|Lee Atwater at an Inaugural Ball in 1989.|
|54th Chairman of the Republican National Committee|
|Preceded by||Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr.|
|Succeeded by||Clayton Keith Yeutter|
|Born||Harvey LeRoy Atwater
February 27, 1951
|Died||March 29, 1991
|Spouse(s)||Sally Dunbar Atwater|
|Alma mater||Newberry College
University of South Carolina
Harvey LeRoy "Lee" Atwater (February 27, 1951 – March 29, 1991) was an American political consultant and strategist to the Republican Party. He was an adviser to U.S. Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush and chairman of the Republican National Committee.
- 1 Childhood and early life
- 2 Political career
- 3 Musical career
- 4 Personal life
- 5 Legacy
- 6 See also
- 7 References
- 8 Further reading
- 9 External links
Childhood and early life
Atwater was born in Atlanta, Georgia, the son of Alma "Toddy" (Page), a school teacher, and Harvey Dillard Atwater, an insurance adjustor. He had two siblings, Ann and Joe. He grew up in Aiken, South Carolina. When Lee was five, his three-year-old brother, Joe, was scalded to death when he pulled a deep fryer full of hot oil onto himself.
As a teenager in Columbia, South Carolina, Atwater played guitar in a rock band, The Upsetters Revue. Even at the height of his political power, he would often play concerts in clubs and church basements, solo or with B.B. King, in the Washington, D.C., area. He released an album called "Red, Hot And Blue" on Curb Records, featuring Carla Thomas, Isaac Hayes, Sam Moore, Chuck Jackson, and King. Robert Hilburn wrote about the album in the Los Angeles Times on April 5, 1990: "The most entertaining thing about this ensemble salute to spicy Memphis-style '50s and '60s R&B is the way it lets you surprise your friends. Play a selection such as "Knock on Wood" or "Bad Boy" for someone without identifying the singer, then watch their eyes bulge when you reveal that it's the controversial national chairman of the Republican Party, Lee Atwater." During the 1960s, Atwater briefly played backup guitar for Percy Sledge.
In 1973, Atwater graduated from Newberry College, a small private Lutheran institution in Newberry, South Carolina, where he was a member of the Alpha Tau Omega fraternity. At Newberry, Atwater served as the governor of the South Carolina Student Legislature. Atwater earned a Master of Arts degree in communications from the University of South Carolina in 1977. Atwater married Sally Dunbar in 1978; they had three children, Sara Lee, Ashley Page, and Sally Theodosia.
During the 1970s and the 1980 election, Atwater rose to prominence in the South Carolina Republican party, active in the campaigns of Governor Carroll Campbell and Senator Strom Thurmond. During his years in South Carolina, Atwater became well known for managing hard-edged campaigns based on emotional wedge issues.
Atwater's aggressive tactics were first demonstrated during the 1980 Congressional campaigns. He was a campaign consultant to Republican incumbent Floyd Spence in his campaign for Congress against Democratic nominee Tom Turnipseed. Atwater's tactics in that campaign included push polling in the form of fake surveys by so-called independent pollsters to inform white suburbanites that Turnipseed was a member of the NAACP. He also sent out last-minute letters from Senator Thurmond telling voters that Turnipseed would disarm America and turn it over to liberals and Communists. At a press briefing, Atwater planted a fake reporter who rose and said, "We understand Turnipseed has had psychotic treatment." Atwater later told reporters off the record that Turnipseed "got hooked up to jumper cables", referring to electroconvulsive therapy that Turnipseed underwent as a teenager.
"Lee seemed to delight in making fun of a suicidal 16-year-old who was treated for depression with electroshock treatments", Turnipseed recalled. "In fact, my struggle with depression as a student was no secret. I had talked about it in a widely covered news conference as early as 1977, when I was in the South Carolina State Senate. Since then I have often shared with appropriate groups the full story of my recovery to responsible adulthood as a professional, political and civic leader, husband and father. Teenage depression and suicide are major problems in America, and I believe my life offers hope to young people who are suffering with a constant fear of the future."
After the 1980 election, Atwater went to Washington and became an aide in the Ronald Reagan administration, working under political director Ed Rollins. In 1984, Rollins managed Reagan's re-election campaign, and Atwater became the campaign's deputy director and political director. Rollins mentions Atwater's work several times in his 1996 book Bare Knuckles and Back Rooms. He states that Atwater ran a dirty tricks operation against Democratic vice-presidential nominee Geraldine Ferraro, including publicizing the fact that Ferraro's parents had been indicted on numbers running in the 1940s. Rollins also described Atwater as "ruthless," "Ollie North in civilian clothes," and someone who "just had to drive in one more stake."
Atwater on the Southern Strategy
As a member of the Reagan administration in 1981, Atwater gave an anonymous interview to political scientist Alexander P. Lamis. Part of the interview was printed in Lamis's book The Two-Party South, then reprinted in Southern Politics in the 1990s with Atwater's name revealed. Bob Herbert reported on the interview in the October 6, 2005, edition of the New York Times. On November 13, 2012, The Nation magazine released a 42-minute audio recording of the interview. James Carter IV, grandson of former president Jimmy Carter, had asked and been granted access to these tapes by Lamis's widow. Atwater talked about the Republican Southern Strategy and Ronald Reagan's version of it:
Atwater: As to the whole Southern strategy that Harry S. Dent, Sr. and others put together in 1968, opposition to the Voting Rights Act would have been a central part of keeping the South. Now [the new Southern Strategy of Ronald Reagan] doesn't have to do that. All you have to do to keep the South is for Reagan to run in place on the issues he's campaigned on since 1964 and that's fiscal conservatism, balancing the budget, cut taxes, you know, the whole cluster.
Questioner: But the fact is, isn't it, that Reagan does get to the Wallace voter and to the racist side of the Wallace voter by doing away with legal services, by cutting down on food stamps?
Atwater: You start out in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger." By 1968 you can't say "nigger"—that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states' rights and all that stuff. You're getting so abstract now [that] you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you're talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me—because obviously sitting around saying, "We want to cut this," is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than "Nigger, nigger."
Atwater also argued that Reagan did not need to make racial appeals, suggesting that Reagan's issues transcended the racial prism of the "Southern Strategy":
Atwater: But Reagan did not have to do a southern strategy for two reasons. Number one, race was not a dominant issue. And number two, the mainstream issues in this campaign had been, quote, southern issues since way back in the sixties. So Reagan goes out and campaigns on the issues of economics and of national defense. The whole campaign was devoid of any kind of racism, any kind of reference. And I'll tell you another thing you all need to think about, that even surprised me, is the lack of interest, really, the lack of knowledge right now in the South among white voters about the Voting Rights Act."
Atwater's most noteworthy campaign was the 1988 presidential election, where he served as the campaign manager for Republican nominee George H. W. Bush. A particularly aggressive media program included a television advertisement produced by Floyd Brown comparing Bush and Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis on crime. Bush supported the death penalty for first-degree murderers, while Dukakis opposed the death penalty. Dukakis also supported a felon furlough program originally begun under Republican Governor Francis Sargent in 1972. Prison furlough programs had been long established in California during the governorship of Republican Ronald Reagan, prior to 1980, but never allowed furlough for convicted murderers sentenced to life in prison.
In 1976, Massachusetts passed a law to similarly ban furloughs for first-degree murderers, and Dukakis vetoed the bill. Willie Horton was serving a life sentence for first-degree murder for stabbing a boy to death during a robbery. While on weekend furlough, Horton kidnapped a young couple, tortured the young man, and repeatedly raped the young woman. Horton became the centerpiece of Atwater's ad campaign against Dukakis. The issue of furlough for first-degree murderers was originally brought up by Democratic candidate Al Gore during a presidential primary debate. However, Gore never referred specifically to Willie Horton. Dukakis had tried to portray himself as a moderate politician from the liberal state of Massachusetts. The Horton ad campaign only reinforced the public's general opinion that Dukakis was too liberal, which helped Bush overcome Dukakis's 17-percent lead in early public opinion polls and win both the electoral and popular vote by landslide margins.
Although Atwater clearly approved of the use of the Willie Horton issue, the Bush campaign never ran any commercial with Horton's picture, instead running a similar but generic ad. The original commercial was produced by Americans for Bush, an independent group managed by Larry McCarthy, and Republicans benefited from the coverage it attracted in the national media. Referring to Dukakis, Atwater declared that he would "strip the bark off the little bastard" and "make Willie Horton his running mate." Atwater's challenge was to counter the "where was George?" campaign slogan Democrats were using as a rallying cry in an effort to create an impression that Bush was a relatively inexperienced and unaccomplished candidate. Furthermore, Bush had critics in the Republican base, who remembered his pro-choice positions in the 1980 primary and that the harder the campaign pursued Dukakis's liberal positions, the bigger his base turnout would be.
During the election, a number of allegations were made in the media about Dukakis's personal life, including the unsubstantiated claim that his wife Kitty had burned an American flag to protest the Vietnam War and that Dukakis had been treated for a mental illness. In the film Boogie Man: The Lee Atwater Story, Robert Novak reveals for the first time that Atwater personally tried, but failed, to get him to spread these mental-health rumors.
The 1988 Bush campaign overcame a 17-point deficit in midsummer polls to win 40 states. Atwater's skills in the 1988 election led one biographer to call him "the best campaign manager who ever lived."
During that campaign, future President George W. Bush took an office across the hall from Atwater's, where his job was to serve as "the eyes and ears for my dad," monitoring the activities of Atwater and other campaign staff. In her memoir, Barbara Bush said that the younger Bush and Atwater became friends.
After the election, Atwater was named chairman of the Republican National Committee.
Shortly after Atwater took over the RNC, Jim Wright, a Democrat, was forced to resign as Speaker of the United States House of Representatives and was succeeded by Tom Foley. On the day Foley officially became speaker, the RNC began circulating a memo to Republican Congresspeople and state-party chairpeople called "Tom Foley: Out of the Liberal Closet." The memo compared Foley's voting record with that of openly gay Congressman Barney Frank, with a subtle implication that Foley was himself gay. It had been crafted by Republican National Committee communications director Mark Goodin and by House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich. In fact, Gingrich had been attempting to convince several reporters to print it. The memo was harshly condemned by both political parties. Republican Senate leader Bob Dole, for instance, said in a speech in the Senate chamber, "This is not politics. This is garbage."
Atwater initially defended the memo, calling it "no big deal" and "factually accurate." However, a few days later, he claimed he hadn't approved the memo. Under pressure from Bush, Atwater fired Goodin, replacing him with B. Jay Cooper.
Following Bush's victory, Atwater focused on organizing a public-relations campaign against Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton. Atwater viewed Clinton as a serious potential threat to Bush in the 1992 presidential election. At the time of Atwater's illness, he was supporting the bid of Representative Tommy Robinson for the Republican gubernatorial nomination to oppose Clinton in the fall. Robinson lost the primary to former ARKLA Gas CEO Sheffield Nelson.
In 1989, Atwater became a member of the historically black Howard University Board of Trustees. The university gained national attention when students rose up in protest against Atwater's appointment. Student activists disrupted Howard's 122nd anniversary celebrations and eventually occupied the university's administration building. Within days, both Atwater and Howard President James E. Cheek resigned.
On March 5, 1990, Atwater collapsed during a fundraising breakfast for Senator Phil Gramm. Doctors searching for an explanation to what was initially thought to be a mere fainting episode discovered a grade 3 astrocytoma, an unusually aggressive form of brain cancer, in his right parietal lobe. Atwater underwent interstitial implant radiation, a then-new form of treatment, at Montefiore Medical Center in New York City, and received conventional radiation therapy at George Washington University Hospital in Washington, D.C. The treatment for the brain tumor left him paralyzed on his left side, robbed him of his tone discrimination, and swelled his face and body (due to steroids). He spent the remainder of his life in a wheelchair.
Conversion to Catholicism and new outlook
In the months after the severity of his illness became apparent, Atwater said he had converted to Catholicism, through the help of Father John Hardon and, in an act of repentance, Atwater issued a number of public and written letters to individuals to whom he had been opposed during his political career. In a June 28, 1990, letter to Tom Turnipseed, he stated, "It is very important to me that I let you know that out of everything that has happened in my career, one of the low points remains the so-called 'jumper cable' episode," adding, "My illness has taught me something about the nature of humanity, love, brotherhood and relationships that I never understood, and probably never would have. So, from that standpoint, there is some truth and good in everything."
In a February 1991 article for Life magazine, Atwater wrote:
My illness helped me to see that what was missing in society is what was missing in me: a little heart, a lot of brotherhood. The '80s were about acquiring—acquiring wealth, power, prestige. I know. I acquired more wealth, power, and prestige than most. But you can acquire all you want and still feel empty. What power wouldn't I trade for a little more time with my family? What price wouldn't I pay for an evening with friends? It took a deadly illness to put me eye to eye with that truth, but it is a truth that the country, caught up in its ruthless ambitions and moral decay, can learn on my dime. I don't know who will lead us through the '90s, but they must be made to speak to this spiritual vacuum at the heart of American society, this tumor of the soul.
Ed Rollins, however, stated in the 2008 documentary Boogie Man: The Lee Atwater Story, that "[Atwater] was telling this story about how a Living Bible was what was giving him faith and I said to Mary (Matalin), 'I really, sincerely hope that he found peace.' She said, 'Ed, when we were cleaning up his things afterwards, the Bible was still wrapped in the cellophane and had never been taken out of the package,' which just told you everything there was. He was spinning right to the end."
Atwater died on March 29, 1991, from his brain tumor. Funeral services were held at the Trinity Cathedral Church in Atwater's final residence, Columbia, South Carolina. A memorial service was held at the Washington National Cathedral.
Sidney Blumenthal has speculated that, had Atwater lived, he would have run a stronger re-election campaign for Bush than the President's unsuccessful 1992 effort against Bill Clinton and Ross Perot.
- Starve the beast (Policy)
- Oreskes, Michael (March 30, 1991) Lee Atwater, Master of Tactics For Bush and G.O.P., Dies at 40 The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-04-11.
- Brady, John (1997) Bad Boy - The Life and Politics of Lee Atwater (ch. 1) The Washington Post. Da Capo Press (1996). ISBN 0-201-62733-7 Retrieved 2010-04-11.
- AllMusic: "Red Hot & Blue: Lee Atwater & Friends," accessed 2008-05-23.
- "Alpha Tau Omega: Famous ATOs". Ato.org. Retrieved 2012-11-16.
- What Lee Atwater learned and the lesson for his protégés. The Washington Post, April 16, 1991, page A19.
- Rollins, Ed (1997) Bare Knuckles and Back Rooms Broadway. ISBN 0-553-06731-1.
- Unger, Craig (2012). Boss Rove: Inside Karl Rove's Secret Kingdom of Power.
- Rick Perlstein (November 13, 2012). "Exclusive: Lee Atwater's Infamous 1981 Interview on the Southern Strategy". The Nation. Retrieved November 18, 2012.
- Lamis, Alexander P. et al. (1990) The Two Party South. New York: Oxford University Press.
- Herbert, Bob, (October 6, 2005) "Impossible, Ridiculous, Repugnant," The New York Times.
- Rick Perlstein (November 13, 2012). "Exclusive: Lee Atwater's Infamous 1981 Interview on the Southern Strategy". The Nation. Retrieved April 11, 2014.
- Boogie Man: The Lee Atwater Story transcript, PBS, director: Stefan Forbes, 2008.
- Carlson, Margaret (1989-06-24). "Getting Nasty". Time. Retrieved 2008-05-28.
- "THE GHOST OF LEE ATWATER". The New York Times. Retrieved 2012-11-16.
- Stanley, Alessandra; Jacob V. Lamar (1989-03-20). "Saying No to Lee Atwater". Time.com (Time Warner).
- "James E. Cheek, Forceful University President, Dies at 77" by Douglas Martin, New York Times January 21, 2010
- Brady, John (December 1, 1996). "I'm Still Lee Atwater", The Washington Post, retrieved 2010-04-11.
- Thomas Aquinas College. "In Memoriam: Fr. John Hardon, S.J.". Accessed 2008-05-23. "His converts were many, including Lee Atwater, the feisty chairman of the Republican National Committee, to whom Fr. Hardon gave last sacraments when he was on his death bed with brain cancer in 1990."
- Dorothy Wickenden (May 5, 2008). "Going Positive". The New Yorker. Retrieved November 25, 2012.
- "Gravely Ill, Atwater Offers Apology". The New York Times. AP. January 13, 1991. Retrieved November 25, 2012.
- Michael, Oreskes (March 30, 1991). "Lee Atwater, Master of Tactics For Bush and GOP, Dies at 40.". The New York Times. Retrieved 2008-11-12.
Lee Atwater, former chairman of the Republican National Committee and a major architect of George Bush's Presidential election victory in 1988, died this morning at George Washington University Hospital. He was 40 years old. He died after a yearlong fight against a brain tumor that struck him at the peak of his political success and power.
- Blumenthal, Sidney (October 19, 1992) "Atwater's Legacy" The New Yorker, "The Talk of the Town", p. 40.
- Lee Atwater and T. Brewster, "Lee Atwater's Last Campaign," Life magazine, February 1991, p. 67.
- John Joseph Brady, Bad Boy: The Life and Politics of Lee Atwater, 1997, ISBN 0-201-62733-7.
- Alexander P. Lamis, ed., Southern Politics in the 1990s, 1999, ISBN 0-8071-2374-9.
- Alexander P. Lamis, The Two-Party South, 1990, ISBN 0-19-506579-4.
- "American National Biography". Supplement 1, pp. 18–19. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.
- "The Scribner Encyclopedia of American Lives". Volume 3, 1991–1993, pp. 37–38. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2001.
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