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Naroda Patiya massacre

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23°05′N 72°40′E / 23.083°N 72.667°E / 23.083; 72.667

Naroda Patiya massacre
Part of 2002 Gujarat riots
The skyline of Ahmedabad filled with smoke as buildings and shops are set on fire by rioting mobs.[a]
Date28 February 2002 (2002-02-28)
Location
Naroda, India

23°05′N 72°40′E / 23.083°N 72.667°E / 23.083; 72.667
MethodsKilling, hacking, looting, stabbing, sexual assault, gang-rape and burning people
Number
Mob of 5000+ people
Resident 2000+
Casualties and losses
Deaths
97, including:
36 women
35 children
26 men
Injuries: 30+
Initially accused (by Gujarat police): 46
Final accused (by Special Investigation Team): 70
Accused died before trials: 6
Accused died during the trials: 3
Accused presented in court: 61
Accused freed on benefit of doubt: 29
Convicted:32

The Naroda Patiya massacre[b] took place on 28 February 2002 at Naroda,[c] Ahmedabad during the 2002 Gujarat riots which resulted in 97 Muslims being killed by a mob of approximately 5,000 people, allegedly initiated by the Bhartiya Janata Party and the Bajrang Dal. The massacre at Naroda occurred during the bandh called by Vishwa Hindu Parishad; a day after the Godhra train burning. The post-Godhra rioting,[d] which lasted over 10 hours had seen the mob looting, stabbing, sexually assaulting, gang-raping and burning people individually and in groups. After the conflict, a curfew was imposed in the state and army troops were called in to contain further violence.

The communal violence at Naroda was termed "the largest single case of mass murders" during the 2002 Gujarat riots as it accounted for the largest number of deaths during a single event. Survivors faced socio-economic issues as many were left homeless, orphaned, injured, and physically abused, and in addition a number of shrines were destroyed and studies were also affected because various educational institutions cancelled exams or closed. The surviving victims were immediately given shelter in relief camps provided by the state and central government, and efforts to restore the destroyed properties and shrines were initiated. The state also government formed a "Gujarat state commission of inquiry" for suggesting recommendations and reforms. However, the handling of the riots by the Gujarat government was reported critically by the media citing flaws, as well as it was also remarked that a few reports were "exaggerated" and "inflammatory headlines, stories and pictures" were published, resulting in anti-Muslim prejudice among the Hindu readership.

There have been allegations against the state government and the chief minister Narendra Modi stating that government authorities were involved and also that various police personnel played a role in the massacre: a number of eyewitnesses reported police officers favouring the mob and allegedly injuring or killing Muslims, and damaging public and private property. However, none of the allegations were proved and the government and police were cleared of wrongdoing by the Special Investigation Team. Initial report in the case was filled by the Gujarat Police accusing 46 people which was termed "unreliable" by the Special court. Thus in 2008 the Supreme Court of India formed the Special Investigation Team to probe the case. The team submitted its report in 2009, accusing 70 people of wrongdoing, while case was filled against 61.[e] On 29 August 2012, the Special Court convicted 32 people while acquitting 29 of the accused due to insufficient evidence. Among those convicted were Maya Kodnani, former Minister for Women and Child Development of Gujarat and the sitting Bhartiya Janata Party MLA from Naroda, and Bajrang Dal's Babu Bajrangi, who received terms of 28 years imprisonment and life imprisonment respectively.

Background

A day before the Naroda massacre, the Godhra train burning incident initiated what would be a series of riots in Gujarat. Hindu pilgrims returning from Ayodhya on the Sabarmati Express train were attacked and the train set on fire by a Muslim mob when it stopped at Godhra station. The incident resulted in the death of 58 Hindus, including 25 women and 15 children, activists of Vishva Hindu Parishad and Kar Sevaks.[2][3][4] Following the attack, false rumours were spread by a senior Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader that Muslims had kidnapped three Hindu girls during the Godhra train incident.[5] Eventually, incidents of retaliatory attacks on Muslims began by the evening of the same day. A number of incidents in which Muslims were attacked and killed were reported in various cities in Gujarat before the Naroda incident.[6][7] The first instances of attacks on the Muslim community started at Ahmedabad, where Hindu mobs began throwing stones and later burned a Muslim housing complex known as Gulbarg Society.[5] The initial violence was believed to be instigated by the unsubstantiated rumours about Muslims kidnapping three Hindu girls.[5] Violence spread largely to the rural districts such as Panchmahal, Mehsana, Kheda, Junagadh, Banaskantha, Patan, Anand and Narmada the next day.[8]

The massacre

At the time of the riots Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon,[f] located in Gujarat's largest city, Ahmedabad,[9][10][11] had around 2,000 daily wage-earning Muslim inhabitants, and many immigrants from Karnataka and Maharashtra.[12][13][1] On the eve of 27 February 2002, Vishwa Hindu Parishad had declared a state-wide strike as a response to the Godhra train burning incident, starting from 28 February.[14] On the first day of the strike, a mob of approximately 5,000 people, allegedly led by the Bhartiya Janata Party and the Bajrang Dal, attacked and attempted to burn the entire Muslim community of Naroda Patiya.[14]

The rioting in the locality began at 9 am when the Noorani Mosque was destroyed by exploding Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) cylinders.[7][15] Cases of hacking, looting, stabbing and sexual assaults, including public gang-rapes in which the victims were eventually burnt, were also reported.[16][7] During the attack, many people were burnt alive, individually or in groups by "chasing them into huge pits" and setting fire to them using LPG cylinders,[15] while other burnt bodies were thrown in a dry well.[7][16][14] Women and girls were sexually assaulted, raped and killed either by burning or by stabbing.[14] Kodnani, Bajrangi and a few others supplied weapons to the crowd, while Suresh Chara and a few others raped some women and eventually killed them.[17][18] LPG cylinders were used to set fires and destroy a number of buildings in the residential and working areas.[15] The massacre lasted for over 10 hours and finally a curfew was imposed in 27 towns and cities of Gujarat.[19]

In Naroda where the massacre took place, most of the homes of Muslims were burnt while Hindu homes had remained undamaged.[7] As the riots ended, it was estimated that around 125 people had been killed in the violence.[20][21] After the rioting, 94 bodies were recovered; three more people were reported missing and were later declared dead.[14] In addition to the figure of 97, more than 30 people were found injured.[7][13][14] The dead were all Muslims,[22] including 36 women, 35 children and 26 men.[23] The incident is considered to be the "most gruesome of all post-Godhra violent incidents" and "the largest single case of mass murders", as it claimed the highest number of lives of all the events during the Gujarat riots.[14][24][25]

Aftermath

By the evening of 28 February, a curfew was imposed in 27 towns and cities of the state in an attempt to curb the violence.[19] Over the next two days, Bharuch and Rajkot and later Surat were hit.[8] Approximately 151 towns and 993 villages in fifteen to sixteen of the state's 25 districts were affected by the post-Godhra violence, which was particularly severe in about five or six districts.[26] The violence raged heavily between 28 February and 3 March 2002, slowed briefly, then restarted on 15 March and continued until mid-June.[27] Northern and central Gujarat, as well as the north-eastern tribal belt, which are closer to Godhra City, were the worst affected while Saurashtra and Kutch remained relatively peaceful.[26] 1,000 army troops were flown in by the evening of 1 March to restore order. Intelligence officials alleged that the deployment was deliberately delayed by the state government.[28] On 3 May, former Punjab police chief Kanwar Pal Singh Gill was appointed as security adviser to Modi.[28] The Gujarat government transferred several senior police officers who had taken steps to contain and investigate violent attacks to administrative positions.[29][30][31]

According to an official estimate, overall 1,044 people were killed during the entire 2002 Gujarat riots – 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus. Another 223 people were reported missing and 2,548 were left injured as well as 919 women were widowed and 606 children were orphaned during 2002.[32][33][34] When people who went missing after the Gujarat riots were declared dead after seven years, total deaths went up from 1,044 to 1,267[35][36] Unofficial estimates put the death toll in the Gujarat riots during 2002, closer to 5,000, with Muslims forming the majority of fatalities.[37][38] Police records also list 298 dargahs, 205 mosques, 17 temples and three churches as damaged during the 2002 riots.[39]

Opposition parties as well as three coalition partners of the Bhartiya Janata Party-led central government demanded the dismissal of Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi for failing to contain the violence, with some calling for the removal of Union Home Minister L. K. Advani as well.[40] On 18 July 2002, Modi asked the governor of Gujarat, Sunder Singh Bhandari, to dissolve the state assembly and call fresh elections.[41] The Indian Election Commission ruled out early elections, citing the prevailing law and order situation, a decision the union government unsuccessfully appealed against in the Supreme Court.[42][43] Elections were held in December and Modi returned to power in an easy victory as Bhartiya Janata Party received a clear majority.[44]

Rehabilitation of victims

Residents who survived the massacre were given shelter in relief camps constructed by the state government as during the massacre various houses were burnt, leaving a large number of people homeless.[7] On 16 March 2002, the state government formed an all-party committee consisting of 13 member and chaired by Bhandari. The aim of the committee was to provide "relief and rehabilitation" to the victims of the riots.[7][45] A camp was set up by the state, providing shelter to the victims. Modi had initially proposed to close the camps by the end of March but later decided not to close them.[7][46] Under pressure from the opposition party, the Indian National Congress, the all-party committee reached a consensus to implement rehabilitation measures suggested by various non-governmental organisations which were to aid people in building houses.[7][47]

Effects on children and education

A number of children were killed or left injured from stabbing and burns, while some were also orphaned.[7][48][49] The massacre had resulted in the deaths of 35 children and many injuries to the survivors.[23] Organisations such as Citizens' Initiative also reported that the violence resulted in their studies being disturbed and that there was a lack of counselling for the children.[48] Students at Gujarat University were unable to take many examinations due to the chances of disruption, which required them to be cancelled. While various other schools in the state had to either postpone or cancel exams, it was also reported that some schools held examinations under police protection.[50] It was also reported that many students were forced to leave their studies due to lack of funds or in order to earn a livelihood as they had lost income-producing members of their families.[49]

Restoration of shrines

A number of darghas, including a 500-year-old heritage masjid in Isanpur, and many mosques in Naroda were set on fire and were destroyed.[51].[7] In 2003, a petition was filed in Gujarat High court by advocate Yusuf Muchhala on behalf of the trust Islamic Relief Committee, asking the court to direct the state to restore the religious shrines destroyed during the violence.[52] In response to the petition, the Gujarat government stated that, "as a secular state, they cannot aid any community to re-build shrines".[7][53] On 8 February 2012, the High court directed the state government to re-build those shrines and described it as the state's "constitutional responsibility to restore the shrines".[54] The matter went to the Supreme Court, which refused to stay the order.[55]

Response by the government of Gujarat

The state government, justifying their role, had stated that the massacre was "a spontaneous reaction to the Godhra train carnage and the state government and ruling party had nothing to do with it".[56] On 1 March 2002, Modi, talking about the violence, said that he tried everything to control the "riots resulting from the natural and justified anger of people".[7][57] He further quoted that, "Every action has equal and opposite reaction".[7][58] Referring to the massacre, Modi stated, "The five crore (50 million) people of Gujarat have shown remarkable restraint under grave provocation".[7]

The government had also appointed a "Gujarat state commission of inquiry" to probe into the case and give recommendations. The committee was chaired by retired Gujarat High Court judge K.G. Shah. The formation of such a committee raised concerns about delays in implementing recommendations because two similar reports regarding reforms, by the Reddy and Dave commissions, had been pending implementation since 1969 and 1985 respectively.[59] After the massacre and the end of the 2002 Gujarat Riots, the government of Gujarat presented its report to National Human Rights Commission of India, justifying their role and stating the findings by the government in the massacre.[7][60] However, the report submitted by the government did not mention involvement of Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal activists, despite mentions by numerous eyewitnesses. The report also included, according to Human Rights Watch, a "grossly under-counted" total of the shrines destroyed in the violence.[7][54]

Role played by media

Covering the first major communal riots following the advent of satellite television to India, television news channels set a precedent by identifying the community of those involved in the violence, breaking a long-standing practice.[61] Critical reporting on the Gujarat government's handling of the situation helped bring about the Indian government's intervention in controlling the violence.[61] The Gujarat government banned television news channels critical of the government's response. STAR News, Zee News, Aaj Tak, CNN and local stations were blocked.[61] The Editorial Guild of India rejected the charge that graphic news coverage aggravated the situation, saying that the coverage exposed the "horrors" of the riots as well as the "supine if not complicit" attitude of the state, helping propel remedial action. The team also faulted Gujarati language papers Gujarat Samachar and the pro-Hindutva Sandesh for distorted and provocative reporting.[61] Rather than Naroda Patiya, The Godhra fire received extensive news coverage until it was overtaken by the subsequent violence and the presentation of the Union budget.[61] Television and newspaper reports, particularly local Gujarati-language media, carried graphic and at times sensationalised images and accounts of the Godhra train fire and Naroda Patiya massacre.[62]

Modi had remarked that the media "exaggerated" while covering the extent of violence. He further criticised the media for "provoking the violence by naming the religion of victims".[7][63] Newspapers, and specially Sandesh, were reported by various organisations to have published "inflammatory headlines, stories and pictures".[7][64] A headline in Sandesh on the day the massacre occurred read, "Avenge Blood With Blood".[65] After the massacre, when Muslims had returned from Huj, Sandesh had published the headline, "Hindus Beware: Huj pilgrims return with deadly conspiracy", which caused terror among the Muslim community who had returned from Huj, and they were escorted by Army officials to their home and were given protection to avoid attacks.[7][64][66] A report by the People's Union for Civil Liberties stated that: "Major effect of media under long period has been to feed on the prevalent anti-Muslim prejudices of its Hindu readership and provoke it further by sensationalizing, twisting, mangling and distorting news or what passes for it."[7][64]

In a 2007 expose, the political weekly Tehelka released hidden camera footage of several members of the Bhartiya Janata Party, Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal admitting their role in the riots.[67][68] While the report was criticised by some as being politically motivated,[69][70][71] some newspapers said the revelations simply reinforced what was common knowledge.[68][72][73] However, there were several inaccuracies in the statements that cast doubt on the sting operation. Bajrangi and Suresh Richard in the statements said that Modi visited Naroda Patiya one day after the massacre to thank them. However, the official record shows that Naredra Modi did not visit Naroda Patiya. The Gujarat government blocked telecasts of cable news channels broadcasting the expose, which was criticised by the Editors Guild of India.[74]

Allegations of attacks against women

Various reports presented by Citizen's initiative and Human Rights Watch stated that out of the 36 women killed, most suffered sexual assault before their death; other women who survived also reported assault.[7][48] Generally the rapes of women and girls took place in public, and they were then killed and burnt.[7][48][75] Among the women surviving in relief camp, are many who have suffered the most bestial forms of sexual violence – including rape, gang rape, mass rape, stripping, insertion of objects into their body, molestation. Citizens' initiative's report stated that "A majority of rape victims have been burnt alive. There is evidence of State and Police complicity in perpetuating crimes against women. No effort was made to protect women. No Mahila women police was deployed. State and Police complicity is continuing as, women survivors continue to be denied the right to file FIRs. There is no existing institutional mechanism in Gujarat through which women can seek justice".[48]

According to Human Rights Watch, in three cases the abdomens of pregnant women had been cut open and the fetus removed and thrown into a fire.[7][76] One such incident came to light five years after the event: in 2007 Suresh Dedawala (Richard) alias Langado was caught on camera in a Tehelka sting operation, talking to Bajarangi about slitting the belly of a pregnant Muslim woman, Kauser Banu, extricating her fetus, and then killing it with a sword.[18][16] However, in their report the Special Investigation Team did not find evidence to support this claim, and medical reports did not confirm it as the doctors who conducted the postmortem on Banu's body had found the fetus inside her womb.[18][77]

Alleged involvement of police and SRP in the massacre

It is alleged that the police intentionally helped the mob against the Muslim community on the day of massacre. Evidence includes complaints filed by victims' family members which state that police officials fired bullets and helped the mob, resulting in the death of their relatives and other people.[78] Allegations have also been made that when people tried to hide, police would guide the mob of rioters to their hiding places.[7][78] According to Human Rights Watch, the police allegedly did nothing as various houses and people were burnt and, on the day of the violence, did not respond to phone calls until the massacre ended.[7] Numerous eyewitnesses also saw police aiming tear gas shells at and firing on Muslim youths who tried to defend themselves or others.[76][48] There also have been allegations by eyewitnesses that police themselves burnt houses and looted.[7][76][48] In the violence, "extensive" use of Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) was reported, which was cited as evidence that there was involvement of officials because of easy access to it.[7][15][79]

A report submitted by the Citizens' Initiative to the National Human Rights Commission of India based on statements by eyewitnesses states that the State Reserve Police (SRP), a force of specially trained emergency police, were also seen chasing the victims and helping the rioters rather than calming the situation.[80] According to Human Rights Watch, a few victims also stated that they were able to handle the crowd but when police and SRP joined in, it became tough as the police sided with the rioters and fired on the Muslim population.[7][15] The government has denied these allegations; Modi, defending the police, stated that police fired to "contain outbreaks of violence" and added that they had "mowed down people to quell the violence".[7][81] The Special Investigation Team had also defended the role played by the officials and had stated that everything was done to stop the violence.[82][83]

Allegations against the state government and Narendra Modi

Human Rights Watch and other Indian human rights groups have alleged that the Gujarat government authorities and police helped the mob on the day of violence in Naroda.[7][84][85][86][87] Despite the large number of people in the mobs, Human Rights Watch found evidence that there was aid by the government in the attacks as steps taken by police and other officials were delayed and "less effective".[7][88] A Bhartiya Janata Party insider had alleged to Human Rights Watch that Narendra Modi and state government were involved in the riots, stating; "Insiders in the Bhartiya Janta Party admit that the police were under instructions of Narendra Modi administration not to act firmly".[7] Celia Dugger of the New York Times reported that witnesses were "dismayed by the lack of intervention from local police", who often "watched the events taking place and took no action against the attacks on Muslims and their property".[89]

However, Modi and the state government denied any involvement in the riots.[90] On 10 April 2012, the Special Investigation Team cleared Modi and the government in the riot cases, stating that, "Law and order review meetings were held by Modi and all the things was done to control the situation... the Army was called on time to contain the communal violence. Modi was busy with steps to control the situation, establishment of relief camps for riot victims and also with efforts to restore peace and normalcy."[83][82]

An affidavit was filled in the Supreme Court on the basis of a report on testimony of suspended IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt that Modi had ordered top police officers not to take active actions in the riots.[83] Bhatt stated that on the night of 27 February 2002, a day before the Naroda Patiya massacre, Modi allegedly said that "Hindus must be allowed to carry out retaliatory violence against Muslims." The report filled by Raju Ramchandran, a Supreme Court lawyer and an amicus curiae, alleged that Modi "gave instructions to top police officers to go slow on rioters". On 7 May 2012, Ramachandran observed that Modi can be prosecuted under sections 153 A (1) (a) & (b), 153 B (1), 166 and 505 (2) of the Indian Penal Code for promoting enmity among different groups during the 2002 Gujarat riots, including the Naroda incident.[91] However the amicus report was criticised by the Special Investigation Team for relying heavily on the testimony of Bhatt, who according to the Special Investigation Team was an "unreliable witness" as he remained silent for nine years. Eventually it was rejected by the team and it was reported that: "No case can be made out against Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi in connection with the 2002 communal riots under any of the Sections of the Indian Penal Code mentioned by him [Ramachandran]".[92]

Investigations

Initial investigation

As the investigations began, various victims reported that the police "didn't cooperate well" and declined to lodge a FIR against some people.[7] Later the police filed all complaints and presented their first report.[93] The report was alleged to contain "loop holes",[94] which were later pointed out by media and by Govind Parmar, a human rights activist.[54] In the end, the police accused and arrested 46 persons in the case;[95] however, the investigation was criticised by the special court and was considered "unreliable as the investigator’s propriety in recording the statements had itself been rebutted."[96]

Special Investigation Team report

In 2008, the Supreme Court of India directed the case be transferred from police investigation to a committee appointed by the court, the Special Investigation Team, as it had become one of the riot cases. The team was led by ex-Central Bureau of Investigation director R.K. Raghavan, and the case was the sixth case of Gujarat riots that was assigned to them for investigation.[95] Taking into account the findings about phone records of various activists, the names of Kodnani and other major leaders were included in the report for the first time.[54] In addition to the 46 persons arrested by the police, the Special Investigation Team's findings added 24 more names, raising the total to 70. Before trial began, 6 died, leaving 64 people.[95] Eventually the trial started in 2009 after the team filed its chargesheet against 64 people. Three of the accused died during the trials; thus the final report covered 61.[95]

The court examined 327 witnesses, who included eyewitnesses, victims, doctors, police personnel, government officials, and forensic experts.[95] The special public case was prosecuted by Akhil Desai and Gaurang Vyas.[95] The report also stated that Kodnani, Bajrangi and other leaders had led violence as well as "instigating the mob".[97] Kodnani's phone records revealed that she had made various calls to the Chief Minister's Office (CMO) on the day of the massacre and her phone was located at places where the violence sprang up. She had also contacted numerous police officials, especially K.K. Mysorewala, the police inspector in charge of Naroda at the time of the massacre. Her logs also revealed that she received phone calls from the CMO and other police officers. However, the reasons for the phone calls are unknown.[98]

The judgement

The first verdict in the case was handed down on 29 August 2012 by Judge Jyotsna Yagnik. The special trial court convicted Maya Kodnani, the sitting Bhartiya Janata Party MLA from Naroda and former Minister for Women and Child Development of Gujarat,[97] and Bajrang Dal politician Babu Bajrangi under Indian Penal Code Section 120 B (criminal conspiracy) and 302 (murder) and also found 30 other people guilty of murder, criminal conspiracy and other criminal charges. Meanwhile the court acquitted 29 accused people, giving them the benefit of the doubt as there was lack of evidence against them.[99][25] Kodnai became the first woman, MLA and minister to be convicted in the Gujarat riot case.[100] Prominent amongst the accused, Suresh Dedawala (Richard) alias Langado was convicted of rape and murder along with accomplices.[18][16]

Sentencing in the case took place two days later on 31 August: Kodani was given a 28-year prison term, while Bajrangi received life imprisonment. Kodani received two sentences, the first for 10 years under Indian Penal Code Section 326 (voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons or means) and the second for 18 years under Section 302 (murder) and others; however, her sentences are set to run consecutively, making a total of 28 years. Of the rest of the 30 convicted, 22 were sentenced to a minimum of 14 years and 7 to a minimum of 21 years in prison; they included Naresh Chara, Morli Sindhi, Haresh Rathod, Suresh Langado, Premchand Tiwari, Manojbhai Sindhi Kukrani and Bipin Panchal. One of the convicted, Suresh alias Shahjad Nekalkar, is absconding, and his sentencing is to take place later.[14][101][102]

Comments about Kodnani and the initial investigation

Kodnani stated that she had never been to Naroda and had become a "victim of politics".[103] Judge Yagnik described her as "kingpin of the violence",[103][104][105] and as the 37 months of trials ended, the court observed in a statement that Kodnani had received help from the state government and efforts had been made to avoid her name appearing on the list of accused:[103][104][105] "Kodnani was tremendously favoured by the then investigating agencies (before the Supreme Court-appointed Special Investigation Team took over). All care, at the cost of the duty of the investigating officer and even the interest of the victims, was taken to see to it that Kodnani's involvement does not come on the books. This, in fact, comes in the way to believe that Kodnani was ever a victim of any politics."[103][104][105]

In the verdict, the special court criticised the initial investigation in the case as well as the police for "not doing any policing during the 2002 riots and then deliberately conducting poor investigations".[94] The verdict stated that statements of witnesses recorded by the Gujarat police were "unreliable as the investigator's propriety in recording the statements had itself been rebutted".[94][96] The special court judge also criticised Mysorewala's actions in investigation, stating that "Mysorewala and his force were totally inactive on all fronts and in every aspect."[94] The court further added that: "No doubt, it was an elephantine task to investigate the kind of crimes, but then it cannot be believed that the senior Investigating Officers, having experience, do not know what should be the priorities in such kind of investigation. But, it seems that they must have been over-shadowed by some element"[94]

Response

Citizens in the city including the victims appreciated the judgement and celebrated.[106][107] Digvijay Singh of the Indian National Indian National Congress also welcomed the verdict and statement of the role of Modi in the riots, saying, "Now it is proved that ministers and officials of BJP were involved in Gujarat riots and all this happened under the guidance of Modi...can any minister (take part in riots) do this without the support of the Chief Minister?".[108] The president of the Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee, Arjun Modhwadia, said on Twitter: "Naroda Patiya: justice delayed not denied. thousands behind the bars, more awaiting. but will the law be able to touch the 'beneficiary'?"[109] Modi, in response to sentencing of Kodnani, who had served as a minister in his cabinet, refused to apologise, saying his government played no role.[90] He further added that, "If Modi has sinned, then Modi should be hanged. But even after trying sincerely to save many lives, some people want to bad-mouth me due to political reasons, then I can’t answer them".[110] Jaynarayan Vyas, spokesman for the cabinet of the Gujarat government, stated that the state government was not involved or responsible for the actions of Kodnani: "Ms. Kodnani, a practising gynaecologist, was not a Minister at the time of the massacre and was only an MLA, and her individual action could not be construed as a 'cumulative responsibility of the Cabinet'".[14]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ The image is not of Naroda Patiya, however, it kept for illustrative purpose since similar incidents were reported in the massacre.
  2. ^ Since most of the killings were done in Naroda Patiya, the incident was termed Naroda Patiya massacre instead of Naroda massacre.[1]
  3. ^ The town Naroda consists of Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon, both located at 1 km away from eachother.
  4. ^ Godhra train burning incident was considered one of the root causes for the riots that began from 28 February. Thus the following incidents were collectively termed to be a part of "post-Godhra riots"
  5. ^ Six of the accused died before the trials and three others died during trials.
  6. ^ Naroda Gaon is a suburb, situated 1 km away from Naroda Patiya and both of them constitue a single municipality of the city; Naroda.[1]

Citation

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  5. ^ a b c New York Times & 2002 a.
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  18. ^ a b c d The Times of India & 2012 a.
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  50. ^ The Times of India & 2002 c.
  51. ^ Surat Mirror 2012, pp. 4–5.
  52. ^ Mumbai Mirror 2012, pp. 4–5.
  53. ^ Pune Mirror 2012, pp. 4–5. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFPune_Mirror2012 (help)
  54. ^ a b c d Ahmedabad Mirror 2012, pp. 4–5.
  55. ^ The Times of India & 2012 f.
  56. ^ Hindustan Times & 2012 b.
  57. ^ The Asian Age & 2002 b.
  58. ^ Baldauf, Scott & Christian Science Monitor 2002.
  59. ^ The Times of India & 2002 d.
  60. ^ The Hindu.
  61. ^ a b c d e Sonwalkar, Prasun 2006.
  62. ^ The Hindu & 2002 c.
  63. ^ Associated Press & 2002 b.
  64. ^ a b c People's Union Civil Liberties 2002.
  65. ^ Sandesh & 2002 a.
  66. ^ Sandesh & 2002 b.
  67. ^ Tehelka & 2007 b.
  68. ^ a b The Indian Express & 2007 a.
  69. ^ The Hindu 2009.
  70. ^ Outlook India 2007.
  71. ^ Asian Tribune 2007.
  72. ^ Times of India 2007.
  73. ^ The Indian Express & 2007 b.
  74. ^ The Hindu 2007.
  75. ^ Peoples' Union Civil Liberties 2002.
  76. ^ a b c Human Rights Watch & Interview 2012.
  77. ^ The Times of India & 2012 b.
  78. ^ a b The Week.
  79. ^ SAHMAT 2012.
  80. ^ Citizens' Initiative & 2002 b.
  81. ^ Press Trust of India & 2002 b.
  82. ^ a b The Times of India & 2012 c.
  83. ^ a b c The Economic Times 2012.
  84. ^ University of Michigan 2007, pp. 24–33.
  85. ^ Ramesh N. Rao & Koenraad Elst 2003, p. 189.
  86. ^ Steven Wilkinson 2005, p. 119.
  87. ^ Harsh Dobhal, p. 36.
  88. ^ Human Rights Watch & 2002 c.
  89. ^ New York Times & 2002 d.
  90. ^ a b The Washington Post 2012.
  91. ^ The Hindu & 2012 c.
  92. ^ The Hindu & 2012 d.
  93. ^ NDTV 2012.
  94. ^ a b c d e The Times of India & 2012 d.
  95. ^ a b c d e f DNA India & 2012 b.
  96. ^ a b DNA India & 2012 c.
  97. ^ a b Economic times of India 2009.
  98. ^ The Hindustan Times & 2012 c.
  99. ^ The Hindustan Times & 2012 r.
  100. ^ Zee news & 2012 a.
  101. ^ CNN-IBN & 2012 b.
  102. ^ The Times of India & 2012 e.
  103. ^ a b c d The Times of India & 2012 g.
  104. ^ a b c Rediff news 2012.
  105. ^ a b c The Indian Express 2012.
  106. ^ Pune Mirror 2012. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFPune_Mirror2012 (help)
  107. ^ Hindustan Times & 2012 d.
  108. ^ Zee news & 2012 b.
  109. ^ Twitter 2012.
  110. ^ Blog post & The Washington Post 2012.

References

Further reading

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