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Note from drafter: In case it is not clear, I copy-pasted a few sections from the original article, rearranged the Critiques section, rearranged the Examples section, and added new examples for Asian-American Identity Politics and Women's Identity Politics. Thanks!

Terminology[edit]

During the late 1970s, increasing numbers of women—namely Jewish women, women of color, and lesbians—criticized the assumption of a common "woman's experience" irrespective of unique differences in race, ethnicity, class, sexuality, and culture.[1] The term "identity politics" was coined by the Combahee River Collective in 1977.[2] The collective group of women saw identity politics as an analysis that introduced opportunity for Black women to be actively involved in politics, while simultaneously acting as a tool to authenticate Black women's personal experiences.[3] It took on widespread usage in the early 1980s,[clarification needed] and in the ensuing decades has been employed in myriad cases with radically different connotations dependent upon the term's context.[4][5] It has gained currency with the emergence of social activism,[clarification needed] manifesting in various dialogues within the feminist, American civil rights, and LGBT movements, as well as multiple nationalist and postcolonial organizations.[6][7]

In academic usage, the term identity politics refers to a wide range of political activities and theoretical analyses rooted in experiences of injustice shared by different, often excluded social groups. In this context, identity politics aims to reclaim greater self-determination and political freedom for marginalized peoples through understanding particular paradigms and lifestyle factors, and challenging externally imposed characterizations and limitations, instead of organizing solely around status quo belief systems or traditional party affiliations.[8] Identity is used "as a tool to frame political claims, promote political ideologies, or stimulate and orient social and political action, usually in a larger context of inequality or injustice and with the aim of asserting group distinctiveness and belonging and gaining power and recognition."[6]

Critiques and criticisms of identity politics[edit]

Critics argue that groups based on a particular shared identity (e.g. race, or gender identity) can divert energy and attention from more fundamental issues, similar to the history of divide and rule strategies. In response to the formulations of the Combahee River Collective that necessitated the organization of women around intersectional identities to bring about broader social change, socialist and radical feminists insisted that, instead, activism would require support for more "basic" forms of oppression[1]. Other feminists also mirrored this sentiment, implying that a politics of issues should supersede a politics of identity. Tarrow also asserts that identity politics can produce insular, sectarian, and divisive movements incapable of expanding membership, broadening appeals, and negotiating with prospective allies[9]. In other words, separate organization undermines movement identity, distracts activists from important issues, and prevents the creation of a common agenda. In addition, Chris Hedges has criticized identity politics as one of the factors making up a form of "corporate capitalism" that only masquerades as a political platform, and which he believes "will never halt the rising social inequality, unchecked militarism, evisceration of civil liberties and omnipotence of the organs of security and surveillance."[10]

Those who criticize identity politics from the right see it as inherently Collectivist and prejudicial, in contradiction to the ideals of Classical liberalism.[11] Those who criticize identity politics from the left see it as a version of bourgeois nationalism, i.e. as a divide and conquer strategy by the ruling classes to divide people by nationality, race, ethnicity, religion, etc. so as to distract the working class from uniting for the purpose of class struggle.[12][13][14][15]

Sociologist Charles Derber asserts that the American left is "largely an identity-politics party" and that it "offers no broad critique of the political economy of capitalism. It focuses on reforms for Blacks and women and so forth. But it doesn’t offer a contextual analysis within capitalism." Both he and David North of the Socialist Equality Party posit that these fragmented and isolated identity movements which permeate the left have allowed for a far-right resurgence.[16] Cornel West asserted that discourse on racial, gender and sexual orientation identity was "crucial" and "indispensable," but emphasized that it "must be connected to a moral integrity and deep political solidarity that hones in on a financialized form of predatory capitalism. A capitalism that is killing the planet, poor people, working people here and abroad."[17]

Critiques of identity politics have also been expressed by writers such as Eric Hobsbawm,[18] Todd Gitlin,[19] Michael Tomasky, Richard Rorty, Michael Parenti,[20] Jodi Dean,[21] Sean Wilentz[22] and philosopher Slavoj Žižek.[23] Hobsbawm, as a Marxist, criticized nationalisms and the principle of national self-determination adopted in many countries after 1919, since in his view national governments are often merely an expression of a ruling class or power, and their proliferation was a source of the wars of the 20th century. Hence, Hobsbawm argues that identity politics, such as queer nationalism, Islamism, Cornish nationalism or Ulster loyalism are just other versions of bourgeois nationalism. The view that identity politics (rooted in challenging racism, sexism, and the like) obscures class inequality is widespread in the United States and other Western nations. This framing ignores how class-based politics are identity politics themselves, according to Jeff Sparrow.[24]

Intersectional critiques[edit]

In her journal article Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence against Women of Color, Kimberle Crenshaw treats identity politics as a process that brings people together based on a shared aspect of their identity. Crenshaw applauds identity politics for bringing African Americans (and other non-white people), gays and lesbians, and other oppressed groups together in community and progress.[25] But she critiques it because "it frequently conflates or ignores intragroup differences."[25] Crenshaw argues that for Black women, at least two aspects of their identity are the subject of oppression: their race and their sex.[26] Thus, although identity politics are useful, we must be aware of the role of intersectionality. Nira Yuval-Davis supports Crenshaw's critiques in Intersectionality and Feminist Politics and explains that "Identities are individual and collective narratives that answer the question 'who am/are I/we?" [27]

In Mapping the Margins, Crenshaw illustrates her point using the Clarence Thomas/Anita Hill controversy. Anita Hill accused US Supreme Court Justice nominee Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment; Thomas would be the second African American judge on the Supreme Court. Crenshaw argues that Hill was then deemed anti-Black in the movement against racism, and although she came forward on the feminist issue of sexual harassment, she was excluded because when considering feminism, it is the narrative of white middle-class women that prevails.[25] Crenshaw concludes that acknowledging intersecting categories when groups unite on the basis of identity politics is better than ignoring categories altogether.[25]

Examples[edit][edit]

Main category: Identity politics

Racial and ethnocultural[edit][edit]

Further information: Ethnocultural politics in the United States

Ethnic, religious and racial identity politics dominated American politics in the 19th century, during the Second Party System (1830s–1850s)[28] as well as the Third Party System (1850s–1890s).[29] Racial identity has been the central theme in Southern politics since slavery was abolished.[30]

A picture of a crowd standing together facing the front
Million Man March at Washington DC, United States

Similar patterns appear in the 21st century are commonly referenced in popular culture,[31] and are increasingly analyzed in media and social commentary as an interconnected part of politics and society.[32][33] Both a majority and minority group phenomenon, racial identity politics can develop as a reaction to the historical legacy of race-based oppression of a people[34] as well as a general group identity issue, as "racial identity politics utilizes racial consciousness or the group's collective memory and experiences as the essential framework for interpreting the actions and interests of all other social groups."[35]

Carol M. Swain has argued that non-white ethnic pride and an "emphasis on racial identity politics" is fomenting the rise of white nationalism.[36] Anthropologist Michael Messner has suggested that the Million Man March was an example of racial identity politics in the United States.[37]

Arab identity politics[edit]

See also: Arab identity and Arab nationalism

Arab identity politics concerns the identity-based politics derived from the racial or ethnocultural consciousness of Arab people. In the regionalism of the Middle East, it has particular meaning in relation to the national and cultural identities of non-Arab countries, such as Turkey, Iran and North African countries .[38][39] In their 2010 Being Arab: Arabism and the Politics of Recognition, academics Christopher Wise and Paul James challenged the view that, in the post-Afghanistan and Iraq invasion era, Arab identity-driven politics were ending. Refuting the view that had "drawn many analysts to conclude that the era of Arab identity politics has passed", Wise and James examined its development as a viable alternative to Islamic fundamentalism in the Arab world.[40]

According to Marc Lynch, the post-Arab Spring era has seen increasing Arab identity politics, which is "marked by state-state rivalries as well as state-society conflicts". Lynch believes this is creating a new Arab Cold War, no longer characterized by Sunni-Shia sectarian divides but by a reemergent Arab identity in the region.[41] Najla Said has explored her lifelong experience with Arab identity politics in her book Looking for Palestine.[42]

Asian-American Identity Politics[edit]

In the political realm of the United States, according to Jane Junn and Natalie Masuoka, the possibilities for an Asian American vote are built upon the assumption that those broadly categorized as Asian share a sense of racial identity, and that this group consciousness has political consequences. However, the idea of a monolithic Asian American bloc has been challenged as populations are diverse in terms of national origin and language—no one group is predominant—and scholars suggest that these many diverse groups favor their distinctive national origin groups over any pan-ethnic racial identity.[43] According to the 2000 Consensus, more than six national origin groups are classified collectively as Asian American, and these include: Chinese (23%), Filipino (18%), Asian Indian (17%), Vietnamese (11%), Korean (11%), and Japanese (8%), along with an “other Asian” category (12%). In addition, the definitions applied to racial categories in the United States are uniquely American constructs that Asian American immigrants may not adhere to upon entry.

Jun and Masuoka find that in comparison to blacks, the Asian American identity is more latent, and racial group consciousness is more susceptible to the surrounding context.

Black feminist identity politics[edit][edit]

See also: Black feminism, Combahee River Collective, and Black women in American politics

Black feminist identity politics concern the identity-based politics derived from the lived experiences of struggles and oppression faced by Black women.[44]

In 1977, the Combahee River Collective (CRC) Statement argued that black women struggled with facing their oppression due to the sexism present within the Civil Rights Movement and the racism present within second-wave feminism. This statement—in which the CRC coined the term "identity politics"—gave black women in the U.S. a political foothold—both within radical movements and at large—from which they could confront the oppression they were facing. The CRC also claimed to expand upon the prior feminist adage that "the personal is political,"[45] pointing to their own consciousness-raising sessions, centering of black speech, and communal sharing of experiences of oppression as practices that expanded the phrase's scope. As mentioned earlier K. Crenshaw, claims that the oppression of black women is illustrated in two different directions: race and sex.[46]

In 1988, Deborah K. King coined the term Multiple jeopardy, theory that expands on how factors of oppression are all interconnected. King suggested that the identities of gender, class, and race each have an individual prejudicial connotation, which has an incremental effect on the inequity of which one experiences[47]

In 1991, Nancie Caraway explained from a white feminist perspective that the politics of black women had to be comprehended by broader feminist movements in the understanding that the different forms of oppression that black women face (via race and gender) are interconnected, presenting a compound of oppression (Intersectionality).[48]

Hispanic/Latino Identity Politics[edit]

According to Leonie Huddy, Lilliana Mason, and S. Nechama Horwitz, the majority of Latinos in the United States identity with the Democratic Party[49]. Latinos' Democratic proclivities can be explained by: ideological policy preferences and an expressive identity based on the defense of Latino identity and status, with a strong support for the latter explanation hinged on an analysis of the 2012 Latino Immigrant National Election Study and American National Election Study focused on Latino immigrants and citizens respectively. When perceiving pervasive discrimination against Latinos and animosity from the Republican party, a strong partisanship preference furthur intensified, and in return, increased Latino political campaign engagement.

Māori identity politics[edit][edit]

See also: Māori identity and Māori nationalism

Due to somewhat competing tribe-based versus pan-Māori concepts, there is both an internal and external utilization of Māori identity politics in New Zealand.[50] Projected outwards, Māori identity politics has been a disrupting force in the politics of New Zealand and post-colonial conceptions of nationhood.[51] Its development has also been explored as causing parallel ethnic identity developments in non-Māori populations.[52] Academic Alison Jones, in her co-written Tuai: A Traveller in Two Worlds, suggests that a form of Māori identity politics, directly oppositional to Pākehā (white New Zealanders), has helped provide a "basis for internal collaboration and a politics of strength".[53]

[54]

A 2009, Ministry of Social Development journal identified Māori identity politics, and societal reactions to it, as the most prominent factor behind significant changes in self-identification from the 2006 New Zealand census.

Muslim Identity Politics[edit]

Since the 1970s, the interaction of religion and politics has been associated with the rise of Islamist movements in the Middle East. Salwa Ismail posits that the Muslim identity is related to social dimensions such as gender, class, and lifestyles (Intersectionality), thus, different Muslims occupy different social positions in relation to the processes of globalization. Not all uniformly engage in the construction of Muslim identity, and they do not all apply to a monolithic Muslim identity.

The construction of British Muslim identity politics is marked with Islamophobia; Jonathan Brit suggests that political hostility toward the Muslim "other" and the reification of an overarching identity that obscures and denies cross-cutting collective identities or existential individuality are charges made against an assertive Muslim identity politics in Britain[55]. In addition, because Muslim identity politics is seen as internally/externally divisive and therefore counterproductive, as well as the result of manipulation by religious conservatives and local/national politicians, the progressive policies of the anti-racist left have been outflanked. Brit sees the segmentation that divided British Muslims amongst themselves and with the anti-racist alliance in Britain as a consequence of patriarchal, conservative mosque-centered leadership.

A Le Monde/IFOP poll in January 2011 conducted in France and Germany found that a majority felt Muslims are "scattered improperly"; an analyst for IFOP said the results indicated something "beyond linking immigration with security or immigration with unemployment, to linking Islam with a threat to identity".[56]

White identity politics[edit][edit]

See also: White identity, White nationalism, White supremacy, White backlash, and Identitarian movement

In 1998, political scientists Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg predicted that, by the late 20th-century, a "Euro-American radical right" would promote a trans-national white identity politics, which would invoke populist grievance narratives and encourage hostility against non-white peoples and multiculturalism.[57] In the United States, mainstream news has identified Donald Trump's presidency as a signal of increasing and widespread utilization of white identity politics within the Republican Party and political landscape.[58] Journalists Michael Scherer and David Smith have reported on its development since the mid-2010s.[59][60]

Ron Brownstein believed that President Trump uses "White Identity Politics" to bolster his base and that this would ultimately limit his ability to reach out to non-White American voters for the 2020 United States presidential election.[61] A four-year Reuters and Ipsos analysis concurred that "Trump's brand of white identity politics may be less effective in the 2020 election campaign."[62] Alternatively, examining the same poll, David Smith has written that "Trump’s embrace of white identity politics may work to his advantage" in 2020.[63] During the Democratic primaries, presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg publicly warned that the president and his administration were using white identity politics, which he said was the most divisive form of identity politics.[64] Columnist Reihan Salam writes that he is not convinced that Trump uses "white identity politics" given the fact that he still has significant support from liberal and moderate Republicans – who are more favorable toward immigration and the legalization of undocumented immigrants – but believes that it could become a bigger issue as whites become a minority and assert their rights like other minority groups.[65] Salam also states that an increase in "white identity" politics is far from certain given the very high rates of intermarriage and the historical example of the once Anglo-Protestant cultural majority embracing a more inclusive white cultural majority which included Jews, Italians, Poles, Arabs, and Irish.[65][undue weight? – discuss]

Columnist Ross Douthat has argued that it has been important to American politics since the Richard Nixon-era of the Republican Party,[66] and historian Nell Irvin Painter has analyzed Eric Kaufmann's thesis that the phenomenon is caused by immigration-derived racial diversity, which reduces the white majority, and an "anti-majority adversary culture".[67] Writing in Vox, political commentator Ezra Klein believes that demographic change has fueled the emergence of white identity politics.[68]

Gender[edit][edit]

Gender identity politics is an approach that views politics, both in practice and as an academic discipline, as having a gendered nature and that gender is an identity that influences how people think.[69] Politics has become increasingly gender political as formal structures and informal 'rules of the game' have become gendered. How institutions affect men and women differently are starting to be analysed in more depth as gender will affect institutional innovation.[70]

Women's Identity Politics in the United States[edit]

Scholars of social movements and democratic theorists disagree on whether identity politics weaken women's social movements and undermine their influence on public policy or have reverse effects. S. Laurel Weldon argues that when marginalized groups organize around an intersectional social location, knowledge about the social group is generated, feelings of affiliation between group members are strengthened, and the movement's agenda becomes more representative. Specifically for the United States, Weldon suggests that organizing women by race strengthens these movements and improves government responsiveness to both violence against women of color and women in general[71].

  1. ^ a b Ackelsberg, Martha A. (1996). "Identity Politics, Political Identities: Thoughts toward a Multicultural Politics". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies. 16 (1): 87–100. doi:10.2307/3346926. ISSN 0160-9009.
  2. ^ Smith, Barbara, ed. (1983). Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology. New York, NY: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press. pp. xxxi–xxxii. ISBN 0-913175-02-1.
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  4. ^ Wiarda, Howard J. (8 April 2016) [1st pub. Ashgate:2014]. Political Culture, Political Science, and Identity Politics: An Uneasy Alliance. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-07885-2. OCLC 982044314. Archived from the original on 19 August 2017. Retrieved 21 February 2018. There are disputes regarding the origins of the term 'identity politics' .... Almost all authors, even while disagreeing over who was the first to use the term, agree that its original usage goes back to the 1970s and even the 1960s.
  5. ^ Heyes, Cressida. "Identity Politics". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab, CSLI, Stanford University. Archived from the original on 30 August 2006. Retrieved 11 November 2012.
  6. ^ a b Vasiliki Neofotistos (2013). "Identity Politics". Oxford Bibliographies. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 27 October 2018. Retrieved 18 February 2019.
  7. ^ Gray, John (26 September 2018). "Divided we stand: identity politics and the threat to democracy". www.newstatesman.com. Retrieved 2020-06-11.
  8. ^ Heyes, Cressida (1 January 2016). "Identity Politics". The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Archived from the original on 27 March 2017. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  9. ^ Tarrow, Sidney (1998). Power in Movement. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. p. 119.
  10. ^ Hedges, Chris (5 February 2018). "The Bankruptcy of the American Left". Truthdig. Archived from the original on 9 February 2018. Retrieved 9 February 2018.
  11. ^ Leadership, Jonathan Haidt is the Thomas Cooley Professor of Ethical; Institute, NYU Stern School of Business This essay is an edited version of his Wriston Lecture for the Manhattan; November 15, delivered on (2017-12-17). "The Age of Outrage". City Journal. Retrieved 2021-03-08. {{cite web}}: |first2= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  12. ^ Hobsbawm, Eric (2 May 1996). "Identity Politics and the Left". Institute of Education. Archived from the original on 18 September 2017. Retrieved April 29, 2021.
  13. ^ Gabrijela Kišiček; Igor Ž. Žagar (3 October 2013). What Do We Know About the World?: Rhetorical and Argumentative Perspectives. University of Windsor. p. 471. ISBN 978-0-920233-70-2. One of the most famous rallying cries of communism Workers of the world, unite!
  14. ^ Ronald Niezen (15 April 2008). A World Beyond Difference: Cultural Identity in the Age of Globalization. John Wiley & Sons. p. 129. ISBN 978-1-4051-3710-2. The famous rallying cry from The Communist Manifesto, "workers of the world unite!" was meant only to hasten the [...]
  15. ^ Parenti, Michael (1997), Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism, San Francisco: City Lights Books, p. 151, ISBN 978-0872863293, Seizing upon anything but class, U.S. leftists today have developed an array of identity groups centering around ethnic, gender, cultural, and life-style issues. These groups treat their respective grievances as something apart from class struggle, and have almost nothing to say about the increasingly harsh politico-economic class injustices perpetrated against us all.
  16. ^ Hedges, Chris (5 February 2018). "The Bankruptcy of the American Left". Truthdig. Archived from the original on 9 February 2018. Retrieved 9 February 2018.
  17. ^ "Cornel West: "Bernie Was Crushed by Neoliberalism"". Jacobin. December 3, 2020. Retrieved December 7, 2020.
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  19. ^ PBS.org Archived 4 August 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Thinktank transcript 235
  20. ^ Parenti, Michael (1997), Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism, San Francisco: City Lights Books, p. 151, ISBN 978-0872863293, Seizing upon anything but class, U.S. leftists today have developed an array of identity groups centering around ethnic, gender, cultural, and life-style issues. These groups treat their respective grievances as something apart from class struggle, and have almost nothing to say about the increasingly harsh politico-economic class injustices perpetrated against us all.
  21. ^ Dean, Jodi (2012). The Communist Horizon. Verso. p. 53. ISBN 978-1844679546.
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  24. ^ Sparrow, Jeff (17 November 2016). "Class and identity politics are not mutually exclusive. The left should use this to its benefit | Jeff Sparrow". the Guardian. Archived from the original on 18 July 2018. Retrieved 17 July 2018.
  25. ^ a b c d Crenshaw, Kimberle (1 January 1991). "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color". Stanford Law Review. 43 (6): 1241–99. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.695.5934. doi:10.2307/1229039. JSTOR 1229039.
  26. ^ Crenshaw, Kimberle (1989). Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics (PDF). University of Chicago Legal Forum. pp. 139–68.
  27. ^ Yuval-Davis, Nira (1 August 2006). "Intersectionality and Feminist Politics". European Journal of Women's Studies. 13 (3): 193–209. doi:10.1177/1350506806065752. ISSN 1350-5068. S2CID 145319810. Archived from the original on 3 November 2016. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
  28. ^ Daniel Walker Howe, "The Evangelical Movement and Political Culture in the North During the Second Party System," Journal of American History (1991) 77#4 pp: 1216-1239.
  29. ^ Jon Gjerde, The Minds of the West: Ethnocultural Evolution in the Rural Middle West, 1830-1917 (1999).
  30. ^ Woodman, Harold D. (February 1997). "Class, Race, Politics, and the Modernization of the Postbellum South". The Journal of Southern History. 63 (1): 3–22. doi:10.2307/2211941. JSTOR 2211941. Retrieved May 6, 2021.
  31. ^ John O'Connell (31 October 2019). "The Literary Influences of Superstar Musician David Bowie". Newsweek. As the husband of a Muslim woman from Somalia, Bowie couldn't help but be highly attuned to racial identity politics.
  32. ^ Tessa Berenson (6 November 2018). "How President Trump Put Race at the Center of the Midterms". TIME. Some Republicans worry that Trump's focus on racial identity politics so close to the election is undercutting their message to swing voters on subjects like the economy and health care.
  33. ^ James Kirchick (19 August 2019). "Opponents on the left pouring gasoline on Donald Trump's fires". The Sydney Morning Herald. Trump's game isn't difficult to discern. He is practicing the same resentment-based, racial-identity politics that has fuelled his political rise since the earlier part of this decade, when he began expressing doubts that the first black American president was actually born in the United States.
  34. ^ Tamar Mayor (2012). Gender Ironies of Nationalism: Sexing the Nation. Routledge. p. 331. ISBN 978-0415162555. For example, where a legacy of oppression based on race exists, an identity politics of race can be formed in opposition to that form of oppression, and can help to provide an occasion for racial pride and resistance to that oppression.
  35. ^ James Jennings (1994). "Building Coalitions". Blacks, Latinos, and Asians in Urban America: Status and Prospects for Politics and Activism. Praeger Publishing. p. 35. ISBN 978-0275949341.
  36. ^ Carol M. Swain (2004). "Preface". The New White Nationalism in America: Its Challenge to Integration. Cambridge University Press. p. xvi. ISBN 978-0521545587. The continued emphasis on racial identity politics and the fostering of an ethnic group pride on the part of nonwhite minority groups.
  37. ^ Michael A. Messner (1997). "Racial and sexual identity politics". Politics of Masculinities: Men in Movements. SAGE Publications. p. 79-80. ISBN 978-0803955776.
  38. ^ Arshin Adib-Moghaddam (2010). "The myth of "National Identity": Psycho-nationalism in Iran and the Arab world". Middle East Review (IDE-JETRO) (Volume 7 ed.). Japan External Trade Organization: Institute of Developing Economies. ISBN 978-0980415810. Iranian and Arab identity politics thwarted, perverted, and dismembered communitarian thinking for long periods in the twentieth century and the same applies to other forms of psycho-nationalism in Turkey
  39. ^ Elizabeth Monier (2014). "The Arabness of Middle East regionalism: the Arab Spring and competition for discursive hegemony between Egypt, Iran and Turkey". Contemporary Politics (Volume 20, No. 4 ed.). Taylor & Francis. pp. 421–434. To explore the role played by Arab identity politics in regionalism with regard to the status of non-Arab states, this article presents a study of the competing hegemonic regional discourses employed by Turkey, Iran and Egypt
  40. ^ Christopher Wise; Paul James (2010). Being Arab: Arabism and the Politics of Recognition. Arena Publications. ISBN 978-0980415810.
  41. ^ Lynch, Mark (2019). The Arab Uprisings Explained: New Contentious Politics in the Middle East. Columbia University Press. p. 119. ISBN 978-0231158855.
  42. ^ "Najla Said: "My Arab-American story is not typical in any way"". Salon (website). 28 July 2013.
  43. ^ Junn, Jane; Masuoka, Natalie (2008). "Asian American Identity: Shared Racial Status and Political Context". Perspectives on Politics. 6 (4): 729–740. ISSN 1537-5927.
  44. ^ Hooper, Cindy (2012). Conflict: African American Women and the New Dilemma of Race and Gender Politics. California: ABC-CLIO. pp. 44–45.
  45. ^ How we get free : Black feminism and the Combahee River Collective. Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. Chicago, Illinois. 5 December 2012. ISBN 978-1-64259-104-0. OCLC 975027867.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link)
  46. ^ Crenshaw, Kimberle (2018-02-19), "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory, and Antiracist Politics [1989]", Feminist Legal Theory, Routledge, pp. 57–80, doi:10.4324/9780429500480-5, ISBN 978-0-429-50048-0, retrieved 2020-10-09
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  48. ^ Caraway, Nancie E. (1991). "The Challenge and Theory of Feminist Identity Politics: Working on Racism". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies. 12 (2): 109–129. doi:10.2307/3346851. JSTOR 3346851.
  49. ^ Huddy, Leonie; Mason, Lilliana; Horwitz, S. Nechama (2016). "Political Identity Convergence: On Being Latino, Becoming a Democrat, and Getting Active". RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences. 2 (3): 205–228. doi:10.7758/rsf.2016.2.3.11. ISSN 2377-8253.
  50. ^ Roger Maaka; Augie Fleras (2005). The Politics of Indigeneity: Challenging the State in Canada and Aotearoa New Zealand. Otago University Press. p. 67. ISBN 978-1877276538. The tensions created by the intersection of tribe as identity, versus tribe as organisation, are central to Maori identity politics.
  51. ^ Tatiana Tökölyová (2005). "Transnationalism in the Pacific Region as a Concept of State Identity". Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics (Volume 11, Edition 1 ed.). University of International and Public Relations Prague: Walter de Gruyter. p. 67. Maori identity politics have disrupted the colonially-inspired constructions of the New Zealand nation and state from a base of indigeneity.
  52. ^ Hal B. Levine (1997). Constructing collective identity: a comparative analysis of New Zealand Jews, Maori, and urban Papua New Guineans. Peter Lang. p. 11. ISBN 978-3631319444. The material on biculturalism particularly shows how ethnicity interdigitates with identity politics for Maori and stimulates parallel developments among non-Maori New Zealanders.
  53. ^ Te Kawehau Hoskins; Alison Jones, eds. (2005). Critical Conversations in Kaupapa Maori. Huia Publishers. ISBN 978-1775503286. As Jones and Jenkins (2008) point out, an oppositional Māori identity politics has been the 'basis for internal collaboration and a politics of strength' (p.475).
  54. ^ Tahu Kukutai; Robert Didham (2009). "In Search of Ethnic New Zealanders: National Naming in the 2006 Census". Social Policy Journal of New Zealand. Ministry of Social Development (New Zealand). Retrieved May 6, 2021. Māori identity politics and Treaty settlements, as well as their reactions – the latter included challenges to historical settlements and so-called "race-based" funding.
  55. ^ Hopkins, Peter (2009). Muslims in Britain: Race, Place and Identities. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 210–211.
  56. ^ "European Poll: An Islamic Threat?". Al Jazeera. 6 January 2011. Archived from the original on 14 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2012.
  57. ^ Jeffrey Kaplan; Leonard Weinberg (1998). The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right. Rutgers University Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-0813525648.
  58. ^ Claire Galofaro; Bill Barrow (August 6, 2019). "Trump's America: Where politics dictate definition of racism". Associated Press. Bremner's show carries just one current of the heated national debate on race that has been fanned by Trump's unrepentant use of white identity politics
  59. ^ David Smith (December 8, 2019). "After Kamala: activists fear Democratic primary whitewash". The Guardian. Donald Trump's Republican party has leaned into white identity politics.
  60. ^ Michael Scherer (July 16, 2019). "White identity politics drives Trump, and the Republican Party under him". The Washington Post. Trump's combustible formula of white identity politics already has reshaped the Republican Party, sidelining, silencing or converting nearly anyone who dares to challenge the racial insensitivity of his utterances.
  61. ^ Ron Brownstein (August 15, 2019). "The Limits of Trump's White Identity Politics". The Atlantic.
  62. ^ Chris Kahn (August 19, 2019). "For Trump, appeals to white fears about race may be a tougher sell in 2020: Reuters/Ipsos poll". Reuters.
  63. ^ David Smith (December 8, 2019). "'It's a political civil war': Trump's racist tirades set tone for 2020". The Guardian. Intentionally or not, Trump's embrace of white identity politics may work to his advantage next year... A Reuters/Ipsos poll showed his net approval among Republicans rose by five points to 72%.
  64. ^ Maureen Groppe (May 13, 2019). "Pete Buttigieg says Donald Trump's white 'identity politics' contributing to a 'crisis of belonging'". USA Today.
  65. ^ a b Salam, Reihan (Sep 25, 2015). "Reihan Salam: Is 'white nationalism' rising?". Dallas Morning News.
  66. ^ Ross Douthat (September 10, 2019). "Can the Right Escape Racism?". The New York Times.
  67. ^ Nell Irvin Painter (November 1, 2019). "What Is White America? The Identity Politics of the Majority". Foreign Affairs.
  68. ^ Ezra Klein (July 16, 2019). "Trump vs. "the Squad"". Vox Media. The other views American politics through the lens of demographic change and the white identity politics it triggers.
  69. ^ Celis, K. Kantola, J. Waylen, G. Weldon, S. 'Introduction: Gender and Politics: A Gendered World, a Gendered Discipline', The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics, 2013
  70. ^ [Mona L. Krook, Fiona Mckay] [1] [Gender, Politics ans Institutions] [2011 Palgrave Macmillan]
  71. ^ Weldon, S. Laurel (2006). "Women's Movements, Identity Politics, and Policy Impacts: A Study of Policies on Violence against Women in the 50 United States". Political Research Quarterly. 59 (1): 111–122. ISSN 1065-9129.

See Also[edit]

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