the history of these events. Also, some anti-Japanese sentiment originates from business practices used by some Japanese companies, such as dumping.

Periodically, individuals within Japan spur external criticism. Former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi was heavily criticized for annually paying his respects to the war dead at the Yasukuni Shrine, which enshrines all those who fought and died for Japan during World War II, including 1,068 convicted war criminals. Right-wing nationalist groups have produced history textbooks that critics claim whitewash Japanese atrocities; the recurring controversies over these books occasionally attract hostile foreign attention. Others, particularly Japanese, believe that much regional anti-Japanese sentiment stems from ethnocentrism and government-run propaganda campaigns, particularly in the People's Republic of China.[5]

United States

Anti-Japanese sentiment in the U.S. peaked during World War II. The government subsidized the production of propaganda posters using exaggerated stereotypes.

Pre-Twentieth Century

In the United States, anti-Japanese sentiment had its beginnings well before the Second World War. As early as the late 1800s, Asian immigrants were subject to much racial prejudice in the United States. Laws were passed that openly discriminated against Japanese, as well as Chinese, Koreans, and Filipinos. Many of these laws stated that Asians could not become citizens of the United States and could not hold basic rights, such as owning land. These laws were greatly detrimental to the newly arrived immigrants, since many of them were farmers and had little choice but to become migrant workers. Some cite the formation of the Asiatic Exclusion League as the start of the anti-Japanese movement in California.

Early Twentieth Century

In the twentieth century many Americans regarded Japan as an enlightened country in the Far East that had success in emulating the West and exerting itself as a colonial power, much like many powerful European countries at the time. However, this perception began to change as more reports of Japanese brutalities in its conquered territories began to pour into the American press and helped change public opinion.

The Japanese invasion of China in 1931 and the annexation of Manchuria was widely criticized in the US. In addition, efforts by the China lobby for American intervention to push Japan out of China also played a role in shaping American foreign policy. As more and more unfavorable reports of Japan came to the attention of American government, embargoes on oil and other supplies were placed on Japan, partly out of genuine concern for the Chinese populace and partly out of concern for American interests in the Pacific. Furthermore, the European-American population became very pro-China and anti-Japan, an example being a grass-roots campaign for women to stop buying silk stockings, because the material was procured from Japan through its colonies.

When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, European-American public opinion was decidedly pro-China, with eyewitness reports by Western journalists on atrocities committed against Chinese civilians further strengthening anti-Japanese sentiments. African-American sentiments could be quite different than the mainstream, with organizations like the Pacific Movement of the Eastern World {PMEW} which promised equality and land distribution under Japanese rule. The PMEW had thousands of members hopefully preparing for liberation from white supremacy with the arrival of the Japanese Imperial Army. This included stockpiling arms.

During World War II

Poster depicting Prime Minister Hideki Tojo and Adolf Hitler of Nazi Germany during World War II

The most profound cause of anti-Japanese sentiment had its beginning in the Attack on Pearl Harbor, which propelled the United States into World War II against the Empire of Japan and its allies. Many Americans regarded the Sunday-morning surprise attack as an exhibition of cowardice and was taken by complete surprise. Japanese conduct during the war did little to quell anti-Japanese sentiment; fanning the flames of outrage were the treatment of American and other western POWs, the use of POWs as slave labor for Japanese industries and the Bataan Death March, the Kamikaze attacks on American ships, and atrocities committed on Wake Island and elsewhere.

An estimated 112,000 to 120,000 Japanese migrants and Japanese Americans from the West Coast were interned regardless of their attitude to the US or Japan. They were held for the duration of the war in the inner US. The large Japanese population of Hawaii was not massively relocated though in spite of their proximity to vital military areas.

In addition, the extreme Japanese reluctance to accept defeat and extensive propaganda dehumanized the Japanese in American eyes — this is illustrated by the American propaganda film My Japan. Interestingly, this film's portrayal of the Japanese is very similar to the way they are portrayed in the Japanese government's own propaganda films.

A detailed treatment of the mutual animosity between the U.S. and Japan during the war is John W. Dower's War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War. (ISBN 0-394-75172-8).

Since World War II

In the 1970s and 1980s, the waning fortunes of heavy industry in the United States prompted layoffs and hiring slowdowns just as counterpart businesses in Japan were making major inroads into U.S. markets. Nowhere was this more visible than in the automobile industry, where the lethargic Big Three automakers (General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler) could only watch in horror as their former customers turned out in droves for Japanese imports from Toyota and Nissan, a consequence of the 1973 oil crisis. The anti-Japanese sentiment manifested itself in occasional public destruction of Japanese cars and, most shockingly, in the 1982 murder of Vincent Chin, a Chinese American beaten to death when he was mistaken to be Japanese.

Other highly symbolic deals — for instance, the sale to Japanese firms of famous American commercial and cultural symbols such as Columbia Records, Columbia Pictures, and the Rockefeller Center building — further fanned anti-Japanese sentiment. The unease continued well into the early 1990s.

Popular culture of the period reflected American's growing distrust of Japan. The discomfort many Americans felt about Japan's domination of certain industries and their continuing acquisition of US businesses was clearly manifest, particularly in futuristic period pieces such as Back to the Future II and Robocop 3, where Americans are frequently shown as working precariously under Japanese superiors. Criticism was also lobbied in many novels of the day. Author Michael Crichton took a break from science fiction to write Rising Sun, a murder mystery (later made into a feature film) involving Japanese businessmen in the U.S. Likewise, In Tom Clancy's book, Debt of Honor, Clancy implies that Japan's prosperity is due primarily to unequal trading terms, and portrays Japan's business leaders acting in a power hungry cabal.

The animosity which peaked in the 1980s, when the term "Japan bashing" became popular, had largely faded by the late 1990s. Japan's waning fortunes, coupled with an upsurge in the U.S. economy as the Internet took off, largely crowded anti-Japanese sentiment out of the popular media, which has turned to other issues.

On 2 March 2007, "The comfort women" issue was raised again by Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, in which he denied that the military had forced women into sexual slavery during World War II in an orchestrated way. He stated, "The fact is, there is no evidence to prove there was coercion in narrow sense." Before he spoke, a group of Liberal Democratic Party lawmakers also sought to revise Yohei Kono's 1993 apology to former comfort women. [4] [5] The New York Times editorial quickly refuted Abe's statement: “These were not commercial brothels. Force, explicit and implicit, was used in recruiting these women. What went on in them was serial rape, not prostitution. The Japanese Army’s involvement is documented in the government’s own defense files.” [6]

China

There is anti-Japanese sentiment in China. Some will speak openly of Chinese 'national hatred' (民族仇恨).[citation needed] There may be some regional variation in the intensity of anti-Japanese sentiment, which is thought to be weaker in areas not subjected to Japanese military occupation and, ironically, in areas under long-term occupation by the Japanese. [citation needed]

The roots of this dislike lie in history. Japan started off like other Western powers by annexing land from China towards the end of the Qing Dynasty. Dissatisfaction with the settlement and the Twenty-One Demands by the Japanese government led to a severe boycott of Japanese products in China. (see: May Fourth Movement.)

Most anti-Japanese sentiment in China can be directly traced to the Second Sino-Japanese War, which was one theatre of World War II. As a direct consequence of the war, China suffered over 20 million civilian deaths and 3 million military casualties[7], as well as another 23 million ethnic Chinese civilian deaths in Southeast Asia[8]. In addition, the war caused an estimated $383.3 billion USD in damage and created 95 million refugees. Manchuria came under Japanese control in 1931 as a puppet state named Manchukuo. Many major cities thereafter, including Nanjing, Shanghai, and Beijing were occupied in 1937 by the Japanese. Notable atrocities committed by the invading Japanese forces included the Rape of Nanking. In Manchuria, Unit 731, a medical unit of the Japanese army, researched biological warfare using Chinese civilians as test subjects. Women from many Asian countries, including China, were forced to serve as sex slaves in military brothels under Japanese occupation.

This was compounded by the arrogance and contempt, fed by the ideology of pre-war Japanese nationalism, with which many Japanese in this period regarded China, and the brutality of discipline within the Imperial Japanese Army.

There is a widespread perception in China that Japan has not shown true repentance for its actions during World War II. The Chinese believe that Japan has gotten off lightly for the damage and suffering it caused. There is also mistrust of Japan's sincerity for its wartime behavior as being slow in coming, vaguely worded and insincere. This impression is backed up by the careless words and deeds of some Japanese politicians and the assertion by some nationalist elements in Japan that wartime atrocities never took place.

There is also deep resentment at the veneration of Japanese war veterans in Yasukuni Shrine, where a number of war criminals are enshrined, and treated as kami or gods, and which openly states that the purpose of Japanese military involvement in Asia was done to bring prosperity and liberation for Asians. This is further exacerbated by attempts to whitewash Japan's role in the war in certain school history textbooks, such as by softening some statements and removing others. That some popular media such as comics [6], books, movies, or documentaries depicting Japanese wartime involvement in atrocities are withdrawn due to nationalist or popular sentiment further contributes to this image. Books such as Iris Chang's The Rape of Nanking generated enough controversy to be withdrawn from planned publication, while scenes of the Nanking Massacre were censored from the Japanese theatrical release of The Last Emperor.[7]

Although Japan never paid formal war reparations to China, it did give ODA (official development assistance), amounting to 3 trillion yen (30 billion USD) in grants and loans. In Japan, this was perceived as a way of making amends to China for past military aggression. Japan is, in fact, China's largest financial donor, giving more than all other governments combined. According to some estimates, Japan accounts for more than 60 percent of China's ODA received. About 25 percent of the funding for all of China's infrastructure projects between 1994 and 1998 — including roads, railways, telecom systems and harbours — came from Japan.[8] This was rarely formally publicized to the Chinese people by the Chinese government, until Japan announced that aid was to be phased out.

There is a perception among some Chinese that the United States, Japan, and Taiwan are attempting to contain China. Japan's more recent debate to revise Article 9, the "No War" clause, is viewed with suspicion of possible re-militarization. Anti-Japanese sentiment in China is also highlighted by the branding of several prominent Taiwanese politicians (especially those who advocate Taiwan independence) as "Japanese running dogs" by the state-run media. However, some critics of China, in the U.S. and elsewhere, have accused the People's Republic of China of exploiting anti-Japanese sentiment in order to redirect criticism of the Communist Party of China, transforming it into criticism of Japan, and building nationalism out of it.[citation needed]

File:Poster Japan flag stabbed.jpg
A Chinese anti-Japanese poster.

Recent developments

During the Asian Cup 2004, a soccer championship held in China, Chinese fans booed the Japanese team during the playing of the Japanese national anthem at Japanese matches with several countries, including China. Except for the match against Bahrain, Japanese supporters were instructed by the local police not to use "banners, flags, musical instruments, or wear team uniforms" and were asked to refrain from cheering. The flight to Beijing, the venue of the final match against China, was delayed for two hours due to Chinese protesters at Beijing International Airport. After defending champion Japan defeated China in the final by 3-1, in which the second Japanese goal appeared to be a handball, a Chinese protest broke out, and the Japanese ambassador's car was severely damaged.

Continued visits by Japanese politicians to the Yasukuni Shrine, and the recent approval of a textbook that downplays the Rape of Nanking and the role of sex slaves in the Imperial Japanese Army have further aroused Chinese sentiment. Japan's campaign to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council has met with stiff opposition among Chinese people, and the Diaoyu Islands / Senkaku Islands, currently controlled and claimed by Japan, but claimed also by both PRC and ROC, continue to be a sticking point and a symbolic focus of anti-Japanese sentiment in China.

The buildup of anti-Japanese sentiment, aided by websites, had already been noted by Western media in early 2005. In spring 2005, anti-Japanese demonstrations were organized by anti-Japanese elements in several cities across China. The Internet, including instant messaging services, was used in organizing groups of demonstrators to take part in protests. Many were calling for a boycott of Japanese products. Outside China, these demonstrations were viewed with cynicism, partly since the Government of China does not usually permit demonstrations without government approval. The result was another apology by the Japanese PM, which was somewhat spoiled by visits to Yasukuni Shrine by Japanese lawmakers on the same day.

Concern at anti-Japanese sentiment is believed to be behind the decision of Chinese censors to ban the film Memoirs of a Geisha on February 1, 2006. The fact that Chinese actresses played Japanese geisha, often wrongly perceived as prostitutes in China, had caused considerable controversy among some elements of the Chinese population.

The Sinocentrism Factor

Other explanations have been offered for the extraordinary persistence of virulent anti-Japanese sentiment in China. One theory is that China's perceptions of Japan is influenced by the historical concept, Sinocentrism, as well as the nature of the historical relationship between the two countries, of which many Westerners are only dimly aware.

China had been a regional superpower for thousands of years before the emergence of Japan in the late 19th and early 20th century, and many now-independent countries were tributary states to China, including Japan. Chinese philosophy and Confucianism figured prominently in the development of East Asia. As such, China saw itself as the center of civilization, perhaps giving rise to the Chinese people's name for their country, the "Middle Kingdom" (中國). During the Tang Dynasty, Japan sent emissaries to China (see Imperial embassies to China) and Korea to learn Chinese, technology, and theology. Much of Japanese culture and society subsequently was heavily influenced by Imperial Chinese models.

The alleged Sinocentrism of China has as an element the characterization of non-Chinese groups as uncultivated people. [citation needed] All foreign groups, from other Asians like Koreans and Japanese, to Europeans and people from other parts of the world, were referred to and thought of as barbarians bereft of proper Confucian morality and hence, civilization. [citation needed]

Modern Chinese nationalism is to a considerable extent a reaction against the violent intrusion of the West into this picture in the 19th century, as typified by the Opium Wars, which shattered China's self-perception and forced her to accept an economically and developmentally inferior position in a Western-dominated multipolar world. However, the greatest anger is reserved for Japan's aggressive conduct in the 19th and 20th centuries, which many Chinese regard as an arrogant attempt to usurp China's dominant role in East Asia and a betrayal of Chinese tutelage. Some Japanese now view anti-Japanese sentiment in China as a continuation of a kind of ancient Chinese cultural "chauvinism," even though the existence of such chauvinism lacks historical justification [citation needed]. The propagation of Sinocentrism as an explanation then becomes a matter of historical revisionism, a subject that has also played a role in stirring anti-Japanese sentiment.

Politics and Anti-Japanese Sentiment

Some take the view that anti-Japanese sentiment is a result of political manipulation by the Communist party and the Chinese Government.

According to this view, Mao Zedong and the Communist party claimed the victory against the Japanese invaders as part of their legacy. Initially, there was no need to resort to anti-Japanese sentiment because the principal enemies of the new country were the United States and later the Soviet Union.

After the failure of the Great Leap Forward and the disruption of the Cultural Revolution, Deng Xiaoping and other leaders decided to take the country on a path of economic development based on the market economy, without relinquishing the party's grip on political power. According to this view, the government resorted to nationalism, including an appeal to the CCP's anti-Japanese credentials, in order to reassert its legitimacy to lead the country and defuse the inevitable tensions that would accompany rapid economic growth. This tendency was intensified by Jiang Zemin, under whose leadership, many foreign scholars and Japanese believe, Chinese schools began instilling anti-Japanese rhetoric into students.

Some argue that this viewpoint is overly simplistic, however. Anti-Japanese sentiment is found not only in China itself but also amongst Chinese overseas, as it is closely associated with Chinese nationalism, particularly among youth. Government handling of anti-Japanese sentiment needs to be considered in concert with many factors, including the interests and strategies of different power groups within the ruling party, the need to be seen as patriotic and strong in dealing with foreign countries, and fear of the potentially destructive effects of nationalism if it gets out of hand.

Although the Chinese government succeeded in dampening the anti-Japanese demonstrations of 2005, attempts by elements within the government to defuse anti-Japanese sentiment have not met with general success. In 2003, the concept of China's peaceful rise was floated in an attempt to contain aggressive nationalist energies but failed to make headway and largely faded away during 2004.

Korea

Korea has the strongest anti-Japanese sentiment. According to the investigation of the Yomiuri Shimbun and Hankook Ilbo in 2004, 90 percent of the South Korean has not trusted Japan. South Korean Children are educated based on Anti-Japanese sentiment.[9] Moreover, pro-Japanese Korean people is called Chinilpa. Chinilpa is often persecuted in Korea. The law that seized the property of Chinilpa in South Korea was approved on December 8, 2005.

Anti-Japanese attitudes in the Korean Peninsula are often traced to Japanese occupation of Korea from 19101945 (or even as far back as the Japanese pirates raids and the Japanese invasion of 1592).

Korean claimed that "All Korean-Japanese disputes has been generated by Japan.[9] Anti-Japanese sentiments in Korea is also due to the Japanese government's textbook revisionism. Even Japanese comic books like Manga Kenkanryu are guilty of historical revisionism. It is a comic book that twists Japanese wrongs in history and downplays everything in Korean history. Also, there are scenes in the comic that never really happened but is called "fact"."

Many Koreans contrast Japan's treatment of its imperial past with Germany's policy of complete acknowledgment of its atrocities. Koreans, like the Chinese, often feel betrayed by the Japanese when apologies are followed by contradictory actions (see Dokdo, Yasukuni Shrine, and Japanese history textbook controversies).

King of Japan

Generally, the citizens of South Korea use the title of the "King of Japan" (日王;일왕) for the Emperor of Japan. The Imperial Household is the Royal family, and the Imperial Palace is the Royal residence.[10]

In 1998, the government of South Korea decided to use the title of Emperor, and demanded to cooperate to the mass media. However, some mass media has persisted to use the title of "King of Japan". "Is Emperor of Japan the Emperor? He is only the king of Japan, so we must use title of the 'King of Japan'", "The 'Emperor' is a title of Emperor of China", the famous newspaper of South Korea has reported an emotional opinion in an editorial.[11]


Korea under Japanese rule

Just prior to the annexation of Korea, Japanese agents also killed the Queen of Korea, Queen Min. Resident Minister Extraordinary Miura Goro[12] plotted the assassination of Queen Min by mobilizing bandits, who killed Queen Min, violated her dead body, and burned the corpse. The bandits were given a safe passage to Japan under the protection of the Japanese government. [13][14] In the late Joseon dynasty, during the reign of king Gojong, Japan also took away several rights of the Korean government by force, such as diplomacy rights, through the Eulsa Treaty.

After the annexation of Korea, Japan enforced a cultural assimilation policy. Koreans were forced[15] to adopt the Japanese family name system, change the official religion to Shinto, and they were forbidden to write or speak the Korean language in schools, businesses, or public places.[16] In addition the Japanese altered or destroyed various Korean monuments such as Gyeongbokgung palace and documents which portrayed the Japanese in a negative light were revised, this methodical alteration process was called the Joseonsa Pyeonsuhoe.

On March 1, 1919, anti-Japanese rallies protested and demanded independence all throughout the nation, estimating about 2 million active Korean participants (the March 1st Movement). Protesters were brutally repressed, resulting in the killing of thousands, the maiming and imprisoning of tens of thousands, and destroying of hundreds of churches, temples, schools, and private homes. According to Korean records, 49,948 were arrested, 7,509 killed and 15,961 wounded; according to Japanese figures, 8,437 were arrested, 553 killed, and 1409 wounded. Encyclopedia Britannica states that about 7,000 people were killed by the Japanese police and soldiers during the 12 months of demonstrations. [17]

During the 1940's, the Japanese extracted things made out of metal, including spoons, bowls, and chopsticks, because they needed it to make weapons. They also conscripted young men from Korea for labor and military service. Approximately 200,000 girls and women [18], mostly from Korea and China, were recruited as sex slaves, euphemistically called "comfort women".[19]

Other nations

After Germany's defeat in the World War I, the Japanese were a target of discrimination along with Jews, as many Germans resented the Japan's seizure of its colonies in the Pacific. In Mein Kampf, Japanese are described as an inferior people.

Many people in countries which were Allies during World War II continue to campaign for compensation for being subject to forced labour, malnutrition, preventable illness and other hardships, as POWs of Japan during World War II. For example, some elderly people in the Netherlands express anti-Japanese sentiment, insisting there was unjust and abusive treatment by the Japanese in concentration camps during the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies during 1942-1945. Together with people from the former KNIL, they have protested repeatedly against the visit of the emperor of Japan to the Netherlands.

In Australia, the White Australia Policy was partly inspired by fears in the late 19th century that if large numbers of Asian immigrants were allowed, they would have a severe and adverse effect on wages, the earnings of small business people and other elements of the standard of living. Nevertheless, a significant numbers of Japanese immigrants did arrive in Australia prior to 1900 (perhaps most significantly in the town of Broome). By the late 1930s, Australians feared that Japanese military strength might lead to expansion in South East Asia and the Pacific, perhaps even an invasion of Australia itself. This resulted in a ban on iron ore exports to Japan, from 1938. During World War II atrocities were frequently committed to Australians who surrendered, or attempted to surrender to Japanese soldiers. An example of this was the Tol Plantation massacre, where about 150 Australian troops were bayoneted to death by Japanese soldiers, which occurred during the Battle of Rabaul (1942)

In Russia, Stalin ordered the enslavement of over 600,000 Japanese male POWs and massacred thousands of Japanese in Manchuria near the end of World War II.

Yasukuni Shrine

The Yasukuni Shrine is a Shinto shrine in Tokyo, Japan. It is the resting place of thousands of not only Japanese soldiers, but also Korean soldiers killed in various wars, but mostly in World War II. The shrine includes 13 Class A criminals such as Hideki Tojo and Hirota Koki, who were convicted and executed for their roles in the Japanese invasions of the China, Korea, and other parts of East Asia after the remission to them under Treaty of San Francisco, A total of 1,068 convicted war criminals are enshrined at the Yasukuni Shrine.

In recent years, the Yasukuni Shrine has become a sticking point in the relations of Japan and her neighbours. The enshrinement of war criminals, honoring them for having fought and died for their country (even though the Japanese constitution implies the separation of church and state) has greatly angered the people of various countries invaded by those same men. In addition, the shrine published a pamphlet stating that "[war] was necessary in order for us to protect the independence of Japan and to prosper together with our Asian neighbors" and that the war criminals were "cruelly and unjustly tried as war criminals by a sham-like tribunal of the Allied forces". In fact the fairness of these trials is a controversial subject among jurists and historians in the West as well as in Japan. The former prime minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi, has visited the shrine 5 times; every visit caused immense uproar in China and Korea. His successor, Shinzo Abe, is a usual visitor of Yasukuni too.

Japanese politicians have responded by saying that the shrine, as well as visits to it, is protected by the constitutional right of freedom of religion. Even if that temple is known as "Shrine of Shame" (SoS).

Derogatory terms

There are a variety of derogatory terms referring to Japan. Many of these terms are viewed as racist. However, these terms do not necessarily refer to the Japanese race as a whole; they can also refer to specific policies, or specific time periods in history.

In English

Especially prevalent during World War II, the word "Jap" (or "Nip", short for Nippon) has been used in the United States as a derogatory word for Japanese.

In Chinese

  • 小日本 (xiǎo Rìběn) — Literally "Little Japan"(ese). This term is so common that it has very little impact left. The term can be used to refer to either Japan or individual Japanese. "小", or the word "little", is usually construed as "puny" or "lowly", not "spunky".
  • 日本鬼子 (Rìběn guǐzi) — Literally "Japanese devils". This is used mostly in the context of the Second Sino-Japanese War, when Japan invaded and occupied large areas of China.
  • 倭 (Wō) — This was an ancient Chinese name for Japan, but was also adopted by the Japanese. Today, its usage in Chinese is usually intended to give a negative connotation (see Wōkòu below). The character is said to also mean "dwarf", although that meaning was not apparent when the name was first used. See Wa (Japan).
  • 倭寇 (Wōkòu) — Originally referred to Japanese pirates and armed sea merchants who raided the Chinese coastline during the Ming Dynasty (see Wokou). The term was adopted during the Second Sino-Japanese War to refer to invading Japanese forces, (similarly to Germans being called Huns). The word is today sometimes used to refer to all Japanese people in extremely negative contexts.

In Korean

  • 왜놈(倭奴, Waenom) — Means "short bastard" or "shortie". This term refers to the ancient name of Japan given by China, Waeguk (倭國) (see above). Koreans also use this term to make fun of the common stereotype there of Japanese people being short.
  • 쪽바리 (Jjokbari/Tchokpari) — Literally meaning "pig's feet", this term refers to the thonged sandals that traditional Japanese people wore in a negative context.
  • Japanophile (Chinilpa) — Japanophile (친일파, 親日派) is also used as an extremely negative term in Korea as in China.

References

  1. ^ Bill Emmott, Japanophobia: The Myth of the Invincible Japanese (1993)
  2. ^ World Public Opinion in 2006 [[1]]
  3. ^ BBC Global Poll in 2007[2]
  4. ^ Daily Yomiuri, March 7,2007 http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20070307TDY04005.htm
  5. ^ New York Times, "Japan's Abe Denies Proof of World War II Sex Slaves". Associated Press. March 1, 2007. http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/world/AP-Japan-Sex-Slaves.html?ref=world, accessed March 1, 2007
  6. ^ New York Times, " No comfort” Published: March 6, 2007. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/06/opinion/06tues3.html, accessed March 8, 2007
  7. ^ The real 'China threat' . Chalmers Johnson.
  8. ^ The Looting of Asia. Chalmers Johnson.
  9. ^ Template:Ko icon"1953년 이승만 대통령 비공식 방일", Dong-a Ilbo, January 5th, 2007.
  10. ^ Michael YOO, "天皇と日王、そして、訪韓", The Asahi Shimbun, June 12th, 2003. Template:En icon[3], Template:Ja icon[4]
  11. ^ Template:Ko icon"天皇과 日王 사이", Kukminilbo, January 10th, 2005.
  12. ^ http://www.ndl.go.jp/portrait/e/datas/196.html
  13. ^ http://times.hankooki.com/lpage/opinion/200211/kt2002112117172711350.htm
  14. ^ http://www.gkn-la.net/history_resources/queen_min.htm
  15. ^ http://www.kstudy.com/japan/html/hwangkook_3.htm
  16. ^ http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+kp0022) http://www.bartleby.com/67/2493.html http://daga.dhs.org/daga/press/urm/fingerprinting/chap03.htm http://www.usjp.org/livingtogether_en/ltKoreans_en.html http://www.han.org/a/fukuoka96a.html
  17. ^ http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9050797?query=March%20First%20Movement&ct=
  18. ^ Yoshimi Yoshiaki, 従軍慰安婦 (Comfort Women). Translated by Suzanne O'Brien. Columbia University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-231-12032-X, originally published by 岩波書店, 1995. ASIN: 4004303842 - 陸軍は上から兵100人に1人の「慰安婦」といった。ならば海外の兵員は最大350万人だから、300万として3万人、交代数を入れて6万人、その間で4万5000人となる。ただしこれは上からあてがった数字で、現地の軍が独自に集めた数があるともっと増える。大体8万から20万人とされるが、そんなに不当な数ではない。
  19. ^ Comfort-Women.org

See also