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Southern Democrats are members of the U.S. Democratic Party who reside in the South.

In the 19th century, Southern Democrats consisting of whites in the South who believed in Jeffersonian democracy. In the 1850s they defended slavery in the United States, and promoted its expansion into the West against northern Free Soil opposition. The United States presidential election of 1860 formalized the split, and brought war. After Reconstruction ended in the late 1870s they controlled all the Southern states and disenfranchised blacks (who were Republicans). The "Solid South" gave nearly all its electoral votes to Democrats in presidential elections. Republicans seldom were elected to office outside some Appalachian mountain districts and a few heavily German-American counties of Texas.[a]

The monopoly that the Democratic Party held over most of the South first showed major signs of breaking apart in 1948, when many Southern Democrats, dissatisfied with the policies of desegregation enacted during the administration of Democratic President Harry Truman, created the States Rights Democratic Party, which nominated South Carolina Governor Strom Thurmond for president and Mississippi Governor Fielding L. Wright for vice president. The "Dixiecrats" managed to win many Southern states, but collapsed as a party soon after the election, with effectively all members returning to the Democratic Party. The Civil Rights Act of 1964, signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson, a Democrat from the Southern state of Texas, led many Southern Democrats to vote for Barry Goldwater at the national level. In the ensuing years, the increasing conservatism of the Republican Party compared to the liberalism of the Democratic Party (especially on social and cultural issues) led many more conservative white Democrats in the South to vote Republican. However, many continued to vote for Democrats at the state and local levels, especially before 1994. After 2010, Republicans had gained a solid advantage over Democrats at all levels of politics in most Southern states.

Antebellum

Main article: History of the United States Democratic Party

The title of "Democrat" has its beginnings in the South, going back to the founding of the Democratic-Republican Party in 1793 by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. It held to small government principles and distrusted the national government. Foreign policy was a major issue. After being the dominant party in U.S. politics from 1800 to 1829, the Democratic-Republicans split into two factions by 1828: the federalist National Republicans, and the Democrats. The Democrats and Whigs were evenly balanced in the 1830s and 1840s. However, by the 1850s, the Whigs disintegrated. Other opposition parties emerged but the Democrats were dominant. Northern Democrats were in serious opposition to Southern Democrats on the issue of slavery; Northern Democrats, led by Stephen Douglas, believed in Popular Sovereignty—letting the people of the territories vote on slavery. The Southern Democrats (known as "Conservative Democrats), reflecting the views of the late John C. Calhoun, insisted slavery was national.

The Democrats controlled the national government from 1852 until 1860, and Presidents Pierce and Buchanan were friendly to Southern interests. In the North, the newly formed anti-slavery Republican Party came to power, and dominated the electoral college. In the 1860 presidential election, the Republicans nominated Abraham Lincoln, but the divide among Democrats led to the nomination of two candidates: John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky represented Southern Democrats, and Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois represented Northern Democrats. Nevertheless, the Republicans had a majority of the electoral vote regardless of how the opposition split or joined together and Abraham Lincoln was elected.

American Civil War and post-Reconstruction

After the election of Abraham Lincoln, Southern Democrats led the charge to secede from the Union and form the Confederate States of America. The Union Congress was dominated by Republicans, save for Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, the only senator from a state in rebellion to reject secession. The Border States of Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri were torn by political turmoil. Kentucky and Missouri were both governed by pro-secessionist Southern Democratic Governors who vehemently rejected Lincoln's call for 75,000 troops. Kentucky and Missouri both held secession conventions, but neither officially declared secession. Southern Democrats in Maryland faced a Unionist Governor Thomas Holliday Hicks and the Union Army. Armed with the suspension of habeas corpus and Union troops, Governor Hicks was able to stop Maryland's secession movement. Maryland was the only state south of the Mason–Dixon line whose governor affirmed Lincoln's call for 75,000 troops.

After secession, the Democratic vote in the North split between the War Democrats and the Peace Democrats or "Copperheads". The War Democrats voted for Lincoln in the 1864 election, and he had one—Andrew Johnson—on his ticket. In the South during Reconstruction the white Republican element, called "Scalawags" became smaller and smaller as more and more joined the Democrats. In the North most War Democrats returned to the Democracy, and when the "Panic of 1873" hit, the GOP was blamed and the Democrats gained control of the House of Representatives in 1874. The Democrats emphasized that since Jefferson and Jackson they had been the party of states rights, which added to their appeal in the white South.

At the beginning of the 20th century the Democrats, led by the dominant Southern wing, had a strong representation in Congress. They won both houses in 1912 and elected Woodrow Wilson, a New Jersey academic with deep Southern roots and a strong base among the Southern middle class. The GOP regained Congress in 1918.

From 1921 until 1930, the Democrats, despite universal dominance in most of the South, were relegated to second place status in national politics, controlling no branch of the federal government. In 1928 several Southern states dallied with voting Republican in supporting Herbert Hoover over Al Smith, but the behavior was short lived as the Stock Market Crash of 1929 returned Republicans to disfavor throughout the South. Nationally, Republicans lost Congress in 1930 and the White House in 1932 by huge margins. By this time, too, the Democratic Party leadership began to change its tone somewhat on racial politics. With the Great Depression gripping the nation, and with the lives of most Americans disrupted, the assisting of African-Americans in American society was seen as necessary by the new government.

New Deal and after

During the 1930s, as the New Deal began to move Democrats as a whole to the left in economic policy, Southern Democrats were mostly supportive, although by the late 1930s there was a growing conservative faction. Both factions supported Roosevelt's foreign policies. By 1948 the protection of segregation led Democrats in the Deep South to reject Truman and run a third party ticket of Dixiecrats in the 1948 election. After 1964, Southern Democrats lost major battles during the Civil Rights Movement. Federal laws ended segregation and restrictions on black voters.

After World War II, during the Civil Rights Movement, Democrats in the South initially still voted loyally with their party. After the signing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the old argument that all whites had to stick together to prevent civil rights legislation lost its force because the legislation had now been passed. More and more whites began to vote Republican, especially in the suburbs and growing cities. Newcomers from the North were mostly Republican; they were now joined by conservatives and wealthy Southern whites, while liberal whites and poor whites, especially in rural areas, remained with the Democratic Party.[1]

The New Deal program of Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR) generally united the party factions for over three decades, since Southerners, like Northern urban populations, were hit particularly hard and generally benefited from the massive governmental relief program. FDR was adept at holding white Southerners in the coalition[2] while simultaneously beginning the erosion of Black voters away from their then-characteristic Republican preferences. The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s catalyzed the end of this Democratic Party coalition of interests by magnetizing Black voters to the Democratic label and simultaneously ending White control of the Democratic Party apparatus.[3] A series of court decisions, rendering primary elections as public instead of private events administered by the parties, essentially freed the Southern region to change more toward the two-party behavior of most of the rest of the nation.

In the presidential elections of 1952 and 1956 Republican nominee Dwight David Eisenhower, a popular World War II general, won several Southern states, thus breaking some white Southerners away from their Democratic Party pattern. The passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a significant event in converting the Deep South to the Republican Party; in that year most Senatorial Republicans supported the Act (most of the opposition came from Southern Democrats), but the Republican Party nominated for the Presidency Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, who had opposed it. From the end of the Civil War to 1960 Democrats had solid control over the southern states in presidential elections, hence the term "Solid South" to describe the states' Democratic preference. After the passage of this Act, however, their willingness to support Republicans on a presidential level increased demonstrably. Goldwater won many of the "Solid South" states over Democratic candidate Lyndon Johnson, himself a Texan, and with many this Republican support continued and seeped down the ballot to congressional, state, and ultimately local levels. A further significant item of legislation was the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which targeted for preclearance by the U.S. Department of Justice any election-law change in areas where African-American voting participation was lower than the norm (most but not all of these areas were in the South); the effect of the Voting Rights Act on southern elections was profound, including the by-product that some White Southerners perceived it as meddling while Black voters universally appreciated it. The trend toward acceptance of Republican identification among Southern White voters was bolstered in the next two elections by Richard Nixon.

Denouncing the forced busing policy that was used to enforce school desegregation,[4] Richard Nixon courted populist conservative Southern whites with what is called the Southern Strategy, though his speechwriter Jeffrey Hart claimed that his campaign rhetoric was actually a "Border State Strategy" and accused the press of being "very lazy" when they called it a "Southern Strategy".[5] In the 1971 Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education ruling, the power of the federal government to enforce forced busing was strengthened when the Supreme Court ruled that the federal courts had the discretion to include busing as a desegregation tool to achieve racial balance. Some southern Democrats became Republicans at the national level, while remaining with their old party in state and local politics throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Of the known Dixiecrats, only three switched parties becoming Republicans: Strom Thurmond, Jesse Helms and Mills E. Godwin, Jr. In the 1974 Milliken v. Bradley decision, however, the ability to use forced busing as a political tactic was greatly diminished when the U.S. Supreme Court placed an important limitation on Swann and ruled that students could only be bused across district lines if evidence of de jure segregation across multiple school districts existed.

In 1976, former Georgia governor Jimmy Carter won every Southern state except Oklahoma and Virginia in his successful campaign to win the Presidency as a Democrat, but his support among White voters in the South evaporated amid their disappointment that he was not the yearned-for reincarnation of Democratic conservatism besides ongoing economic problems. In 1980 Republican presidential nominee Ronald Reagan won overwhelmingly in most of the South.[b]

After 1980

In 1980, the Southern Strategy would see fruition when Ronald Reagan announced that he supported states rights and that welfare abuse justified the need for it.[6] Lee Atwater, who served Reagan's chief strategist in the Southern states, claimed that by 1968, a vast majority of southern whites had learned to accept that racial slurs like "nigger" were offensive and that mentioning "states rights" and reasons for its justification had now become the best way to appeal to southern white voters.[7]

Along with race, economic and cultural conservatism (especially regarding abortion) became more important in the South, with its large religious right element, such as Southern Baptists.[8] The South became fertile ground for the Republican Party, which was becoming more conservative as it shed its liberal "Rockefeller Republican" faction. The large black vote in the South dramatically shifted towards the Democratic Party. Well-established Democratic incumbents, however, still held sway over voters in many states, especially in Deep South. Although Republicans won most presidential elections in Southern states starting in 1964, Democrats controlled nearly every Southern state legislature until the mid-1990s and had continued to hold power over Southern politics until 2010. It wasn't until the 1990s that Democratic control began to implode, starting with the elections of 1994, in which Republicans gained control of both houses of Congress, through the rest of the decade. By the mid-1990s, however, the political value of the race card was evaporating and many Republicans began to court African Americans by playing on their vast dedication to Christian conservatism.[9]

Republicans first dominated presidential elections in the South, then controlled Southern gubernatorial and U.S. Congress elections, then took control of elections to several state legislatures and came to be competitive in or even to control local offices in the South. Southern Democrats of today who vote for the Democratic ticket are mostly urban liberals. Rural residents tend to vote for the Republican ticket, although there are sizable numbers of Conservative Democrats who cross party lines and vote Republican in national elections.[10]

Dr. Ralph Northam, a Democrat and the 2017 Democratic nominee for Governor of Virginia has admitted that he voted for George W. Bush in the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections.[11] Despite this admission, Northam, a former state Senator who has served as Lieutenant Governor of Virginia since 2014 easily defeated the more progressive candidate, former Congressman Tom Perriello, by 55.9 percent to 44.1 percent to win the Democratic nomination.[12]

A huge portion of Representatives, Senators, and voters who were referred to as Reagan Democrats in the 1980s were conservative Southern Democrats. An Interesting exception has been Arkansas, whose state legislature has continued to be majority Democrat (having, however, given its electoral votes to the Republicans in the past three Presidential elections, except in 1992 and 1996 when "favorite son" Bill Clinton was the candidate and won each time) until 2012, when Arkansas voters selected a 21–14 Republican majority in the Arkansas Senate.

Another exception is North Carolina. Despite the fact that the state has voted for Republicans in every presidential election from 1980 until 2008 the governorship (until 2012), legislature (until 2010), as well as most statewide offices, it remains in Democratic control. The North Carolina congressional delegation was heavily Democratic until 2012 when the Republicans had occasion, after the 2010 United States census, to adopt a redistricting plan of their choosing. The incumbent Governor is Roy Cooper, a Democrat.

In 1992, Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton was elected President. Unlike Carter, however, Clinton was only able to win the southern states of Arkansas, Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee and Georgia. While running for President, Clinton promised to "end welfare as we have come to know it" while in office.[13] In 1996, Clinton would fulfill his campaign promise and the longtime Republican goal of major welfare reform came into fruition. After two welfare reform bills sponsored by the Republican-controlled Congress were successfully vetoed by the President,[14] a compromise was eventually reached and the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act was signed into law on August 22, 1996.[13]

During the Clinton presidency, the southern strategy shifted towards the so-called cultural war, which saw major political battles between the Religious Right and the secular Left. Southern Democrats still did and do see much support on the local level, however, and many of them are not nearly so liberal as the Democratic party as a whole. Southern general elections in which the Democrat is to the right of the Republican are still not entirely unheard of.[15]

Chapman notes a split vote among many conservative Southern Democrats in the 1970s and 1980s who supported local and statewide conservative Democrats while simultaneously voting for Republican presidential candidates.[16] This tendency of many Southern whites to vote for the Republican presidential candidate but Democrats from other offices lasted until the 2010 midterm elections. In the November 2008 elections, Democrats won 3/4 the U.S. House delegation from Mississippi, 3/4th of the U.S. House delegation from Arkansas, 5/9th of the U.S. House delegation from Tennessee, and achieved near parity in the U.S. House Delegation from Georgia and Alabama. Nearly all white Democrats in the South lost reelection in 2010, however. In the November 2010 elections, Democrats won only one U.S House seat in Alabama, Mississippi and Arkansas and two out of nine House seats in Tennessee. The Democrats later lost its one Arkansas seat in 2012. Following the November 2010 elections, there was only one white Democratic representative in the Deep South (John Barrow of Georgia), and he lost reelection in 2014. Democrats lost control of the North Carolina and Alabama legislatures in 2010, the Louisiana and Mississippi legislatures in 2011 and the Arkansas legislature in 2012.

In 2014, the last damage occurred when Democrats lost four U.S. Senate seats in the South (in West Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Louisiana) that they had previously held. In 2015, Democrat John Bel Edwards, was elected governor of Louisiana as a conservative Democrat. In 2017, moderate Democrat Doug Jones was elected Senator from Alabama, breaking the Democratic losing streak in Alabama.

Notable Southern Democrats

Southern Democratic presidential tickets

At various times, registered Democrats from the South broke with the national party to nominate their own presidential and vice presidential candidates, generally in opposition to civil rights measures supported by the national nominees. There was at least one Southern Democratic effort in every presidential election from 1944 until 1968, besides 1952. On some occasions, such as in 1948 with Strom Thurmond, these candidates have been listed on the ballot in some states as the nominee of the Democratic Party.

Year Presidential nominee Home state Previous positions Vice presidential nominee Home state Previous positions Votes Notes
1860
John C. Breckinridge 		 Kentucky Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Kentucky's 8th congressional district
(1851–1855)
Vice President of the United States
(1857–1861)
Joseph Lane 		 Oregon Governor of Oregon
(1849–1850; 1853)
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Oregon Territory's at-large congressional district
(1851–1859)
United States Senator from Oregon
(1859–1861) 		848,019 (18.1%)
72 EV 		[116]
1944 Unpledged electors 143,238 (0.3%)
0 EV 		[117]
1948
Strom Thurmond 		 South Carolina Member of the South Carolina Senate
(1933–1938)
Governor of South Carolina
(1947–1951)
Fielding L. Wright 		 Mississippi Lieutenant Governor of Mississippi
(1944–1946)
Governor of Mississippi
(1946–1952) 		1,175,930 (2.4%)
39 EV 		[118]
1956 Unpledged electors 196,145 (0.3%)
0 EV 		[119]
T. Coleman Andrews  Virginia Commissioner of Internal Revenue
(1953–1955)
Thomas H. Werdel 		 California Member of the California State Assembly from the 39th district
(1943–1947)
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from California's 10th congressional district
(1949–1953) 		107,929 (0.2%)
39 EV 		[120]
Walter Burgwyn Jones  Alabama Judge
Member of the Alabama House of Representatives
(1919–1921)
Herman Talmadge 		 Georgia Governor of Georgia
(1947; 1948–1955) 		0 (0.0%)
1 EV 		[121]
1960 Unpledged electors 610,409 (0.4%)
15 EV 		[122]

Orval Faubus 		 Arkansas Governor of Arkansas
(1955–1967)
John G. Crommelin 		 Alabama United States Navy Rear Admiral
Candidate for United States Senator from Alabama
(1950, 1954, 1956) 		44,984 (0.1%)
0 EV 		[123]
1964 Unpledged electors 210,732 (0.3%)
0 EV 		[124]

See also


Notes

a This historically Republican part of Texas comprised chiefly Gillespie and Kendall Counties.
b South of the Mason–Dixon line Carter won just 34 votes – his own Georgia, plus Delaware, Maryland, and District of Columbia.

References

  1. ^ Byron E. Shafer and Richard Johnston, The End of Southern Exceptionalism: Class, Race, and Partisan Change in the Postwar South (2009) pp. 173–74
  2. ^ As in declining to invite African-American Jesse Owens, hero of the 1936 Olympics, to the White House.
  3. ^ Until the 1960s the Democratic Party primaries were tantamount to election in most of the South and, being restricted largely to caucasians, were openly called White primaries.
  4. ^ Lawrence J McAndrews (Summer 1998). "The Politics of Principle: Richard Nixon". The Journal of Negro History. 83 (3): 187. doi:10.2307/2649015. Retrieved November 27, 2013.
  5. ^ Hart, Jeffrey (2006-02-09). The Making of the American Conservative Mind (television). Hanover, New Hampshire: C-SPAN.
  6. ^ Greenberg, David (November 20, 2007). "Dog-Whistling Dixie: When Reagan said "states' rights," he was talking about race". Slate. Archived from the original on November 27, 2013. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  7. ^ Branch, Taylor (1999). Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years 1963–65. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 242. ISBN 0-684-80819-6. OCLC 37909869.
  8. ^ Nicole Mellow (2008). The State of Disunion: Regional Sources of Modern American Partisanship. Johns Hopkins UP. p. 110.
  9. ^ African-American voting trends Facts on File.com
  10. ^ http://www.nationalreview.com/article/442347/donald-trumps-election-win-white-democratic-voters-went-republican
  11. ^ http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/democratic-candidate-for-virginia-governor-says-he-voted-for-george-w-bush-twice_us_58b48eb9e4b0780bac2c68d5
  12. ^ http://www.richmond.com/news/virginia/government-politics/northam-defeats-perriello-for-democratic-nomination-for-governor-gillespie-edges/article_9bde85a8-a5eb-5e7b-8e99-44540b1f985b.html
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  14. ^ Why blacks love Bill Clinton – interview with DeWayne Wickham, Salon.com, Suzy Hansen, published February 22, 2002, accessed October 21, 2013.
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  93. ^ "Arkansas Governor Mike Beebe". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  94. ^ "Alabama Governor George Corley Wallace". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  95. ^ "Georgia Governor Lester Garfield Maddox". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  96. ^ "West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin III". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  97. ^ "MANCHIN, Joe, III, (1947 - )". bioguide.congress.gov. U.S. Congress. 9 October 2011.
  98. ^ "Roster of Past Chairmen". southerngovernors.org. Southern Governors' Association. 9 October 2011.
  99. ^ "Kentucky Governor Wendell Hampton Ford". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  100. ^ "FORD, Wendell Hampton, (1924 - )". bioguide.congress.gov. U.S. Congress. 9 October 2011.
  101. ^ "MD-Martin O'Malley". Southern Governors Association.
  102. ^ "Kentucky Governor Albert Benjamin Chandler". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  103. ^ "CHANDLER, Albert Benjamin (Happy), (1898 - 1991)". bioguide.congress.gov. U.S. Congress. 9 October 2011.
  104. ^ "Kentucky Governor Steven L. Beshear". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  105. ^ Simkins, Francis (1944). Pitchfork Ben Tillman, South Carolinian. Louisiana State University Press.
  106. ^ "Kentucky Governor Martha Layne Collins". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  107. ^ "CHANDLER, A. B. (Ben), (1959 - )". bioguide.congress.gov. U.S. Congress. 9 October 2011.
  108. ^ "McDONALD, Lawrence Patton, (1935 - 1983)". bioguide.congress.gov. U.S. Congress. 9 October 2011.
  109. ^ "Debbie Wasserman Schultz Elected DNC Chair". Huffington Post. 4 May 2011. Retrieved 7 October 2011.
  110. ^ "Virginia Governor Tim Kaine". nga.org. National Governors Association. 9 October 2011.
  111. ^ Errin Haines (6 December 2012). "Va. Sen.-elect Tim Kaine reaches out, across aisle to fellow freshman Ted Cruz of Texas". washingtonpost.com. Retrieved 29 December 2012.
  112. ^ "Louisiana Governor John Bel Edwards". nga.org. National Governors Association. 10 September 2016.
  113. ^ "North Carolina Governor Results: Roy Cooper Wins".
  114. ^ "Sources: Ed Gillespie Has Called Ralph Northam to Concede". NBC News. Retrieved 2017-12-14.
  115. ^ "Who is Alabama Senate victor Doug Jones?". BBC News. 2017-12-13. Retrieved 2017-12-14.
  116. ^ The ticket won 11 states; its best result was in Texas where it received 75.5%.
  117. ^ Electors not pledged to any candidate were on the ballot in South Carolina and Texas, where they received 7.5% and 11.8%, respectively.
  118. ^ Running as the nominees of the States' Rights Democratic Party, the ticket won 4 states, and received one additional vote from a Tennessee faithless elector pledged to Harry S. Truman. Its best result was in South Carolina, where it received 87.2% of the vote.
  119. ^ Electors not pledged to any candidate were on the ballot in several states.
  120. ^ Running as the nominees of the States' Rights Party and Constitution Party, the ticket's best result was in Virginia, where it received 6.2% of the vote.
  121. ^ Jones and Talmadge received one electoral vote from an Alabama faithless elector pledged to Adlai Stevenson.
  122. ^ Electors not pledged to any candidate were on the ballot in several states. In Mississippi, the slate of unpledged electors won the state. In Alabama, eleven Democratic electors were chosen, six unpledged and five for nominee John F. Kennedy. The Mississippi and Alabama unpledged electors voted for Harry F. Byrd for President and Strom Thurmond for Vice President; in addition, one faithless elector from Oklahoma pledged to Richard Nixon voted for Byrd for President, but for Barry Goldwater for Vice President.
  123. ^ Running as the nominees of the National States' Rights Party, the ticket's best result was in Arkansas, where it received 6.8% of the vote.
  124. ^ Electors not pledged to any candidate were on the ballot in Alabama, where they replaced national nominee Lyndon B. Johnson and received 30.6% of the vote.

Further reading

  • Barone, Michael, and others. The Almanac of American Politics 1976: The Senators, the Representatives and the Governors: Their Records and Election Results, Their States and Districts (1975–2017); new edition every 2 years; detailed political profile of every governor and member of Congress, as well as state and district politics
  • Black, Earl and Merle Black. Politics and Society in the South (1989)
  • Bullock III, Charles S. and Mark J. Rozell, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Southern Politics (2012)
  • Glaser, James M. The Hand of the Past in Contemporary Southern Politics (2013)
  • Key, V. O. Southern Politics in State and Nation (1951), famous classic
  • Kuziemko, Ilyana, and Ebonya Washington. "Why did the Democrats lose the south? Bringing new data to an old debate" ( No. w21703. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2015.) online
  • Rae, Nicol C. Southern Democrats (Oxford University Press, 1994)
  • Richter, William L. Historical Dictionary of the Old South (2005)
  • Shafer, Byron E. The End of Southern Exceptionalism: Class, Race, and Partisan Change in the Postwar South (2006) excerpt and text search
  • Twyman, Robert W. and David C. Roller, eds. Encyclopedia of Southern History LSU Press (1979).
  • Woodard, J. David. The New Southern Politics (2006)
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