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[[File:Harley MS 2278, folio 48v excerpt.jpg|thumb|"''Vbba''", Ubba's name as it appears in ''Harley MS 2278'', a fifteenth-century [[Middle English]] manuscript.<ref>[[#H4|Hervey 1907]] p.&nbsp;458; [[#H5|Harley MS 2278]].</ref>]]

{{for|the Swedish band|UBBA (band)}}
{{for|the Swedish band|UBBA (band)}}


[[File:Harley MS 2278, folio 48v excerpt.jpg|thumb|alt=Refer to caption|right|Ubba's name as it appears on folio 48[[verso|v]] of British Library Harley 2278 (''Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund''): "''{{lang|enm|Vbba}}''".<ref>[[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] p. 458; [[#UBBAH29|Horstmann (1881)]] p. 402 bk. 2 § 319; [[#UBBAH6|''Harley MS 2278'' (n.d.)]].</ref>]]
'''Ubba''', also known as '''Hubba''', '''Ubbe''', and '''Ubbi''', was a mid-ninth-century [[Viking]] chieftain and one of the commanders of the [[Great Heathen Army|Great Army]], a coalition of [[Norsemen|Norse]] warriors that in AD 865 invaded the [[History of Anglo-Saxon England|Anglo-Saxon]] kingdoms of [[Kingdom of Northumbria|Northumbria]], [[Mercia]], [[Kingdom of East Anglia|East Anglia]] and [[Wessex]]. According to a tradition recorded in [[Saga|Norse sagas]], he was one of the sons of [[Ragnar Lothbrok]].


'''Ubba''' was a ninth-century [[Viking]], and one of the commanders of the [[Great Army (Viking)|Great Army]] that invaded [[Anglo-Saxon England]] in the 860s.{{#tag:ref|Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Ubba various personal names in English secondary sources: ''Huba'',<ref>[[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]].</ref> ''Hubba'',<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]]; [[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]]; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]]; [[#UBBAJ1|Jordan, TRW (2015)]]; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]]; [[#UBBAL2|Lapidge (2014)]]; [[#UBBAL7|Lazzari (2014)]]; [[#UBBAC12|Cammarota (2013)]]; [[#UBBAW18|Emons-Nijenhuis (2013)]]; [[#UBBAM4|Mills, R (2013)]]; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]]; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]]; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]]; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]]; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]]; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]]; [[#UBBAW3|Winstead (2007)]]; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]]; [[#UBBAF9|Fjalldal (2003)]]; [[#UBBAS1|Schulenburg (2001)]]; [[#UBBAF12|Foot (2000)]]; [[#UBBAF14|Frederick (2000)]]; [[#UBBAH17|Halldórsson (2000)]]; [[#UBBAH21|Hayward (1999)]]; [[#UBBAK9|Keynes (1999)]]; [[#UBBAP1|Pulsiano (1999)]]; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]]; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]]; [[#UBBAT12|Townsend (1994)]]; [[#UBBAR7|Rowe, E (1993)]].</ref> ''Ubba'',<ref>[[#UBBAC15|Coroban (2017)]]; [[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]]; [[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]]; [[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]]; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]]; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]]; [[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]]; [[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]]; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]]; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]]; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]]; [[#UBBAC13|Cawsey (2009)]]; [[#UBBAE1|Edwards, ASG (2009)]]; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]]; [[#UBBAH5|Hayward (2009)]]; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]]; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]]; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]]; [[#UBBAA10|Adams; Holman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]]; [[#UBBAC23|Crumplin (2004)]]; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]]; [[#UBBAH17|Halldórsson (2000)]]; [[#UBBAR11|Rigg (1996)]]; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]]; [[#UBBAA15|Abels (1992)]]; [[#UBBAR15|Rigg (1992)]].</ref> ''Ubbe Ragnarsson'',<ref>[[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]]; [[#UBBAF7|Fornasini (2009)]].</ref> ''Ubbe'',<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]]; [[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]]; [[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]]; [[#UBBAR18|Roffey; Lavelle (2016)]]; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]]; [[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]]; [[#UBBAR8|Reimer (2014)]]; [[#UBBAA7|Abels (2013)]]; [[#UBBAI2|IJssennagger (2013)]]; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]]; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]]; [[#UBBAC6|Cubitt (2009)]]; [[#UBBAF7|Fornasini (2009)]]; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]]; [[#UBBAC7|Cubitt; Costambeys (2004)]]; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]]; [[#UBBAK7|Kleinman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]]; [[#UBBAS27|Smyth (1998)]]; [[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]]; [[#UBBAY2|Yorke (1995)]].</ref> ''Ubbi'',<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]]; [[#UBBAW18|Emons-Nijenhuis (2013)]]; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]]; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]]; [[#UBBAL8|Levy (2004)]]; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]]; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]]; [[#UBBAS26|Swanton, MJ (1999)]]; [[#UBBAR7|Rowe, E (1993)]].</ref> ''Ubbo'',<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]]; [[#UBBAI2|IJssennagger (2013)]]; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]]; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]].</ref> and ''Ube''.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]]; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]].</ref>|group=note}} The Great Army appears to have been a coalition of warbands drawn from [[Scandinavia]], [[Ireland]], the [[Irish Sea]] region, and [[the Continent]]. There is reason to suspect that a proportion of the Viking forces specifically originated in [[Frisia]], where some Viking commanders are known to have held [[fiefdom]]s on behalf of the [[Franks]]. Some sources describe Ubba as ''{{lang|la|[[dux]]}}'' of the [[Frisian people|Frisians]], which could be evidence that he also associated with a Frisian benefice.
Contemporary English sources tend to describe the army's men as [[Danish people|Danes]] and heathens, but there is evidence to suggest that a proportion of the force originated in [[Frisia]], and one source describes Ubba as ''[[dux]]'' of the [[Frisian people|Frisians]]. In 865 the Great Army, apparently led by a man named [[Ivar the Boneless|Ivar]], overwintered in East Anglia, before invading and destroying the kingdom of Northumbria. In 869, having been bought off by the Mercians, the Vikings conquered the East Angles, and in the process killed their king, [[Edmund the Martyr|Edmund]], who was later regarded as a [[saint]] and [[Christian martyrs|martyr]]. While near-contemporary sources do not associate Ubba with the latter campaign, some later, less reliable sources associate him with the king's martyrdom. Others associate Ubba and Edmund's martyrdom in traditions concerning the [[saga]]-character Ragnar Lothbrok.


In 865 the Great Army, apparently led by [[Ívarr inn beinlausi|Ívarr]], overwintered in [[Kingdom of East Anglia]], before invading and destroying the [[Kingdom of Northumbria]]. In 869, having been bought off by the [[Mercians]], the Vikings conquered the East Angles, and in the process killed their king, [[Edmund the Martyr|Edmund]], a man who was later regarded as a [[saint]] and [[Christian martyrs|martyr]]. While near-contemporary sources do not specifically associate Ubba with the latter campaign, some later, less reliable sources associate him with the legend of Edmund's martyrdom. In time, Ívarr and Ubba came to be regarded as archetypal Viking invaders and opponents of [[Anglo-Saxon Christianity|Christianity]]. As such, Ubba features in several dubious [[hagiographical]] accounts of [[Anglo-Saxon saints]] and ecclesiastical sites. Non-contemporary sources also associate Ívarr and Ubba with the legend of [[Ragnarr loðbrók]], a figure of dubious historicity. Whilst there is reason to suspect that Edmund's cult was partly promoted to integrate Scandinavian settlers in Anglo-Saxon England, the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók may have originated in attempts to explain why they came to settle.
After the fall of the East Anglian kingdom, leadership of the Great Army appears to have fallen to [[Halfdan Ragnarsson|Halfdan]], Ivar's brother. The Vikings then campaigned against the West Saxons and destroyed the kingdom of the Mercians. In 873 the Great Army split in two: Halfdan led one part to campaign in the north before settling in Northumbria; the other part, under a leader named [[Guthrum]], campaigned against the West Saxons. In the winter of 877–78 Guthrum launched a lightning attack deep into Wessex, which may have been coordinated with a separate Viking force campaigning in [[Devon]]. According to a near-contemporary source, this force was led by a brother of Ivar and Halfdan, and some later sources identify him as Ubba.


After the fall of the East Anglian kingdom, leadership of the Great Army appears to have fallen to [[Bagsecg]] and [[Halfdan Ragnarsson|Hálfdan]], who campaigned against the Mercians and [[West Saxons]]. In 873 the Great Army is recorded to have split. Whilst Hálfdan settled his followers in Northumbria, the army under [[Guthrum]], Oscytel, and Anwend, struck out southwards, and campaigned against the West Saxons. In the winter of 877/878, Guthrum launched a lightning attack deep into Wessex. There is reason to suspect that this strike was coordinated with the campaigning of a separate Viking force in [[Devon]]. This latter army is reported to have been destroyed at [[Battle of Cynuit|''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'']] in 878. According to a near-contemporary source, this force was led by a brother of Ívarr and Hálfdan, and some later sources identify this man as Ubba himself.
==Origins and arrival of the Great Army==
[[File:Life of St. Edmund, Barbarians Invading England, c 1130.JPG|thumb|upright|Danish Vikings depicted in the twelfth-century ''MS M.736''.]]
In the mid-ninth century, an invading army descended on [[Anglo-Saxon England]]. The earliest version of the ''[[Anglo-Saxon Chronicle]]'', a near-contemporary source first compiled in the late-ninth century,<ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;217.</ref> calls this army "''micel here''",<ref>[[#M3|McLeod 2013]] p.&nbsp;64 & n.&nbsp;16; [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;68–69 (§&nbsp;866); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] p.&nbsp;130 (§&nbsp;866).</ref>{{refn|Note that "§" in citations indicates a year or a section in a source; "§§" indicates two or more years or sections.|group=note}} an [[Old English]] term generally translated as "the [[Great Heathen Army|Great Army]]".<ref>[[#D4|Downham 2013a]] pp.&nbsp;13–14; [[#M3|McLeod 2013]] p.&nbsp;64.</ref>{{refn|The earliest form of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' is the A-version. The Old English term ''micel hæðen here'', meaning "great heathen raiding-army", is accorded to the army in later versions (B, C, D, and E).<ref>[[#M3|McLeod 2013]] p.&nbsp;64.</ref>|group=note}} The exact origins of this force are obscure, although the ''Chronicle'' usually identifies its members as [[Danish people|Danes]] or heathens.<ref>[[#D4|Downham 2013a]] p.&nbsp;13.</ref><ref>[[#M3|McLeod 2013]] p.&nbsp;64; [[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;71.</ref> The tenth-century churchman [[Asser]] stated in [[Latin]] that the invaders came "''de Danubia''", which translates into English as "from the [[Danube]]".<ref>[[#D4|Downham 2013a]] p.&nbsp;13; [[#D5|Downham 2013b]] p.&nbsp;53; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;64; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;98 (§&nbsp;24); [[#C5|Cook 1906]] p.&nbsp;13 (§&nbsp;21); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] p.&nbsp;50; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] pp.&nbsp;18–19 (§&nbsp;21); [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] p.&nbsp;449.</ref> Since the Danube is located in what was known in Latin as ''[[Dacia]]'', Asser probably intended ''Dania'', a Latin term for [[Denmark]].<ref>[[#D4|Downham 2013a]] p.&nbsp;13; [[#D5|Downham 2013b]] p.&nbsp;53; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;64.</ref> The tenth-century chronicler [[Æthelweard (historian)|Æthelweard]] (d. [[Circa|c.]]&nbsp;998), in his ''[[Chronicon Æthelweardi]]'', reported that "the fleets of the tyrant [Ivar] arrived in the land of the English from the north",<ref name=Chronicon>[[#D4|Downham 2013a]] p.&nbsp;13 & n.&nbsp;23; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;64; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;156 (§&nbsp;1); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] p.&nbsp;25; [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] p.&nbsp;427 (§&nbsp;866).</ref> implying a [[Scandinavia]]n origin.<ref name=Chronicon />{{refn|In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries Ivar came to be remembered in Scandinavian tradition as "Ivar the Boneless".<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;6 & 15; [[#W8|Woolf 2004]] p.&nbsp;95.</ref>|group=note}}


==The origins of Ubba and the Great Army==
The Great Army may have included Vikings already active in England, as well as men directly from Scandinavia, [[History of Ireland (800–1169)|Ireland]] and the Continent:<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;63–65; [[#M3|McLeod 2013]] p.&nbsp;76 & n.&nbsp;67; [[#K1|Keynes 2001]] p.&nbsp;54; [[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;71.</ref> a proportion of the army probably originated in [[Frisia]].<ref>[[#M3|McLeod 2013]] p.&nbsp;84; [[#W3|Woolf 2007]] pp.&nbsp;71–72; [[#W8|Woolf 2004]] p.&nbsp;95; [[#B2|Bremmer 1981]].</ref> The ninth-century ''[[Annales Bertiniani]]'' records that Danish Vikings devastated Frisia in 851,<ref name="Rech 2014">[[#R1|Rech 2014]].</ref><ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] pp.&nbsp;71–72; [[#N1|Nelson 1991]] p.&nbsp;73; [[#W5|Waitz 1883]] p.&nbsp;41.</ref> and the twelfth-century ''[[Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses]]'' states that a Viking force of Danes and [[Frisian people|Frisians]] made landfall on the [[Isle of Sheppey]] in 855.<ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;259</ref><ref>[[#S14|Stancliffe 1989]] pp.&nbsp;28–29.</ref><ref>[[#V1|van Houts 1984]] p.&nbsp;116; [[#B2|Bremmer 1981]] pp.&nbsp;75–76; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;223, n.&nbsp;25, 227; [[#P2|Pertz 1866]] p.&nbsp;506.</ref> The same source, and the tenth- or eleventh-century ''[[Historia de Sancto Cuthberto]]'', describe Ubba&nbsp;– who is associated with Ivar in other sources&nbsp;– as ''[[dux]]'' of the Frisians.<ref>[[#D2|Davidson 1998]] (vol.&nbsp;2), p.&nbsp;156, n.&nbsp;38; [[#V1|van Houts 1984]] p.&nbsp;116; [[#B2|Bremmer 1981]] p.&nbsp;76; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;223 n.&nbsp;25 & 227; [[#P2|Pertz 1866]] p.&nbsp;506.</ref><ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;359; [[#S6|South 2002]] p.&nbsp;2.</ref><ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] pp.&nbsp;71–72; [[#S6|South 2002]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;10) & 52–53 (§&nbsp;14); [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;227; [[#A2|Arnold 1882]] pp.&nbsp;201–202 (§&nbsp;10) & 204 (§&nbsp;14); [[#H3|Hodgson Hinde 1868]] pp.&nbsp;142 & 144.</ref>{{refn|''Annales Bertiniani'' is a [[West Francia|West Frankish]] source.<ref name="Rech 2014"/> At least one of the scribes who wrote ''Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses'' was Symeon of Durham.<ref>[[#D6|Dunphy 2014]].</ref> ''Historia de Sancto Cuthberto'' was composed in northern Anglo-Saxon England.<ref>[[#K5|Kennedy 2014]].</ref>|group=note}} Furthermore, while the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' calls the Viking army ''micel here'', the Latin ''Historia de Sancto Cuthberto'' instead uses the term ''Scaldingi'', possibly meaning "people from the [[Scheldt|River Scheldt]]".<ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;72; [[#W8|Woolf 2004]] p.&nbsp;95; [[#F1|Frank 2000]] p.&nbsp;159.</ref>{{refn|Elsewhere in ''Historia de Sancto Cuthberto'', the term ''Scald'' is used to refer to the same river.<ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;72; [[#W8|Woolf 2004]] p.&nbsp;95.</ref> Other possible meanings of ''Scaldingi'' include "shieldmen", "descendant of Scyld", and "men of the [[Punt (boat)|punt]]ed ship".<ref>[[#F1|Frank 2000]] pp.&nbsp;159 & 117 n.&nbsp;17.</ref>|group=note}} This suggests that Ubba may have been from [[Walcheren]], an island in the [[River mouth|mouth]] of the Scheldt.<ref name="W3=72">[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;72.</ref> The island is known to have been occupied by Danish Vikings over two decades before, when the [[List of Frankish kings|Frankish emperor]] [[Lothair I]] (d. 855) granted the island to a certain Danish royal dynast named Harald in 841.<ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;72; [[#B7|Besteman 2004]] p.&nbsp;105; [[#N2|Nelson 2001]] pp.&nbsp;25 & 41; [[#N1|Nelson 1991]] p.&nbsp;73; [[#L1|Lund 1989]] pp.&nbsp;47 & 49 n.&nbsp;16.</ref> If Ubba's troops were drawn from the Frisian settlement started by Harald over two decades before, many of Ubba's men might well have been born in Frisia.<ref name="W3=72"/> The considerable time that members of the Great Army appear to have spent in Ireland and the Continent suggests that these men were well accustomed to [[Germanic Christianity|Christian society]],<ref>[[#M3|McLeod 2013]] pp.&nbsp;83–84; [[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;72.</ref> which in turn may partly explain their achievements in England.<ref name="W3=72"/>


[[File:Ubba (map).png|thumb|right|alt=Map of Britain, Ireland, and the Continent|Locations associated with Ubba's career.]]
==The Great Army under Ivar==
[[File:Harley MS 2278, folio 48r excerpt.jpg|thumb|left|Excerpt from ''Harley MS 2278'' depicting Hyngwar and Vbba ravaging the countryside.<ref>[[#H5|Harley MS 2278]].</ref> Lydgate's imaginative hagiography presents supposed ninth-century events in a [[chivalric]] context.<ref>[[#F3|Frantzen 2004]] pp.&nbsp;66–70.</ref> ]]
In the autumn of 865, the ''Anglo Saxon Chronicle'' records that the Great Army invaded [[Kingdom of East Anglia|East Anglia]] and overwintered there.<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;69; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;48 (§&nbsp;866); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;57–58 (§&nbsp;866); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;68-69 (§&nbsp;866); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;196 (§&nbsp;866); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;140 (§&nbsp;866); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;49 (§&nbsp;866); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;866); [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;2–3 (§&nbsp;866); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;68–69 (§&nbsp;866); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;130–131; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;59 (§&nbsp;866); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;43 (§&nbsp;866); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;97 (§&nbsp;866).</ref> That winter the Vikings evidently gained valuable intelligence, and the ''Chronicle'' states that, the following spring, they left East Anglia on horses gained from the subordinated population and struck deep into the [[Kingdom of Northumbria|kingdom of the Northumbrians]], which was in the midst of a civil war between the rival kings [[Ælla of Northumbria|Ælla]] (d.&nbsp;867) and [[Osberht of Northumbria|Osberht]] (d.&nbsp;867).<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;69–70; [[#K3|Kirby 2002]] p.&nbsp;173; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;48 (§&nbsp;867); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;867); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;68–69 (§&nbsp;867); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;196 (§&nbsp;867); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;140 (§&nbsp;867); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;49 (§&nbsp;867); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;867); [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;2–3 (§&nbsp;867); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;68–69 (§&nbsp;867); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;130–133; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;59 (§&nbsp;867); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;43 (§&nbsp;867); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;97–98 (§&nbsp;867).</ref>


In the mid ninth century, an invading [[Viking]] army coalesced in [[Anglo-Saxon England]]. The earliest version of the ninth- to twelfth-century ''[[Anglo-Saxon Chronicle]]'' variously describes the invading host as "''{{lang|ang|micel here}}''",<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 13; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 9, 27 n. 96; [[#UBBAS14|Sheldon (2011)]] p. 12, 12 n. 13; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 64, 64 n. 16; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 68 § 866; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 58 § 866; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 2&ndash;3 § 866; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] p. 68 § 866; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] p. 130 § 866; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 59 § 866.</ref> an [[Old English]] term that can translate as "big army"<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 14; [[#UBBAD7|Downham (2013b)]] p. 52; [[#UBBAD8|Downham (2012)]] p. 4; [[#UBBAS14|Sheldon (2011)]] p. 12.</ref> or "great army".<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 230; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 14; [[#UBBAD7|Downham (2013b)]] p. 52; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 9, 27 n. 96; [[#UBBAH8|Halsall (2007)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAW8|Williams, A (1999)]] p. 69.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The earliest form of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' is the ninth- or tenth-century "A" version. Forms of the Old English term "''{{lang|ang|mycel hæðen here}}''", meaning "great heathen raiding-army", are accorded to the army in later versions.<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 866; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAS14|Sheldon (2011)]] p. 12, 12 n. 13; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 866; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 867; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 69 § 866; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 196 § 866; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 867; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 140 § 866; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 49 § 866; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 2&ndash;3 § 866; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 351 § 866; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] p. 69 § 866, 69 n. 3; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 130&ndash;131 § 866/867; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 59 § 866; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 866.</ref>|group=note}} [[Archaeological]] evidence and documentary sources suggest that this [[Great Army (Viking)|Great Army]] was not a single unified force, but more of a composite collection of warbands drawn from different regions.<ref>[[#UBBAH9|Hadley; Richards; Brown et al. (2016)]] p. 55; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] pp. 75&ndash;76, 79 n. 77; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 10, 81&ndash;82, 113, 119&ndash;120; [[#UBBAB12|Budd; Millard; Chenery et al. (2004)]] pp. 137&ndash;138.</ref>
Late in 866 the Vikings seized [[History of York|York]],<ref name="asc-york">[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;65; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;69–70; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;48 (§&nbsp;867); [[#K1|Keynes 2001]] p.&nbsp;54; [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;867); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;68–69 (§&nbsp;867); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;196 (§&nbsp;867); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;140 (§&nbsp;867); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;49 (§&nbsp;867); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;867); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;68–69 (§&nbsp;867); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;130–133; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;59 (§&nbsp;867); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;43 (§&nbsp;868); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;97–98 (§&nbsp;867).</ref>{{refn|The taking of York is dated to 1 November, the [[All Saints' Day|Feast of All Saints]], by ''[[Libellus de exordio|Libellus de exordio atque procursu istius hoc est Dunhelmensis ecclesie]]'',<ref>[[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;196 n.&nbsp;7; [[#S13|Stevenson 1855]] p.&nbsp;654.</ref> a twelfth-century source often attributed to the churchman [[Symeon of Durham]] (d. c.&nbsp;1128),<ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;359; [[#G7|Gransden 1996]] pp.&nbsp;115–116.</ref> and the thirteenth-century ''[[Flores Historiarum]]'', by the churchman [[Roger of Wendover]] (d. 1236).<ref>[[#S5|Smyth 1977]] p.&nbsp;181; [[#C7|Coxe 1841]] pp.&nbsp;298–299 (§&nbsp;867); [[#G6|Giles 1849]] pp.&nbsp;189–190 (§&nbsp;867).</ref> Attacking a populated site on a [[feast day]] was a noted tactic of the Vikings. Such celebrations offered attackers easy access to potential captives who could be ransomed or sold into slavery.<ref>[[#N2|Nelson 2001]] p.&nbsp;38; [[#S5|Smyth 1977]] p.&nbsp;181.</ref>|group=note}} one of only two [[Archbishop|archiepiscopal]] [[Episcopal see|sees]] in England and one of the richest trading centres in Britain.<ref name="F2=70">[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;70.</ref> Although Ælla and Osberht responded by joining forces against the Vikings, the ''Chronicle'' indicates that their attack on York was a disaster and they both died.<ref name="asc-york"/> With the collapse of the kingdom and destruction of its regime, the twelfth-century ''[[Historia Regum]]'' reveals that the Vikings installed [[Ecgberht I of Northumbria|Ecgberht]] (d.&nbsp;873) as a Northumbrian [[puppet king]].<ref name="historiaregum">[[#T2|Timofeeva 2011]] p.&nbsp;119; [[#S6|South 2002]] p.&nbsp;10; [[#G7|Gransden 1996]] pp.&nbsp;148–149.</ref><ref>[[#K2|Keynes 2014]] p.&nbsp;526; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;70; [[#S7|Sawyer 2001]] p.&nbsp;275; [[#A3|Arnold 1885]] pp.&nbsp;105–106.</ref>{{refn|Although one manuscript of ''Historia Regum'' attributes its composition to Symeon, this identification is debatable.<ref name="historiaregum"/>|group=note}}


The exact origins of the Great Army are obscure.<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 13; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 71.</ref> The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' sometimes identifies the Vikings as [[Danish people|Danes]].<ref>[[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 10, 12&ndash;13, 120&ndash;121; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 71.</ref> The tenth-century ''[[Vita Alfredi]]'' seems to allege that the invaders came from [[Denmark]].<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 13; [[#UBBAD7|Downham (2013b)]] p. 53; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 140; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21, asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 13 ch. 21, 183, 217&ndash;218 n. 61, 224 n. 139; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 98 § 24 ch. 21; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] p. 13 ch. 21; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 50; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 19 ch. 21; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 449, 449 n. 6.</ref> A [[Scandinavia]]n origin may be evinced by the tenth-century ''Chronicon Æthelweardi'', which states that "the fleets of the tyrant Ívarr" arrived in Anglo-Saxon England from "the north".<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 18; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 13, 13 n. 23; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 173; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 68 n. 5; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 196 n. 5; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] pp. 314&ndash;315; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 117 n. 173, 119; [[#UBBAS7|Stenton (1963)]] p. 244 n. 2; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 156 bk. 4 ch. 2 § 1; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 25 bk. 4 ch. 2; [[#UBBAT8|''The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great'' (1858)]] p. 30; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 427 bk. 4 ch. 2.</ref> With the turn of the mid-ninth century, this [[Ívarr inn beinlausi|Ívarr]] (died 869/870?)<ref>[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] pp. 62, 68 n. 70; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73; [[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]]; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44.</ref> was one of the foremost Viking leaders in [[Great Britain|Britain]] and [[Ireland]].<ref>[[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 67; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] pp. 71&ndash;73.</ref>
The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' records that the Great Army attacked [[Mercia]] in 867, after which the Vikings seized [[Nottingham]] and overwintered there.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;65; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;70–71; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;48 (§&nbsp;868); [[#K1|Keynes 2001]] p.&nbsp;54; [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;868); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;68–71 (§&nbsp;868); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;197 (§&nbsp;868); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;140 (§&nbsp;868); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] pp.&nbsp;49–50 (§&nbsp;868); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;58–59 (§&nbsp;868); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;68–71 (§&nbsp;868); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;132–135; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;59 (§&nbsp;868); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;43 (§&nbsp;868); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;98 (§&nbsp;868).</ref> Although the respective Mercian and West Saxon kings [[Burgred of Mercia|Burgred]] (d. [[Circa|c.]] 874) and [[Æthelred of Wessex|Æthelred]] (d. 871) responded by joining forces and besieging the occupied town, both the ''Chronicle'' and Asser record that this combined Anglo-Saxon force was unable to dislodge the army.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;65; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;70–72; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;48 (§&nbsp;868); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;868); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;68–71 (§&nbsp;868); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;197 (§&nbsp;868); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;140 (§&nbsp;868); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] pp.&nbsp;49–50 (§&nbsp;868); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;58–59 (§&nbsp;868); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;68–71 (§&nbsp;868); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;132–135 [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;59 (§&nbsp;868); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;43 (§&nbsp;868); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;98 (§&nbsp;868).</ref><ref>[[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;70–71 & n.&nbsp;1; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;197 n.&nbsp;2; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;101–102 (§&nbsp;30); [[#C5|Cook 1906]] pp.&nbsp;17–18 (§&nbsp;30); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] p.&nbsp;53; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] pp.&nbsp;24–25 (§&nbsp;30); [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] p.&nbsp;452.</ref> In the meantime the Great Army renewed its strength for future forays, and the ''Chronicle'' records that it was only through a haggled truce that the Mercians were able to induce the Vikings to withdraw to York.<ref name="F2=70"/><ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;65; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;72; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;48 (§&nbsp;869); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;869); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;71 (§&nbsp;869); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;197 (§&nbsp;869); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;140 (§&nbsp;869); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;50 (§&nbsp;869); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;59 (§&nbsp;869); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;70–71 (§&nbsp;869); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;134–135; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;60 (§&nbsp;869); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;43 (§&nbsp;869); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;99 (§&nbsp;869).</ref>


[[File:Viking invasion (Pierpont Morgan Library MS M.736, folio 9v) crop.jpg|upright|thumb|left|A twelfth-century depiction of the invading [[Vikings]] on folio 9v of Pierpont Morgan Library M.736.<ref>[[#UBBAW9|Williams, G (2017)]] p. 31; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 99, 100 fig. 7; [[#UBBAT7|''The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund'' (n.d.)]].</ref>{{#tag:ref|The thirty-two painted [[Miniature (illuminated manuscript)|miniatures]] that make up this manuscript are scenes from ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' and ''De miraculis sancti Eadmundi''.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 98.</ref>|group=note}}]]
==Martyrdom of Edmund==
[[File:12th-century painters - Life of St Edmund - WGA15723.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Edmund the Martyr|Edmund]]'s martyrdom, depicted in the twelfth-century ''MS M.736''.{{refn|This [[Miniature (illuminated manuscript)|miniature]] is one of several in the manuscript's [[Illuminated manuscript|illuminated]] copy of Abbo's ''Passio Sancti Eadmundi''. The manuscript is held in [[Pierpont Morgan Library]], New York.<ref>[[#M4|Mills 2013]] p.&nbsp;38; [[#B1|Bale 2009]] pp.&nbsp;9, 63 & 188.</ref>|group=note}} ]]


The Great Army may have included Vikings already active in Anglo-Saxon England, as well as men directly from Scandinavia, Ireland, the [[Irish Sea]] region, and [[the Continent]].<ref>[[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] pp. 137&ndash;138; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] pp. 76, 76 n. 67, 83&ndash;84, 84 nn. 94&ndash;95; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 28, 119&ndash;180 ch. 3, 273, 285; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] pp. 64&ndash;65; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 71; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44.</ref> There is reason to suspect that a proportion of the army specifically originated in [[Frisia]].<ref>[[#UBBAK11|Knol; IJssennagger (2017)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] pp. 137&ndash;139; [[#UBBAI2|IJssennagger (2013)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] pp. 76 n. 67, 83&ndash;84, 84 n. 95; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 28, 119&ndash;180 ch. 3; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] pp. 71&ndash;72; [[#UBBAW6|Woolf (2004)]] p. 95; [[#UBBAS27|Smyth (1998)]] pp. 24&ndash;25; [[#UBBAB7|Bremmer, RH (1981)]].</ref> For example, the ninth-century ''[[Annales Bertiniani]]'' reveals that Danish Vikings devastated Frisia in 850,<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 210 § 850; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] pp. 71&ndash;72; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] p. 69 § 850; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 38 § 850; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 445 § 850.</ref> and the twelfth-century ''Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses'' states that a Viking force of Danes and [[Frisian people|Frisians]] made landfall on the [[Isle of Sheppey]] in 855.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] pp. 137, 137 n. 8, 137&ndash;138; [[#UBBAI2|IJssennagger (2013)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAB17|Bremmer, R (1984)]] p. 359; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 116, 116 n. 56; [[#UBBAB7|Bremmer, RH (1981)]] pp. 76&ndash;77; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 223 n. 26, 227; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAP7|Pertz (1866)]] p. 506 § 855.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The Viking commanders specifically associated with this event are Ubba, [[Halfdan Ragnarsson|Hálfdan]] (died 877), and Ívarr.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] pp. 137, 137 n. 8, 137&ndash;138; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAB17|Bremmer, R (1984)]] p. 359; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 116, 116 n. 56; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] pp. 316&ndash;317; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 96 n. 22, 113, 113 n. 148, 119; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] pp. 80, 83, 85; [[#UBBAP7|Pertz (1866)]] p. 506 § 855.</ref>|group=note}} The same source,<ref>[[#UBBAI2|IJssennagger (2013)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] pp. 60&ndash;61; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; [[#UBBAB17|Bremmer, R (1984)]] p. 359; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 116, 116 n. 56; [[#UBBAB7|Bremmer, RH (1981)]] pp. 76&ndash;77; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] pp. 316&ndash;317; [[#UBBAC14|Cox (1971)]] p. 51 n. 19; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 223 n. 26, 227; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAP7|Pertz (1866)]] p. 506 § 868.</ref> and the tenth- or eleventh-century ''[[Historia de sancto Cuthberto]]'', describe Ubba as ''{{lang|la|[[dux]]}}'' of the Frisians.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 85; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 18&ndash;20; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137; [[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAI2|IJssennagger (2013)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 141, 141 n. 156; [[#UBBAG12|Gazzoli (2010)]] p. 36, 36 n. 71; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] pp. 71&ndash;72; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] pp. 59, 61; [[#UBBAS12|South (2002)]] pp. 50&ndash;51 ch. 10, 52&ndash;53 ch. 14; [[#UBBAJ4|Johnson-South (1991)]] p. 623; [[#UBBAB17|Bremmer, R (1984)]] pp. 359&ndash;360, 366 n. 12; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 116, 116 n. 55; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 104 n. 86, 120 n. 199; [[#UBBAC14|Cox (1971)]] p. 51 n. 19; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 227; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] pp. 201&ndash;202 bk. 2 ch. 10, 204 bk. 2 ch. 14; [[#UBBAH7|Hodgson Hinde (1868)]] pp. 142, 144.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The thirteenth-century ''[[Gesta Danorum]]'' makes reference to Ubbo Fresicus, a figure stated to have assisted [[Haraldr hilditǫnn]] against the forces of Hringr in the legendary [[Battle of Brávellir]].<ref>[[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAI2|IJssennagger (2013)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 145, 145 n. 177; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 1 p. 242 bk. 8, vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] pp. 84&ndash;85; [[#UBBAH12|Holder (1886)]] pp. 262&ndash;263 bk. 8; [[#UBBAE3|Elton; Powell; Anderson; Buel (n.d.)]] p. 480 bk. 8.</ref> A similarly named Ubbi fríski is attested by the thirteenth-century ''[[Sǫgubrot af nokkrum fornkonungum]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAR4|Rafn (1829)]] pp. 379&ndash;383 chs. 8&ndash;9.</ref> The character these figures represent may well be moddled after Ubba, also associated with Frisia and the Frisians.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 106&ndash;107.</ref>|group=note}}
In 869 the kingdom of East Anglia fell to the Great Army. The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle''{{'}}s account of the conflict reveals that the Vikings took up winter quarters at [[Thetford]], where they fought and destroyed the East Anglian army and killed King [[Edmund the Martyr|Edmund]].<ref>[[#M5|Mostert 2014]] pp.&nbsp;165–166; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;64; [[#W1|Winstead 2007]] p.&nbsp;128; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;48 (§&nbsp;870); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;871); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;70–71 (§&nbsp;870); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;197 & n.&nbsp;6 (§&nbsp;870); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;140-141 (§&nbsp;870); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;870); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;59–70 (§&nbsp;870); [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;2–3 (§&nbsp;870); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;70–71 (§&nbsp;870); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;134–136 (§&nbsp;870); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;60 (§&nbsp;870); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;43–44 (§&nbsp;870); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;99 (§&nbsp;870).</ref> Although the ''Chronicle'''s account of the conflict suggests that Edmund was slain in battle,<ref>[[#M5|Mostert 2014]] pp.&nbsp;165–166; [[#G1|Gransden 2004]].</ref> and Asser certainly stated as much in his version of events,<ref>[[#G1|Gransden 2004]]; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;102 (§&nbsp;33); [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;4–5; [[#C5|Cook 1906]] p.&nbsp;18 (§&nbsp;33); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] p.&nbsp;26; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] p.&nbsp;26 (§&nbsp;33); [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] p.&nbsp;452 (§&nbsp;870).</ref> later [[hagiographical]] works portray the king in an idealised light, and depict his death in the context of a peace-loving Christian monarch, who willingly suffered [[Christian martyrs|martyrdom]] after refusing to shed blood in defence of himself.<ref>[[#M5|Mostert 2014]] pp.&nbsp;165–166; [[#W1|Winstead 2007]] p.&nbsp;128; [[#F3|Frantzen 2004]] pp.&nbsp;61–66; [[#G1|Gransden 2004]].</ref> One such account is the ''[[Edmund the Martyr#The Passio Sancti Eadmundi|Passio Sancti Eadmundi]]'', by the eleventh-century churchman [[Abbo of Fleury]]. Despite its obvious hagiographic embellishments, this source appears to be the latest useful source concerning Edmund's demise,<ref>[[#M5|Mostert 2014]] pp.&nbsp;165–166; [[#D4|Downham 2013a]] p.&nbsp;15; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;119–120; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;233.</ref>{{refn|Abbo's account likens Edmund to [[Jesus Christ]] and [[Saint Sebastian|St Sebastian]]. Specifically, Edmund is mocked and [[scourged]] like Christ, and later tied to a tree and shot like St Sebastian.<ref>[[#M4|Mills 2013]] p.&nbsp;37; [[#G1|Gransden 2004]]; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;219–220; [[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;86; [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;32–37 (§&nbsp;10); [[#A1|Arnold 1890]] pp.&nbsp;15–16 (§&nbsp;10).</ref> Not long after Abbo wrote ''Passio Sancti Eadmundi'', the eleventh-century churchman [[Ælfric of Eynsham]] (d. c. 1010) composed an adapted form of it. Ælfric's version, however, does not offer any further historical details concerning Edmund's demise.<ref>[[#M5|Mostert 2014]] pp.&nbsp;165–166; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;222.</ref> Abbo wrote his account at least one hundred and sixteen years after Edmund's death. Abbo claimed that his account&mdash;except for the final miracle&mdash;was derived from a tale that he had heard told by the elderly [[Dunstan|Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury]] (d. 988) tell the tale. According to Abbo, Dunstan had heard this tale told, as a young man, from a very old man who claimed to have once been Edmund's armour-bearer.<ref>[[#M4|Mills 2013]] p.&nbsp;37; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;218–219; [[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;86.</ref>|group=note}} and its claim that Edmund was captured and executed is plausible.<ref>[[#M5|Mostert 2014]] pp.&nbsp;165–166; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;221–222; [[#A1|Arnold 1890]] pp.&nbsp;15–16 (§&nbsp;10).</ref> In regard to Ubba, Abbo's account states that Ivar left him in Northumbria before launching his assault upon the East Angles.<ref>[[#M8|Mostert 1987]] p.&nbsp;42; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;219; [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;18–21 (§&nbsp;5); [[#A1|Arnold 1890]] pp.&nbsp;8–10 (§&nbsp;5).</ref>{{refn|Abbo's account makes no mention of the Vikings' actions in East Anglia in 865, and implies erroneously that they arrived in Northumbria by sea.<ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;220–221.</ref>|group=note}} In contrast to this source, the early twelfth-century F-version of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' specifically identifies Ivar and Ubba as the commanders of the king's killers.<ref name="Whitelock 1969 p. 223">[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;223.</ref><ref>[[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;70–71 & n.&nbsp;2; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;197 n.&nbsp;6; [[#B2|Bremmer 1981]] p.&nbsp;77; [[#M1|McTurk 1976]] p.&nbsp;119; [[#S16|Stenton 1963]] p.&nbsp;244 n.&nbsp;2; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;140–141 (§&nbsp;870); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;870); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;59 n.&nbsp;2; [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;2–3 (§&nbsp;870); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;134–136; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;60 (§&nbsp;870); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;99 (§&nbsp;870).</ref> This could be a mistake on the chronicler's part,<ref name="Whitelock 1969 p. 223"/> and later, less reliable literature concerning Edmund's death also associates these two Vikings with it.{{refn|One such example is ''[[Estoire des Engleis]]'', by the twelfth-century chronicler [[Geoffrey Gaimar]]. Gaimar identifies Ivar and Ubba as prominent Viking commanders, stating that, after the defeat of Edmund and fall of his kingdom, Ivar and Ubba cruelly put the king to death.<ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;224–225; [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;122–133.</ref>|group=note}}


Whilst the Old English ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' calls the Viking army ''{{lang|ang|micel here}}'', the [[Latin]] ''Historia de sancto Cuthberto'' instead gives ''{{lang|la|Scaldingi}}'',<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 141&ndash;142; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72; [[#UBBAF6|Frank (2000)]] p. 159; [[#UBBAA8|Anderson, CE (1999)]] p. 125; [[#UBBAB26|Björkman (1911–1912)]] p. 132; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] pp. 200 ch. 7, 202 chs. 11&ndash;12; [[#UBBAH7|Hodgson Hinde (1868)]] pp. 141, 143; [[#UBBAB10|Bense (n.d.)]] pp. 2&ndash;3.</ref> a term of uncertain meaning that is employed three times in reference to the leadership of the Viking forces.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 22&ndash;23.</ref> One possibility is that world could mean "people from the [[Scheldt|River Scheldt]]".<ref>[[#UBBAA6|Anderson, CE (2016)]] pp. 462 n. 5, 470 n. 22; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 22&ndash;23; [[#UBBAD5|de Rijke (2011)]] p. 67; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 142; [[#UBBAG12|Gazzoli (2010)]] p. 36; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72; [[#UBBAB11|Besteman (2004)]] p. 105; [[#UBBAW6|Woolf (2004)]] p. 95; [[#UBBAF6|Frank (2000)]] p. 159; [[#UBBAV2|Van Heeringen (1998)]] p. 245; [[#UBBAB26|Björkman (1911–1912)]].</ref>{{#tag:ref|Elsewhere, this river is called ''{{lang|ang|Scald}}'' in [[Old English]], and called ''{{lang|la|Scaldis}}'' in Latin.<ref>[[#UBBAA6|Anderson, CE (2016)]] pp. 462 n. 5; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 142; [[#UBBAG12|Gazzoli (2010)]] p. 36; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72; [[#UBBAW6|Woolf (2004)]] p. 95.</ref> Other possible meanings of ''{{lang|la|Scaldingi}}'' include: "shieldmen",<ref>[[#UBBAF6|Frank (2000)]] pp. 159, 173 n. 17.</ref> "descendant of ''{{lang|ang|Scyld}}''",<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 24&ndash;25; [[#UBBAF6|Frank (2000)]] pp. 159, 173 n. 17; [[#UBBAB26|Björkman (1911–1912)]].</ref> and "men of the [[Punt (boat)|punt]]ed ship".<ref>[[#UBBAA6|Anderson, CE (2016)]] p. 462 n. 5; [[#UBBAF6|Frank (2000)]] pp. 159, 173 n. 17; [[#UBBAB26|Björkman (1911–1912)]].</ref>|group=note}} This could indicate that Ubba was from [[Walcheren]], an island in the [[River mouth|mouth]] of the Scheldt.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 142; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72.</ref> Walcheren is known to have been occupied by Danish Vikings over two decades before.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 142; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72; [[#UBBAB11|Besteman (2004)]] p. 105; [[#UBBAN1|Nelson (2001)]] pp. 25, 41; [[#UBBAS13|Sawyer (2001)]] p. 274; [[#UBBAL4|Lund (1989)]] pp. 47, 49 n. 16.</ref> For example, ''Annales Bertiniani'' reports that [[Lothair I, King of Middle Francia]] (died 855) granted the island to a Viking named Herioldus in 841.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 7; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 143; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] p. 51; [[#UBBAL4|Lund (1989)]] pp. 47, 49 n. 16; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 26 § 841; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 438 § 841.</ref>
==The Great Army under Halfdan==
After Edmund's death and the destruction of the East Anglian kingdom, Ivar disappears from English sources altogether.<ref name="Forte p. 72">[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;72.</ref> In the second half of 870, one of the commanders of the Great Army was Ivar's brother [[Halfdan Ragnarsson|Halfdan]], who led it against the kingdom of [[Wessex]].<ref name="Forte p. 72"/> The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' reports that, having established itself at [[Reading, Berkshire|Reading]] in 871, the army fought nine battles against the West Saxons.<ref name="ninebattle">[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;72–73; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;48–49 (§&nbsp;871); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;58 (§&nbsp;871); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;70–73 (§&nbsp;871); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;197–198 (§&nbsp;871); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;141–142 (§&nbsp;871); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] pp.&nbsp;51–52 (§&nbsp;871); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;60–61 (§&nbsp;871); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;70–73 (§&nbsp;871); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;136–143 (§&nbsp;871); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;61–62 (§&nbsp;871); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;44–45 (§&nbsp;871); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;99–101 (§&nbsp;871).</ref> The most important of these seems to have been an engagement early that year, somewhere on the [[Berkshire Downs]] at a place then known as [[Battle of Ashdown|Ashdown]].<ref>[[#C4|Costambeys 2004]].</ref> This particular conflict marks Halfdan's first appearance in documentary sources.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;68; [[#C4|Costambeys 2004]].</ref> Despite the particular savagery attributed to these engagements by the ''Chronicle'', the battles seem to have been indecisive, and the Vikings appear to have been taken aback by the West Saxons' stiff resistance.<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;72–73.</ref> In consequence, the ''Chronicle'' records that the Great Army accepted a truce from [[Alfred the Great|Alfred]], the newly crowned [[List of monarchs of Wessex|West Saxon king]].<ref name="ninebattle"/>


[[File:Ubbi fríski (AM 1 e beta I fol., folio 4v).jpg|thumb|right|alt=Refer to caption|The name of Ubbi fríski, a saga-character who may refer to Ubba,<ref name="UBBAM8-106">[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106.</ref> as it appears on folio 4v of AM 1 e beta I fol (''[[Sǫgubrot af nokkrum fornkonungum]]'').<ref>[[#UBBAR4|Rafn (1829)]] p. 379 ch. 8; [[#UBBAA16|''AM 1 E Beta I Fol'' (n.d.)]].</ref>]]
On the conclusion of the truce, the ''Chronicle'' reports that the Vikings withdrew to London and overwintered there.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;68; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;49 (§&nbsp;872); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;58–59 (§&nbsp;872); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;71–72 (§&nbsp;872); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 (§&nbsp;872); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;142 (§&nbsp;872); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;52 (§&nbsp;872); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;61 (§&nbsp;872); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;72–73 (§&nbsp;872); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;142–;143 (§&nbsp;872); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;62 (§&nbsp;872); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;45 (§&nbsp;872); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;101–102 (§&nbsp;872).</ref> They probably gained control of London as, about a decade later, most versions of the ''Chronicle'' appear to indicate that Alfred recovered it from Viking occupation.<ref>[[#A6|Abels 2013]] p.&nbsp;171 & n.&nbsp;4; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;68; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;51 (§&nbsp;883); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;69 (§&nbsp;884); [[#K4|Keynes 1998]] pp.&nbsp;12–13 & n.&nbsp;49, 21–23; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;79 & n.&nbsp;20 (§&nbsp;883); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;202 (§&nbsp;883); [[#B5|Brooke; Keir 1975]] p.&nbsp;19 & n.&nbsp;2; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;144–145 (§&nbsp;883); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;55 (§&nbsp;883); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;64–65 (§&nbsp;883); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] p.&nbsp;79 (§&nbsp;883); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;150–153 (§&nbsp;883); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;66 (§&nbsp;88); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;47–48 (§&nbsp;883); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;107 (§&nbsp;883).</ref>{{refn|Only the A-version of this source fails to refer to this event.<ref>[[#K4|Keynes 1998]] p.&nbsp;21; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;79 n.&nbsp;20; [[#B5|Brooke; Keir 1975]] p.&nbsp;19 n.&nbsp;2.</ref>|group=note}} In 873, some versions of the ''Chronicle'' report that the army marched north into Northumbria,<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;68–69; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;73; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;49 (§&nbsp;873); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;60 (§&nbsp;874); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;72 (§&nbsp;873); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 (§&nbsp;873); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;142 (§&nbsp;873); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;522 (§&nbsp;873); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;61 (§&nbsp;873); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;72–73 (§&nbsp;873); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;142–143; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;62 (§&nbsp;873); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;45 (§&nbsp;873); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;102 (§&nbsp;873).</ref> a relocation perhaps undertaken in the context of suppressing a revolt against their Northumbrian puppet king.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;68–69; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;73.</ref>{{refn|This move into Northumbria is omitted in the D- and E-versions of the ''Chronicle'',<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;69 n.&nbsp;32; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;73 (§&nbsp;873); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 (§&nbsp;873), 199 n.&nbsp;1; [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;142–143; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;62 n.&nbsp;2.</ref> and is not mentioned by Æthelweard.<ref>[[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 & n.&nbsp;1 (§&nbsp;873).</ref>|group=note}} On the other hand, the relocation may have been part of a campaign in northern Mercia.<ref name="Downham 2007 p. 69">[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;69.</ref> The ''Chronicle'' indicates that the Vikings overwintered at [[Torksey]] in 873, after which they forced Burgred from the Mercian throne and installed [[Ceolwulf II of Mercia|Ceolwulf]], probably a descendant of King [[Ceolwulf I of Mercia]] (821–23), as a puppet king in his place.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;69; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;73–74; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;49–50 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;60 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;72–73 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;142 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] pp.&nbsp;52–53 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;61–62 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;72–73 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;142–143 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;62–63 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;45 (§§&nbsp;873, 874); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;102 (§§&nbsp;873, 874).</ref>


According to the same source and the ninth-century ''[[Annales Fuldenses]]'', another Viking named [[Roricus of Dorestad|Roricus]] was granted a large part of Frisia as a benefice or [[fief]] from Lothair in 850.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 7; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 144, 177, 177 n. 375, 199; [[#UBBAR3|Reuter (1992)]] p. 30 § 850; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] p. 69 § 850; [[#UBBAP9|Pertzii; Kurze (1891)]] p. 39 § 850; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 38 § 850; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 445 § 850.</ref> As men who held military- and judicial authority on behalf of the Franks, Herioldus and Roricus can also be regarded as Frisian ''{{lang|la|duces}}''.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 144, 144 n. 168.</ref> Although it is uncertain whether Ubba was a native Frisian or a Scandinavian expatriate, if he was indeed involved with a Frisian benefice his forces would have probably been partly composed of Frisians.<ref>[[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137.</ref> If his troops were drawn from the Scandinavian settlement started by Herioldus over two decades before, many of Ubba's men might well have been born in Frisia.<ref name="UBBAW5-72">[[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72.</ref> In fact, the length of Scandinavian occupation suggests that some of the Vikings from Frisia would have been native Franks and Frisians.<ref>[[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 144.</ref> The considerable time that members of the Great Army appear to have spent in Ireland and the Continent suggests that these men were well accustomed to [[Germanic Christianity|Christian society]],<ref>[[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] pp. 83&ndash;84; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72.</ref> which in turn may partly explain their successes in Anglo-Saxon England.<ref name="UBBAW5-72"/>
Through the fall of the Mercian kingdom, the Great Army secured a land-route between East Anglia and Northumbria,<ref name="Downham 2007 p. 69"/> and only Wessex lay in the way of total Danish domination of Anglo-Saxon England.<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;74–75.</ref> At this point the ''Historia Regum'' reports that the Great Army split in two, with Halfdan taking his troops northwards deep into Northumbria.<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;75; [[#A3|Arnold 1885]] p.&nbsp;110 (§&nbsp;875).</ref> According to the ''Chronicle'', in the winter of 874–75, Halfdan based himself on the [[River Tyne]], and waged war against the [[Picts]] and [[Strathclyde Britons]].<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;70; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;50 (§&nbsp;875); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;60 (§&nbsp;875); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;72–75 (§&nbsp;875); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;31 & 199 (§&nbsp;875); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;142 (§&nbsp;875); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;53 (§&nbsp;875); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;62 (§&nbsp;875); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;72–75 (§&nbsp;875); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;142–145 (§&nbsp;875); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;63 (§&nbsp;875); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;45–46 (§&nbsp;875); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;102–103 (§&nbsp;875).</ref> This source appears to be partly corroborated by the [[Goidelic languages|Gaelic]] ''[[Annals of Ulster]]'', an [[Irish annals|Irish source]], which refers to a bloody encounter between the Picts and ''[[Dubgaill and Finngaill|Dubgaill]]'' in 875.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;70; [[#A4|''Annala Uladh...'' 2012]] §&nbsp;U875.3; [[#A5|''Annala Uladh...'' 2008]] §&nbsp;U875.3; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;31.</ref>{{refn|The Gaelic words ''Finngaill'' and ''Dubgaill'' translate as "Fair Foreigners" and "Dark Foreigners". Although these terms were used to differentiate different groups of Vikings in Gaelic sources, it is uncertain whether the words referred to specific ethnicities or different factions.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;xvi–xvii.</ref>|group=note}} But, if the Ímar of Irish sources is identical with the Ivar of English sources, Halfdan had also conducted military actions in the north in conjunction with Ivar's previous northern campaigning.<ref name="Downham 2007 p. 70">[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;70.</ref> In 876 the ''Chronicle'' indicates that Halfdan's army had dispersed, and that he allotted his men Northumbrian lands upon which they settled.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;70; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;75; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;50 (§&nbsp;876); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;60–61 (§&nbsp;876); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–75 (§&nbsp;876); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 (§&nbsp;876); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;142–143 (§&nbsp;876); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;53 (§&nbsp;876); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;62 (§&nbsp;876); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–75 (§&nbsp;876); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;144–145 (§&nbsp;876); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;63–64 (§&nbsp;876); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;46 (§&nbsp;876); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;103 (§&nbsp;876).</ref>


==Viking invasion of Anglo-Saxon England==
==Further campaigning under Guthrum==
[[File:Lanhill long barrow - geograph.org.uk - 1196143.jpg|thumb|A prehistoric [[Tumulus|barrow]] at Lanhill, near [[Chippenham]] and [[Avebury]], that was associated with Ubba by the seventeenth-century antiquarian [[John Aubrey]] (d. 1697).{{refn|Aubrey, in his seventeenth-century ''[[John Aubrey#Monumenta Britannica|Monumenta Britannica]]'', called the site "Hubbaslow", and stated that it was the site "where they say that one Hubba lies buried". Aubrey appears to have assumed that Ubba was slain at the battle of Chippenham. Aubrey himself seems to have been the earliest source to associate Ubba with the site.<ref>[[#B4|Burl 2002]] p.&nbsp;107; [[#H7|Hoare 1975]] Pt.&nbsp;1, pp.&nbsp;99–100; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] pp.&nbsp;264 n.&nbsp;2 & 265; [[#J1|Jackson 1862]] p.&nbsp;74 n.&nbsp;1; [[#T1|Thurnam 1857]] pp.&nbsp;67 & 71.</ref> It is sometimes claimed that the village of [[Hubberston]] in [[Pembrokeshire]] is named after Ubba, and that he overwintered in nearby [[Milford Haven]]. There is no evidence for this assertion,<ref name="hubberston">[[#H10|Hrdina 2011]] p.&nbsp;108; [[#C8|Charles 1934]] pp.&nbsp;8–9.</ref> and the name itself does not have Scandinavian roots.<ref>[[#H10|Hrdina 2011]] p.&nbsp;108; [[#M7|Mills 2003]]; [[#L3|Loyn 1976]] p.&nbsp;9; [[#C8|Charles 1934]] pp.&nbsp;8–9.</ref> It was first recorded in the thirteenth century as ''Hobertiston'' and ''Villa Huberti'', meaning "[[Hubert]]'s Farm" and "Hubert's [[manor]]" respectively,<ref>[[#H10|Hrdina 2011]] p.&nbsp;108; [[#M7|Mills 2003]].</ref> and has only been known as ''Huberston'' since the late fifteenth century.<ref name="hubberston"/>|group=note}} ]]
While Halfdan consolidated control of Northumbria, the rest of the army under kings Guthrum, Oscetel, and Anwend<ref name="splitarmy">[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;70; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;75; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;50 (§&nbsp;875); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;60 (§&nbsp;875); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;72–75 (§&nbsp;875); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 (§&nbsp;875); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;142 (§&nbsp;875); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;53 (§&nbsp;875); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;62 (§&nbsp;875); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;72–75 (§&nbsp;875); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;142–145 (§&nbsp;875); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;63 (§&nbsp;875); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;45–46 (§&nbsp;875); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;102–103 (§&nbsp;875).</ref>&nbsp;– men who may have linked up with the Great Army in 871<ref name="Downham 2007 p. 70"/>&nbsp;– headed southwards into East Anglia. In 875, the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' records that this army based itself at [[Cambridge]], from where operations were directed against [[Wessex]],<ref name="splitarmy"/> and the following year it is stated to have seized [[Wareham, Dorset|Wareham]].<ref name="asc-876">[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;75; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;50 (§&nbsp;876); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;60–61 (§&nbsp;876); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–75 (§&nbsp;876); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 (§&nbsp;876); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;142–143 (§&nbsp;876); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;53 (§&nbsp;876); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] p.&nbsp;62 (§&nbsp;876); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–75 (§&nbsp;876); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;144–145 (§&nbsp;876); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;63–64 (§&nbsp;876); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;46 (§&nbsp;876); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;103 (§&nbsp;876).</ref>{{refn|Oscetel and Anwend are last recorded in 875. It is unknown if they were killed or if they left Guthrum's army.<ref>[[#A6|Abels 2013]] p.&nbsp;151.</ref>|group=note}} Alfred made another truce with the Vikings in 876, but they broke it by stealth in 877 and took [[Exeter]].<ref name="asc-876"/> An approaching Viking fleet, with which Guthrum had apparently planned to link up, was destroyed by a storm, and the ''Chronicle'' reports that he was forced to withdraw to Mercia.<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;75–76; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;50 (§&nbsp;877); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;61 (§&nbsp;877); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–75 (§&nbsp;877); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 (§&nbsp;877); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;143 (§&nbsp;877); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] pp.&nbsp;53–54 (§&nbsp;877); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;62–63 (§&nbsp;877); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–75 (§&nbsp;877); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;144–147 (§&nbsp;877); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;64 (§&nbsp;877); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;46 (§&nbsp;877); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;104 (§&nbsp;877).</ref>{{refn|Æthelweard alluded to a separate Viking force when noting Guthrum's actions at Cambridge and Wareham in the previous year.<ref>[[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;199 n.&nbsp;4; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;160 (§&nbsp;5); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] p.&nbsp;80 (§&nbsp;876); [[#S11|Stevenson&nbsp;1854]] p.&nbsp;431.</ref>|group=note}}


[[File:Harley MS 2278, folio 48r excerpt.jpg|thumb|left|alt=Refer to caption|A fifteenth-century depiction of [[Ívarr inn beinlausi|Ívarr]] and Ubba ravaging the countryside as it appears on folio 48[[recto|r]] of British Library Harley 2278.<ref name="combine6">[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 161&ndash;163 fig. 53; [[#UBBAH6|''Harley MS 2278'' (n.d.)]].</ref> The ''Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund'' presents ninth-century events in a [[chivalric]] context.<ref>[[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] pp. 66&ndash;70.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The ''Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund'' may be the high point of the late-medieval cult devoted to Edmund. The work draws from ''Passio sancti Eadmundi''.<ref>[[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 17.</ref> The ''Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund'' represents the first significant augmentation of Edmund's legend after ''Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi''.<ref>[[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 79.</ref>|group=note}}]]
Although the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' states that much of Guthrum's army started to settle in an east-Midland region later known as the [[Five Boroughs of the Danelaw|Five Boroughs]],<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;76; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] p.&nbsp;50 (§&nbsp;877); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;61 (§&nbsp;877); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–75 (§&nbsp;877); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;31 & 195 (§&nbsp;877); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;143 (§&nbsp;877); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] pp.&nbsp;53–54 (§&nbsp;877); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;62–63 (§&nbsp;877); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–75 (§&nbsp;877); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;144–147 (§&nbsp;877); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;64 (§&nbsp;877); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;46 (§&nbsp;877); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] p.&nbsp;104 (§&nbsp;877).</ref><ref name="Forte p. 76">[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;76.</ref>{{refn|This Scandinavian settlement consisted of [[Derby]], [[Leicester]], [[Lincoln, England|Lincoln]], [[Nottingham]], and [[Stamford, Lincolnshire|Stamford]]. The region is first named in the tenth century.<ref>[[#H8|Higham 2013]] pp.&nbsp;191–192; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;76.</ref>|group=note}} the ''Chronicle'' and Asser indicate that Guthrum launched a surprise attack against the West Saxons in the winter of 877–78.<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;76; [[#K3|Kirby 2002]] p.&nbsp;175; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;878); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] p.&nbsp;61 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878) & 74–75 n. 9; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;195–196 (§&nbsp;878); [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;109 (§&nbsp;52) & 143 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;54 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;63–64 (§&nbsp;878); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149 (§&nbsp;878); [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] p.&nbsp;64 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;46–47 (§&nbsp;878); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;104–106 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] pp.&nbsp;38–40.</ref> Setting off from their base in [[Gloucester]], the Vikings drove deep into Wessex, where they sacked the [[royal vill]] of [[Chippenham]].<ref>[[#B6|Baker; Brookes 2013]] pp.&nbsp;217 & 240; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;59 (§&nbsp;52); [[#C5|Cook 1906]] pp.&nbsp;26–27 (§&nbsp;52); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] pp.&nbsp;59–60; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] p.&nbsp;40 (§&nbsp;52); [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] pp.&nbsp;457–460 (§&nbsp;878).</ref>{{refn|A vill was an administration unit, roughly equating to a modern [[Parish (administrative division)|parish]].<ref>[[#C2|Corèdon; Williams 2004]] p.&nbsp;290.</ref> Chippenham appears to have been a significant settlement during the period, and might well have been a seat of the West Saxon kings.<ref>[[#B6|Baker; Brookes 2013]] p.&nbsp;240.</ref>|group=note}} It is possible that this operation was coordinated with another Viking attack in Devon that culminated in a [[Battle of Cynuit|battle at ''Arx Cynuit'']] in 878.<ref name="ReferenceA">[[#A6|Abels 2013]] p.&nbsp;154; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;204; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;76; [[#K3|Kirby 2002]] p.&nbsp;175.</ref>


In the autumn of 865, the ''Anglo Saxon Chronicle'' records that the Great Army invaded the [[Kingdom of East Anglia]], where they afterwards made peace with the East Anglians and overwintered.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 17; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 866; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 19; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 11, 119; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 65; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 69; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. introduction ¶ 11; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] pp. 65&ndash;66; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 866; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 173; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 867; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 68&ndash;69 § 866; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] pp. 30, 196 § 866; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 867; [[#UBBAB27|Beaven (1918)]] p. 338; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 140 § 866; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 49 § 866; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 58 § 866; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 2&ndash;3 § 866; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 351 § 866; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 68&ndash;69 § 866; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 130&ndash;131 § 866/867; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 59 § 866; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 866.</ref> The terminology employed by this source suggests the Vikings attacked by sea.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 119.</ref> The invaders evidently gained valuable intelligence during the stay,<ref>[[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 65; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 69&ndash;70.</ref> as the Great Army is next stated to have left on horses gained from the subordinated population, striking deep into the [[Kingdom of Northumbria]], a fractured realm in the midst of a bitter civil war between two competing kings: [[Ælla of Northumbria|Ælla]] (died 867) and [[Osberht of Northumbria|Osberht]] (died 867).<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 17; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 867; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 19; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 11, 191; [[#UBBAG12|Gazzoli (2010)]] p. 37; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 69&ndash;70; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 867; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 173; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 868; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 68&ndash;69 § 867; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] pp. 30, 196 § 867; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 868; [[#UBBAB27|Beaven (1918)]] p. 338; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 140 § 867; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 49 § 867; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 58 § 867; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 2&ndash;3 § 867; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 351 § 867; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 68&ndash;69 § 867; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 130&ndash;133 § 867/868; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 59 § 867; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 867.</ref>
==''Arx Cynuit'' and the brother of Ivar and Halfdan==
Most versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' locate the battle to [[Devon]],<ref>[[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;195–196 & n.&nbsp;15 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;54 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.63–64 (§&nbsp;878); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;64–65 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;46–47 (§&nbsp;878); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;104–106 (§&nbsp;878).</ref>{{refn|The B- and C-versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' do not locate the conflict to any specific place.<ref>[[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;61–62 (§&nbsp;879); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;15; [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149.</ref>|group=note}} and Asser specified that it was fought at a fortress called ''Arx Cynuit'',<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;71; [[#H6|Haslam 2005]] p.&nbsp;138; [[#M7|Mills 2003]]; [[#K3|Kirby 2002]] p.&nbsp;175; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;16; [[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;93; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;110–111 (§&nbsp;58); [[#C5|Cook 1906]] pp.&nbsp;27–28 (§&nbsp;54); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] pp.&nbsp;61–62; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] pp.&nbsp;43–44 (§&nbsp;54); [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] pp.&nbsp;458–459.</ref> a name which appears to equate to what is today [[Countisbury]], in [[North Devon]].<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;71; [[#H6|Haslam 2005]] p.&nbsp;138; [[#K3|Kirby 2002]] p.&nbsp;175; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;76 n.&nbsp;1; [[#L2|Lukman 1958]] p.&nbsp;140.</ref>{{refn|Other locations have been suggested, including one near [[Appledore, Mid Devon|Appledore]], where it was claimed that a mound called ''Ubbaston'' or ''Whibblestan'' existed before being lost to the tide.<ref>[[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;93; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] pp.&nbsp;262–265.</ref>|group=note}} Asser's account also states that this Viking force made landfall in Devon from a base in [[Dyfed]], where it had previously overwintered.<ref>[[#K3|Kirby 2002]] p.&nbsp;175; [[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;93; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;110–111 (§&nbsp;58); [[#C5|Cook 1906]] pp.&nbsp;27–28 (§&nbsp;54); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] pp.&nbsp;61–62; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] pp.&nbsp;43–44 (§&nbsp;54); [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] pp.&nbsp;458–459.</ref> It probably originated in Ireland.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;71 & 204.</ref>


Late in 866 the Vikings seized [[History of York|York]]<ref name="combine1">[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]] pp. 21&ndash;22 n. 10; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 867; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 19, 43 n. 73; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 11, 126, 185; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 65; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 69&ndash;70; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 867; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. introduction ¶ 11; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 52; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 868; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 68&ndash;69 § 867; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 196 § 867; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 868; [[#UBBAB27|Beaven (1918)]] p. 338; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 140 § 867; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 49 § 867; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 58 § 867; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 351 § 867; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 68&ndash;69 § 867; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 130&ndash;133 § 867/868; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 59 § 867; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 867.</ref>&mdash;one of only two [[Archbishop|archiepiscopal]] [[Episcopal see|sees]] in Anglo-Saxon England, and one of the richest trading centres in Britain.<ref>[[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 70.</ref> Although Ælla and Osberht responded to this attack by joining forces against the Vikings, the chronicle indicates that their assault on York was a disaster that resulted in both their deaths.<ref name="combine1"/>{{#tag:ref|The Great Army's seizure of York is dated to 1 November ([[All Saints' Day]]) by the twelfth-century ''[[Libellus de exordio]]'',<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 17&ndash;18; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 185 n. 23, 192; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 173; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 196 n. 7; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] pp. 54&ndash;55 bk. 2 ch. 6; [[#UBBAS11|Stevenson, J (1855)]] p. 654 ch. 21.</ref> and the thirteenth-century [[Flores historiarum (Wendover)|Wendover]] version of ''Flores historiarum''.<ref>[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; [[#UBBAG1|Giles (1849)]] pp. 189&ndash;190; [[#UBBAC1|Coxe (1841)]] pp. 298&ndash;299.</ref> Preying upon a populated site on a [[feast day]] was a noted tactic of the Vikings. Such celebrations offered attackers easy access to potential captives who could be ransomed or sold into [[slavery]].<ref>[[#UBBAN1|Nelson (2001)]] p. 38.</ref> According to ''Libellus de exordio'',<ref>[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] p. 55 bk. 2 ch. 6; [[#UBBAS11|Stevenson, J (1855)]] p. 654 ch. 21.</ref> and the twelfth-century ''[[Historia regum Anglorum]]'', the Anglo-Saxons' attempt to recapture York took place on 21 March.<ref>[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; [[#UBBAS12|South (2002)]] p. 85; [[#UBBAA5|Arnold (1885)]] pp. 105&ndash;106 ch. 91; [[#UBBAS11|Stevenson, J (1855)]] p. 489.</ref> The Wendover version of ''Flores historiarum'',<ref>[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; [[#UBBAG1|Giles (1849)]] pp. 189&ndash;190; [[#UBBAC1|Coxe (1841)]] pp. 298&ndash;299.</ref> and ''Historia de sancto Cuthberto'', date this attack to 23 March ([[Palm Sunday]]).<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 18&ndash;19; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 59; [[#UBBAS12|South (2002)]] pp. 50&ndash;51 ch. 10, 85; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] pp. 201&ndash;202 ch. 10; [[#UBBAH7|Hodgson Hinde (1868)]] p. 142.</ref> ''Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses'' states that Ubba crushed the Northumbrians "not long after Palm Sunday".<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAP7|Pertz (1866)]] p. 506 § 868.</ref>|group=note}} According to ''Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses'',<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAB7|Bremmer, RH (1981)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAP7|Pertz (1866)]] p. 506 § 868.</ref> and ''Historia de sancto Cuthberto'', the Northumbrians and their kings were crushed by Ubba himself.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 85; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 18&ndash;19; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137; [[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 141; [[#UBBAC23|Crumplin (2004)]] pp. 65, 71 fig. 1; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] pp. 59&ndash;60; [[#UBBAS12|South (2002)]] pp. 50&ndash;51 ch. 10; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] pp. 201&ndash;202 bk. 2 ch. 10; [[#UBBAH7|Hodgson Hinde (1868)]] p. 142.</ref>{{#tag:ref|At one point after its account of Ubba's stated victory over the Northumbrians, ''Historia de sancto Cuthberto'' expands upon the Vikings' successful campaigning across Anglo-Saxon England, and specifically identifies the Viking commanders as Ubba, ''{{lang|la|[[dux]]}}'' of the Frisians, and Hálfdan, ''{{lang|la|[[Rex (title)|rex]]}}'' of the Danes.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 19&ndash;20; [[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137; [[#UBBAG12|Gazzoli (2010)]] p. 36; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAS12|South (2002)]] pp. 52&ndash;53 ch. 14; [[#UBBAJ4|Johnson-South (1991)]] p. 623; [[#UBBAB17|Bremmer, R (1984)]] pp. 359&ndash;360, 366 n. 12; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 116, 116 n. 55; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 104 n. 86, 120 n. 199; [[#UBBAC14|Cox (1971)]] p. 51 n. 19; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 227; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 185; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] p. 204 bk. 2 ch. 14; [[#UBBAH7|Hodgson Hinde (1868)]] p. 144.</ref> ''Historia regum Anglorum'' identifies the commanders of the Vikings in 866 as Ívarr, Ubba, and Hálfdan.<ref>[[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 55; [[#UBBAA5|Arnold (1885)]] p. 104 ch. 91; [[#UBBAS11|Stevenson, J (1855)]] pp. 487&ndash;488.</ref> ''Libellus de exordio'' states that the Vikings who ravaged Northumbria were composed of Danes and Frisians.<ref>[[#UBBAB17|Bremmer, R (1984)]] p. 366 n. 12; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] p. 54 bk. 2 ch. 6.</ref>|group=note}}
[[File:Track up Wind Hill.jpg|thumb|left|Wind Hill, near [[Countisbury]], Devon, possibly the site of a disastrous Viking defeat at the hands of local men in 878.<ref>[[#M6|''MDE1236 - Countisbury Castle...'']]; [[#C1|''Countisbury circular walk...'']].</ref> Some medieval sources claim that Ubba led the vanquished army, and that he was among those slain.]]
The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' does not identify the army's commander by name, but it describes him as a brother of Ivar and Halfdan, and states that he was slain in the encounter.<ref>[[#S8|Smith 2009]] pp.&nbsp;129–130; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;68 n.&nbsp;25 & 71; [[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;73; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;878); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;61–62 (§&nbsp;879); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;195–196 (§&nbsp;878); [[#M1|McTurk 1976]] pp.&nbsp;119–120; [[#S16|Stenton 1963]] p.&nbsp;244 n.&nbsp;2; [[#L2|Lukman 1958]] p.&nbsp;140; [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;54 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;63–64 (§&nbsp;878); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;64–65 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;46–47 (§&nbsp;878); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;104–106 (§&nbsp;878).</ref> Although Ubba was identified as the slain commander by the twelfth-century chronicler [[Geoffrey Gaimar]] in his [[Anglo-Norman language|Anglo-Norman]] ''[[Estoire des Engleis]]'',<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;68 n.&nbsp;25; [[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;73 n.&nbsp;11; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;75 n.&nbsp;12; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;14; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;227; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;209 (§&nbsp;3141); [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] p.&nbsp;265 n.&nbsp;1; [[#H1|Hardy; Martin 1889]] p.&nbsp;101 (§§&nbsp;3149 & 3158); [[#T1|Thurnam 1857]] p.&nbsp;83; [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] p.&nbsp;767; [[#W6|Wright 1850]] p.&nbsp;108 (§§&nbsp;3149 & 3158).</ref> it is unknown whether Gaimar followed an existing source or if this was an inference on his part.<ref>[[#W3|Woolf 2007]] pp.&nbsp;72 n.&nbsp;8 & 73 n.&nbsp;11; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;14.</ref>{{refn|Gaimar based much of his ''Estoire des Engleis'' on the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle''.<ref>[[#S9|Spence 2013]] p.&nbsp;9; [[#W3|Woolf 2007]] p.&nbsp;72 n.&nbsp;8.</ref>|group=note}} It is possible that Gaimar's identification was influenced by the earlier association of Ivar and Ubba in the legends surrounding Edmund's martyrdom.<ref>[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;68 n.&nbsp;25; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;16.</ref> Gaimar further specified that Ubba was slain at "''bois de Pene''" , and that he was buried in Devon n a mound called "''Ubbelawe''", a word meaning "Ubba's [[Tumulus|Barrow]]".<ref>[[#H2|Hart 2003]] p.&nbsp;160 n.&nbsp;3; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;75 n.&nbsp;12; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;227; [[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;93; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] p.&nbsp;209 (§&nbsp;3141); [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] p.&nbsp;265 n.&nbsp;1; [[#H1|Hardy; Martin 1889]] p.&nbsp;101 (§§&nbsp;3148 & 3152); [[#T1|Thurnam 1857]] p.&nbsp;83; [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] p.&nbsp;767; [[#W7|Wright 1850]] p.&nbsp;108 (§§&nbsp;3148 & 3152).</ref>{{refn|A twelfth-century Latin passage in ''Pembroke College MS. 82'' states that Ubba was slain at ''Ubbelaw'' in [[Yorkshire]].<ref>[[#S10|Swan; Roberson 2013]]; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;228.</ref> This source relates that a brother of Ubba destroyed a church at Sheppey, and was miraculously killed in an act of [[divine retribution]], as he was swallowed alive by the ground at [[Frindsbury]], near [[Rochester, Kent|Rochester]].<ref name="ReferenceB">[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;228.</ref> According to the late-fourteenth- or early-thirteenth-century ''[[Liber Monasterii de Hyda]]'', Ubba met his end the same way.<ref>[[#B3|Bowman; Ruch 2014]].</ref><ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;228; [[#E1|Edwards 1866]] p.&nbsp;10.</ref>|group=note}}


[[File:Roricus Frisian fiefdom.png|thumb|right|The ninth-century [[Frisia]]n fiefdom of [[Roricus of Dorestad|Roricus]] appears to have encompassed a region around [[Dorestad]], [[Walcheren]], and [[Wieringen]].<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 143 map. 3.</ref>]]
The battle was a West Saxon victory,<ref>[[#W6|Wormald 2008]].</ref> and Æthelweard names the victorious commander as [[Odda, Ealdorman of Devon|Odda]], an [[ealdorman]] of Devon.<ref>[[#W6|Wormald 2008]]; [[#H2|Hart 2003]] p.&nbsp;160 n.&nbsp;3; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;76 n.&nbsp;1; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;16; [[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;93; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;160–161 (§&nbsp;8); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] p.&nbsp;31; [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] pp.&nbsp;431–432.</ref> The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' numbers the Viking fleet at twenty-three ships,<ref>[[#S8|Smith 2009]] pp.&nbsp;129–130; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;68 n.&nbsp;25 & 71; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;878); [[#N2|Nelson 2001]] p.&nbsp;39; [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;61–62 (§&nbsp;879); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;195–196 (§&nbsp;878); [[#L2|Lukman 1958]] p.&nbsp;140; [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;54 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;63–64 (§&nbsp;878); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;64–65 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;46–47 (§&nbsp;878); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;104–106 (§&nbsp;878).</ref> and most versions number the Viking casualties at eight hundred and forty dead.<ref>[[#S8|Smith 2009]] pp.&nbsp;129–130; [[#D1|Downham 2007]] pp.&nbsp;68 n.&nbsp;25 & 71; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;878); [[#N2|Nelson 2001]] p.&nbsp;39; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;195–196 & n.&nbsp;17 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;54 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;63–64 (§&nbsp;878); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;64–65 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;46–47 (§&nbsp;878); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;104–106 (§&nbsp;878).</ref>{{refn|The B- and C-versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' state that the Vikings suffered eight hundred and sixty dead.<ref>[[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;61–62 (§&nbsp;879); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;17; [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149; [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] p.&nbsp;46 n.&nbsp;11.</ref> All versions of this source number the Viking casualties in a complex manner, stating that eight hundred "men with him" and a further forty&nbsp;– or sixty&nbsp;– "men of his army" fell.<ref>[[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;18.</ref> The Old English ''heres'', generally taken to mean "army" in this passage, may be an error for ''hīredes'', a term for a personal retinue.<ref>[[#S8|Smith 2009]] pp.&nbsp;129–130 n.&nbsp;1 & 162–163; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;76 n.&nbsp;2; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;18.</ref> Asser numbered the Viking dead at one thousand two hundred.<ref>[[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;18; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;110–111 (§&nbsp;58); [[#C5|Cook 1906]] pp.&nbsp;27–28 (§&nbsp;54); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] pp.&nbsp;61–62; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] pp.&nbsp;43–44 (§&nbsp;54); [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] pp.&nbsp;458–459.</ref> Æthelweard gave the number of dead as eight hundred, numbered the fleet at thirty ships and, unlike other sources, wrote that the Vikings were victorious.<ref>[[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;76 n.&nbsp;1; [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;16; [[#C6|Conybeare 1914]] pp.&nbsp;160–161 (§&nbsp;8); [[#G2|Giles 1906]] p.&nbsp;31; [[#S11|Stevenson 1854]] pp.&nbsp;431–432.</ref>|group=note}} It is possible that the Viking commander at ''Arx Cynuit'' took the opportunity of Guthrum's simultaneous campaigning to launch a Viking foray of his own against the West Saxons.<ref>[[#A6|Abels 2013]] p.&nbsp;154.</ref> On the other hand, the location and timing of the engagement at ''Arx Cynuit'' may indicate that the slain commander was cooperating with Guthrum. The two Viking armies appear to have coordinated their efforts in an attempt to corner Alfred in a [[pincer movement]] after his withdrawal into the wetlands of [[Somerset]].<ref name="ReferenceA"/> If Vikings at ''Arx Cynuit'' were indeed working in cooperation with those at Chippenham, their previous actions in Dyfed could also have been related to Guthrum's campaign against Alfred.<ref name="D1=204">[[#D1|Downham 2007]] p.&nbsp;204.</ref>{{refn|The [[King of Dyfed]] at this time was [[Hyfaidd|Hyfaidd ab Bleddri]], a man who was an ally of Alfred by 885.<ref name="D1=204"/>|group=note}} Guthrum was left overextended by the destruction of his counterpart's army at ''Arx Cynuit'', and this appears to have allowed Alfred's forces to assail the Great Army's exposed lines of communication.<ref>[[#K3|Kirby 2002]] p.&nbsp;175.</ref>


Also that year, ''Annales Bertiniani'' reports that [[Charles II, King of West Francia]] (died 877) paid off a Viking fleet stationed on the [[Seine]].<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 16; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 76; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 140&ndash;141; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] p. 130 § 866; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 81 § 866; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 471 § 866.</ref> After proceeding down the Siene towards the sea, where they repaired and rebuilt their fleet,<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 16; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 140&ndash;141; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] p. 131 § 866; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 81 § 866; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 471 § 866.</ref> a portion of the force is reported to have left for the district of IJssel<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 16; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 140&ndash;141; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] pp. 131&ndash;132 § 866, 132 n. 12; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 82 § 866; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 471 § 866.</ref> (either [[Hollandse IJssel]] or [[Gelderse IJssel]]).<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 16.</ref> Although the destination of the rest of the fleet is unrecorded, one possibility is that it participated in the sack of York. The fact that the Great Army remained in East Anglia for about a year before it attacked Northumbria could mean that it had been reinforced from the Continent during the layover.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 141.</ref> The part of the fleet that went to Frisia is later stated to have been unable to secure an alliance with Lothair. This statement seems to suggest that these Vikings had intended to acquire a grant of lands in the region, which could mean that they thereafter took part in the Great Army's campaigning across [[the Channel]].<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 16; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 141, 165, 176; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] pp. 131&ndash;132 § 866, 132 n. 12; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 82 § 866; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 471 § 866.</ref> Furthermore, ''Annales Bertiniani'' notes that Roricus was forced from Frisia the following year. This ejection could also account for the evidence of a Frisian dimension to the Great Army, and for the attestations of Ubba himself.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 146, 165, 176; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] pp. 139&ndash;140 § 867, 132 n. 8; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 87 § 867; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 475 § 867.</ref>
Although Alfred's position was still perilous, with his contracted kingdom close to collapse,<ref name="Forte p. 76"/> the events at ''Arx Cynuit'' foreshadowed a turn of events. A few weeks later in May, the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' records that Alfred was able to assemble his troops at [[Egbert's Stone]] and launch a successful attack against Guthrum at [[Battle of Ethandun|Edington]].<ref>[[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] p.&nbsp;76; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;878); [[#K3|Kirby 2002]] p.&nbsp;175; [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;61–62 (§&nbsp;879); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;195–196 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;54 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.&nbsp;63–64 (§&nbsp;878); [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;64–65 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;46–47 (§&nbsp;878); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;104–106 (§&nbsp;878).</ref> Following Guthrum's crushing defeat, he was forced to accept Alfred's terms for peace. The Viking king was [[baptised]] as a Christian and led the remainder of his forces into East Anglia, where they dispersed and settled.<ref>[[#C3|Costambeys 2008]]; [[#F2|Forte; Oram; Pedersen 2005]] pp.&nbsp;76–77.</ref> Guthrum kept peace with the West Saxons and ruled as a Christian king for more than a decade, until his death in 890.<ref>[[#C3|Costambeys 2008]].</ref>


With the collapse of the Northumbrian kingdom, and the destruction of its regime, the twelfth-century ''[[Historia regum Anglorum]]'',<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 185&ndash;186, 186 n. 28; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 70; [[#UBBAA5|Arnold (1885)]] pp. 105&ndash;106 ch. 91; [[#UBBAS11|Stevenson, J (1855)]] p. 489.</ref> and ''Libellus de exordio'', reveal that a certain [[Ecgberht I of Northumbria|Ecgberht]] (died 873) was installed by the Vikings as [[client king]] over a northern region of Northumbria.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 185&ndash;186, 185 n. 27; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] p. 55 bk. 2 ch. 6; [[#UBBAS11|Stevenson, J (1855)]] pp. 654&ndash;655 ch. 21.</ref> In the following year, the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' records that the Great Army attacked [[Mercia]], after which the Vikings seized [[Nottingham]] and overwintered there.<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 868; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 65; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 70&ndash;71; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 868; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 869; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 68&ndash;71 § 868; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 197 § 868; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 869; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 140 § 868; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] pp. 49&ndash;50 § 868; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] pp. 58&ndash;59 § 868; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] pp. 351&ndash;352 § 868; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 68&ndash;71 § 868; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 132&ndash;135 § 868/869; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 59 § 868; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 868.</ref> Although the Mercian and West Saxon kings, [[Burgred of Mercia|Burgred]] (died 874?) and [[Æthelred of Wessex|Æthelred]] (died 871), responded by joining forces and besieging the occupied town, both the chronicle<ref name="combine2">[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 868; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 19; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 9, 121 n. 14, 189; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 65; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 70&ndash;72; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 868; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 869; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 68&ndash;71 § 868; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 197 § 868; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 869; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 140 § 868; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] pp. 49&ndash;50 § 868; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] pp. 58&ndash;59 § 868; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] pp. 351&ndash;352 § 868; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 68&ndash;71 § 868; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 132&ndash;135 § 868/869; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 59 § 868; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 868.</ref> and ''Vita Alfredi'' report that this combined Anglo-Saxon force was unable to dislodge the army.<ref name="combine3">[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 30; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 16 ch. 30; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 70 n. 1; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 197 n. 2; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] pp. 101&ndash;102 § 33 ch. 30; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] pp. 17&ndash;18 ch. 30; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 53; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 24&ndash;25 ch. 30; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] pp. 451&ndash;452.</ref> According to both sources, the Mercians made peace with the Vikings.<ref name="combine2"/><ref name="combine3"/> It was probably on account of this seemingly purchased peace that the Great Army relocated to York, as reported by the chronicle, where it evidently renewed its strength for future forays.<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 869; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 19; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 11, 199; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 65; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 72; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 869; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 870; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 70&ndash;71 § 869; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 197 § 869; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 870; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 140 § 869; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 50 § 869; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 59 § 869; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 352 § 869; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 70&ndash;71 § 869; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 134&ndash;135 § 869/870; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 60 § 869; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 869.</ref>
==Association with Ragnar Lothbrok==
[[File:Harley MS 2278, folio 39r excerpt.jpg|thumb|Excerpt from ''Harley MS 2278'', folio 39r, depicting Lothbrocus and his sons, Hyngwar and Vbba.<ref>[[#H4|Hervey 1907]] p.&nbsp;447; [[#H5|Harley MS 2278]].</ref>]]


==Hagiographic association with Edmund==
Although Ubba and Ivar were associated with each other by Abbo of Fleury and the eleventh-century churchman [[Ælfric of Eynsham]] (d. c.&nbsp;1010), they do not record that Ubba and Ivar were related in any way.<ref>[[#B1|Bale 2009]] p.&nbsp;48; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;227.</ref> The first source to claim kinship between the two is the Latin ''[[Annals of St Neots]]'', a twelfth-century source from [[Suffolk]] that claims they were sons of a man whose name was [[List of Latinized names|Latinized]] to "Lodebrochus".<ref>[[#B1|Bale 2009]] p.&nbsp;48.</ref><ref>[[#E2|Embree 2014]]; [[#V1|van Houts 1984]] p.&nbsp;115.</ref> In a passage concerning battle-spoils won by the English at ''Arx Cynuit'', one item specified by the ''Annals of St Neots'' is a magical banner named "''Reafan''", stated to have been woven by three daughters of Lodebrochus.<ref>[[#B1|Bale 2009]] pp.&nbsp;48 & 72 n.&nbsp;36; [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] p.&nbsp;77 n.&nbsp;14; [[#D3|Dumville; Lapidge 1996]] p.&nbsp;78; [[#V1|van Houts 1984]] p.&nbsp;115 & n.&nbsp;46; [[#D2|Davidson 1998]] vol.&nbsp;2, p.&nbsp;156 n.&nbsp;38; [[#M1|McTurk 1976]] p.&nbsp;108 & n.&nbsp;113 & 119 n.&nbsp;191; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;227–228; [[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;93; [[#L2|Lukman 1958]] pp.&nbsp;140–141; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] p.&nbsp;138; [[#G3|Gale 1691]] p.&nbsp;167.</ref> Although certain versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' note the capture of a [[raven banner]], they do not mention any magical attributes, or refer to Lodebrochus and his progeny.<ref name="asc-banner">[[#S8|Smith 2009]] pp.&nbsp;129–130; [[#I1|Irvine 2004]] pp.&nbsp;50–51 (§&nbsp;878); [[#O1|O'Keeffe 2000]] pp.&nbsp;61–62 (§&nbsp;879); [[#S4|Swanton 1998]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] pp.&nbsp;195–196 & n.&nbsp;19 (§&nbsp;878); [[#M1|McTurk 1976]] p.&nbsp;119 & n.&nbsp;191; [[#P6|Earle; Plummer 1965]] p.&nbsp;93; [[#L2|Lukman 1958]] p.&nbsp;140; [[#G4|Giles 1914]] p.&nbsp;54 (§&nbsp;878); [[#G5|Gomme 1909]] pp.63–64 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] p.&nbsp;265; [[#P5|Earle; Plummer 1892]] pp.&nbsp;74–77 (§&nbsp;878); [[#T4|Thorpe 1861a]] pp.&nbsp;146–149; [[#T5|Thorpe 1861b]] pp.&nbsp;64–65 (§&nbsp;878); [[#S12|Stevenson 1853]] pp.&nbsp;46–47 (§&nbsp;878); [[#I2|Ingram 1823]] pp.&nbsp;104–106 (§&nbsp;878).</ref>{{refn|The raven banner is noted in the B-, C-, D-, and E-versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'', but not in the A- and F-versions.<ref name="asc-banner"/>|group=note}} The source from which the author of the ''Annals of St Neots'' drew these details is unknown,<ref>[[#D3|Dumville; Lapidge 1996]] p.&nbsp;78 n.&nbsp;26; [[#S3|Stevenson 1904]] p.&nbsp;266.</ref> and the accounts of Asser and Æthelweard make no reference to a banner.<ref>[[#W2|Whitelock 1996]] p.&nbsp;195 n.&nbsp;19.</ref>


[[File:Edmund and Ívarr (Rylands French MS 142, folio 28r).jpg|thumb|upright|left|alt=Refer to caption|A thirteenth- or fourteenth-century depiction of [[Edmund, King of East Anglia]], being brought bound before Ívarr, as it appears on folio 28r of John Rylands Library French 142.<ref>[[#UBBAS34|''St Edmund: 2410&ndash;2441'' (n.d.)]].</ref>{{#tag:ref|This manuscript preserves a copy of the twelfth-century ''La vie seint Edmund le rei''.<ref>[[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 80 n. 29; [[#UBBAT15|Tuck (1990)]] p. 4; [[#UBBAS34|''St Edmund: 2410&ndash;2441'' (n.d.)]].</ref>|group=note}}]]
The name "Lodebrochus" appears to be an early reference to [[Ragnar Lothbrok]],<ref name="ReferenceB">[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;228.</ref> a saga-character of dubious historicity, possibly an amalgam of several historical ninth-century figures.<ref>[[#A7|Ashman Rowe 2009]] p.&nbsp;347.</ref>{{refn| Forms of the names "Ragnar" and "Lothbrok" were first used in conjunction for this character in the early-twelfth century, in [[Ari Þorgilsson]]'s ''[[Íslendingabók]]''.<ref>[[#G8|Grønlie 2006]] p.&nbsp;3; [[#V1|van Houts 1984]] p.&nbsp;115.</ref> One possible historical figure from which the literary character may have been drawn from is Reginheri, a Viking leader who raided Paris in 845.<ref>[[#G8|Grønlie 2006]] p.&nbsp;16 n.&nbsp;10; [[#M2|McTurk 1993]] pp.&nbsp;519–520; [[#M1|McTurk 1976]] pp.&nbsp;93–94 & 95–97.</ref> Ragnar's [[Old Norse]] epithet ''loðbrók'', usually translated as "hairy breeches",<ref>[[#G8|Grønlie 2006]] p.&nbsp;16 n.&nbsp;10; [[#M5|McTurk 2003]] p.&nbsp;111; [[#M2|McTurk 1993]] pp.&nbsp;519–520.</ref> may mask the feminine personal name ''Loðbróka'', and thus a feminine historical figure.<ref>[[#M5|McTurk 2003]] p.&nbsp;111; [[#M2|McTurk 1993]] pp.&nbsp;519–520.</ref>|group=note}} According to Scandinavian sources, Ragnar was a Scandinavian of royal stock, whose death at the hands of Ælla in Northumbria was the catalyst for the invasion of Anglo-Saxon England by his vengeful sons, resulting in the death of Ælla.<ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;226.</ref> The only Scandinavian source for Ragnar that refers to Ubba is the Latin ''[[Gesta Danorum]]'', composed by [[Saxo Grammaticus]].<ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;227.</ref> In this source, Ubba's parents are "Regnerus" and an unnamed daughter of "Hesbernus".<ref>[[#D2|Davidson 1998]] vol.&nbsp;1, pp.&nbsp;285–286; [[#M9|Mawer 1908–1909]] pp.&nbsp;69–72 & 82–85; [[#E3|Elton; Powell 1905]] pp.&nbsp;551–552; [[#H9|Holder 1880]] p.&nbsp;307.</ref>{{refn|At one point in this account, Hesbernus encourages Ubba to revolt against Regnerus, who then slays Hesbernus, overcomes the rebels and makes peace with Ubba.<ref>[[#D2|Davidson 1998]] vol.&nbsp;1, pp.&nbsp;287–289; [[#M9|Mawer 1908–1909]] pp.&nbsp;69–72 & 82–85; [[#E3|Elton; Powell 1905]] pp.&nbsp;556–560; [[#H9|Holder 1880]] pp.&nbsp;309–312.</ref> A namesake of Ubba in ''Gesta Danorum'' is a particular hero of the legendary [[Battle of Bråvalla]], identified as a Frisian.<ref>[[#D2|Davidson 1998]] vol.&nbsp;1, p.&nbsp;242 & vol.&nbsp;2, 156 n.&nbsp;38; [[#M9|Mawer 1908–1909]] p.&nbsp;85; [[#E3|Elton; Powell 1905]] p.&nbsp;480; [[#H9|Holder 1880]] pp.&nbsp;262–263.</ref>|group=note}} According to the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century ''[[Ragnarssona þáttr]]'',<ref>[[#A7|Ashman Rowe 2009]] p.&nbsp;356.</ref> an important source for Ragnar, Ivar had two [[Legitimacy (family law)|bastard]] sons, Yngvar and Husto, who tortured Edmund on Ivar's instructions.<ref>[[#A7|Ashman Rowe 2009]] p.&nbsp;355 & n.&nbsp;9; [[#W9|Waggoner 2009]] pp.&nbsp;70 & 111 n.&nbsp;14; [[#S15|Smith 1928–1936]] p.&nbsp;230.</ref> No other source mentions these sons,<ref>[[#A7|Ashman Rowe 2009]] p.&nbsp;355; [[#W9|Waggoner 2009]] p.&nbsp;111 n.&nbsp;14.</ref> and they may be replications of Ivar and Ubba: it may be that the compiler of ''Ragnarssona þáttr'' failed to recognise Ivar's name in sources concerning Edmund.<ref>[[#W9|Waggoner 2009]] p.&nbsp;111 n.&nbsp;14; [[#H11|Halldórsson 2000]] pp.&nbsp;58–59; [[#S15|Smith 1928–1936]] p.&nbsp;230; [[#M9|Mawer 1908–1909]] p.&nbsp;84.</ref>{{refn|The Old Norse forms of Yngvar and Ivar's names are ''Yngvarr'' and ''Ívarr''. The first is an older form of the second.<ref name="Ashman Rowe 2009 p. 355">[[#A7|Ashman Rowe 2009]] p.&nbsp;355.</ref>|group=note}} The name "Husto" appears to stem from a misreading,<ref>[[#A7|Ashman Rowe 2009]] p.&nbsp;355 n.&nbsp;9; [[#W9|Waggoner 2009]] p.&nbsp;111 n.&nbsp;14; [[#M9|Mawer 1908–1909]] p.&nbsp;84.</ref> in which "U''bb''e" was misread as "U''sto''".<ref>[[#A7|Ashman Rowe 2009]] p.&nbsp;355 n.&nbsp;9.</ref> Regarding the bastardy accorded to Yngvar and Husto, this may only serve to reflect the cruelty that they are made to inflict on Edmund in the tale.<ref name="Ashman Rowe 2009 p. 355"/>


The earliest source to make note specific note of Ubba is ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'', which includes him in its account of the downfall of [[Edmund, King of East Anglia]] (died 869).<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 84 n. 31; [[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 17; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 40.</ref> Almost nothing is known of this king's career,<ref>[[#UBBAL7|Lazzari (2014)]] p. 63; [[#UBBAF7|Fornasini (2009)]] p. 35; [[#UBBAB16|Campbell (1984)]] p. 146.</ref> and all that remains of his reign are a few coins.<ref>[[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]].</ref> The first<ref>[[#UBBAJ1|Jordan, TRW (2015)]] p. 1; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] pp. 66&ndash;67, 67 n. 11; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28.</ref> contemporary documentary source to cast any light upon his reign is the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle''.<ref>[[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] pp. 66&ndash;67; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 66 n. 8; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]].</ref> According to this account, the Great Army invaded East Anglia in the autumn of 869, before setting up winter quarters at [[Thetford]]. The chronicle relates that the kingdom was conquered and Edmund was amongst the slain.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 870; [[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] pp. 66&ndash;67, 67 n. 11; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 19&ndash;20, 43&ndash;44; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 74, 189, 189 n. 53, 197, 197 n. 90; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] pp. 1&ndash;2; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] pp. 50, 50 n. 18, 51, 51 n. 20; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28; [[#UBBAF7|Fornasini (2009)]] p. 34; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 65; [[#UBBAW3|Winstead (2007)]] p. 128; [[#UBBAA10|Adams; Holman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 55; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]]; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 870; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 174; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 871; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 70&ndash;71 § 870; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 59; [[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] pp. 30, 197 § 870; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 871; [[#UBBAW19|West (1983)]] p. 223; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 217; [[#UBBAS7|Stenton (1963)]] p. 246; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 180; [[#UBBAB27|Beaven (1918)]] p. 336; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] pp. 140&ndash;141 § 870; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 50 § 870; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 59 § 870; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 2&ndash;3 § 870; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 352 § 870; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 70&ndash;71 § 870; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 134&ndash;135 § 870; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 60 § 870; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 870/871.</ref>{{#tag:ref|During this period, the compilers of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' began the year during the autumn, in September.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28 n. 13; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 61&ndash;62 n. 214; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] chs. asser's life of king alfred § 20 n. 43, notes to introduction and text § the anglo-saxon chronicle 888&ndash;900 ¶ 9; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 221 n. 95; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 217; [[#UBBAB27|Beaven (1918)]].</ref> As such, whilst most versions of the chronicle assign Edmund's demise to the year 870, it is evident that he actually died in the autumn of 869.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28 n. 13; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 61&ndash;62 n. 214.</ref>|group=note}}
While medieval Scandinavians sources tend to locate tales of Ragnar in a Northumbrian context, medieval English sources tend to place them in an East Anglian one.<ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;225–226.</ref> The first author to associate Ragnar Lothbrok with East Anglia was [[Geoffrey of Wells]], in his ''De Infantia Sancti Eadmundi'', a Latin account that explains political events through personal motives.<ref>[[#F3|Frantzen 2004]] p.&nbsp;64; [[#D2|Davidson 1998]] vol.&nbsp;2, p.&nbsp;156 n.&nbsp;38; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;228.</ref> In this source, "Lodebrok" is extremely envious of Edmund's fame, and taunts his own sons&nbsp;– Ivar, Ubba, and Wern&nbsp;– for not having achieved as much as Edmund, provoking them to slay Edmund and destroy his kingdom. At one point this account ascribes diabolical powers to Ubba, which enable him to gain victory in battle.<ref>[[#F3|Frantzen 2004]] p.&nbsp;64; [[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;228; [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;134–161; [[#A1|Arnold 1890]] pp.&nbsp;93–103.</ref> By the thirteenth century an alternate rendition appeared, for example in the Latin ''[[Flores Historiarum]]'' by the thirteenth-century churchman [[Roger of Wendover]] (d. 1236): here, "''Lothbrocus''" washes ashore in East Anglia, where he is honourably received by Edmund. Lothbrocus is then murdered by Bern, an envious huntsman. After Bern is expelled for this crime, he convinces Lothbrocus' sons Ivar and Ubba that it was Edmund who murdered their father, causing them to launch an invasion and destroy Edmund.<ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] pp.&nbsp;229–230; [[#H4|Hervey 1907]] pp.&nbsp;168–199; [[#C7|Coxe 1841]] pp.&nbsp;303–315; [[#G6|Giles 1841]] pp.&nbsp;193–201.</ref> The theme of revenge in Roger's account appears to have been borrowed from the stories concerning the killing of Ælla.<ref>[[#W4|Whitelock 1969]] p.&nbsp;229.</ref>


Although the specific wording employed by most versions of the chronicle suggests that Edmund was killed in battle,<ref>[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 213; [[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 43&ndash;44, 67; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] pp. 50, 50 n. 18, 51, 51 n. 20; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAA10|Adams; Holman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]]; [[#UBBAC21|Cubitt (2000)]] p. 63; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 59; [[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 217, 221; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 86.</ref> and ''Vita Alfredi'' certainly states as much<ref>[[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 67; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 28&ndash;29; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] pp. 1&ndash;2; [[#UBBAF7|Fornasini (2009)]] p. 35; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 61&ndash;62; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 33; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 55; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]]; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 17 ch. 33; [[#UBBAC21|Cubitt (2000)]] p. 63; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] pp. 59&ndash;60; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 217, 217 n. 4; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 102 § 34 ch. 33; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 4&ndash;5; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] p. 18 ch. 33; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 26 ch. 33; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 452.</ref>&mdash;with neither source making note of a [[martyrdom]] ordeal<ref>[[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 2.</ref>&mdash;later hagiographical accounts portray the king in an idealised light, and depict his death in the context of a peace-loving Christian monarch, who willingly suffered martyrdom after refusing to shed blood in defence of himself.<ref>[[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 93, 93 n. 81; [[#UBBAW3|Winstead (2007)]] p. 128; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] pp. 61&ndash;66; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]].</ref>{{#tag:ref|In contrast to earlier versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'', the twelfth-century "[[Peterborough Chronicle|E]]"<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 870; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15, 15 n. 30; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28 n. 15; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 62 n. 216; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 870; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 71 § 870; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 197 n. 3; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 59 n. 2; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] p. 71 § 870; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] p. 135 § 870;</ref> and "F" versions make note of the king's sanctity.<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15, 15 n. 30; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28 n. 15; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 51, 51 n. 20; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 62 n. 216; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 70&ndash;71 n. 6; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] p. 135 § 870.</ref> However, there is reason to suspect that these entries are influenced by hagiographical accounts of Edmund,<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 51.</ref> and may stem from late textual additions into the chronicle.<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15, 15 n. 30; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28 n. 15; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 62 n. 216</ref> As such, these entries may not be evidence of the king's cult in the years immediately after his death.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 28 n. 15; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 62 n. 216.</ref>|group=note}}
Modern depictions of Ubba as a son of Ragnar include his portrayal as leader of the invasion by the [[Great Heathen Army]] in [[Bernard Cornwell]]'s novel ''[[The Last Kingdom]]'' and [[BBC America]]'s [[The Last Kingdom (TV series)|series of the same name]] (played by [[Rune Temte]]) .<ref>{{cite web|title=Questions with Rune Temte {{!}} BBC America|url=http://www.bbcamerica.com/shows/the-last-kingdom/blog/2015/11/questions-with-rune-temte|website=BBC America|accessdate=27 March 2018|language=en}}</ref> In [[History_(U.S._TV_network)|History]]'s historical drama television series [[Vikings_(2013_TV_series)|Vikings]] he features as Ragnar's son by [[Aslaug]], under the name Ubbe (played by [[Jordan Patrick Smith]]).<ref>{{cite web|title=Ubbe - Vikings Cast {{!}} HISTORY|url=https://www.history.com/shows/vikings/cast/ubbe|website=HISTORY|accessdate=27 March 2018|language=en}}</ref>

[[File:Execution of Edmund (Pierpont Morgan Library MS M.736, folio 14r) crop.jpg|thumb|upright|right|alt=Refer to caption|A twelfth-century depiction of the killing of [[Edmund, King of East Anglia]] as depicted on folio 14r of Pierpont Morgan Library M.736.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 104 fig. 12; [[#UBBAT7|''The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund'' (n.d.)]].</ref>{{#tag:ref|The account of Edmund's martyrdom preserved by ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' likens him to [[Jesus Christ]]<ref name="combinechrist">[[#UBBAJ1|Jordan, TRW (2015)]] pp. 15&ndash;17; [[#UBBAL7|Lazzari (2014)]] pp. 48&ndash;49; [[#UBBAM4|Mills, R (2013)]] p. 37; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 71&ndash;72; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 3; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 51; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]]; [[#UBBAM2|Mostert (1987)]] pp. 42&ndash;43; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] pp. 29, 54; [[#UBBAM2|Mostert (1987)]] p. 42; [[#UBBAG10|Grant (1978)]] p. 84; [[#UBBAI3|Ingham (1973)]] p. 5; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 220; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 32&ndash;37 chs. 10&ndash;11; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] pp. 15&ndash;16 chs. 10&ndash;11.</ref> and [[St Sebastian]].<ref name="combinesebastian">[[#UBBAL7|Lazzari (2014)]] pp. 42&ndash;44; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 51; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]]; [[#UBBAC2|Cavill (2003)]] p. 31; [[#UBBAD10|Dumville (2002)]] p. 254; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] pp. 36&ndash;37; [[#UBBAM2|Mostert (1987)]] p. 42; [[#UBBAG10|Grant (1978)]] p. 84; [[#UBBAI3|Ingham (1973)]] p. 5; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 220; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 86; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 34&ndash;35 ch. 10; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] p. 15 ch. 10.</ref> Specifically, Edmund is mocked and scourged like Christ,<ref name="combinechrist"/> and later tied to a tree and shot like St Sebastian.<ref name="combinesebastian"/> Ubba and Ívarr feature in the account of Edmund preserved by the thirteenth-century ''[[South English Legendary]]'',<ref>[[#UBBAT16|Tracy (2012)]] ch. 1 ¶ 7; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 353; [[#UBBAW3|Winstead (2007)]] p. 128; [[#UBBAF14|Frederick (2000)]] p. 63; [[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] pp. 233&ndash;234; [[#UBBAH35|Horstmann (1887)]] pp. 296&ndash;299 § 44.</ref> a source steeped in anti-Danish sentiment.<ref>[[#UBBAT16|Tracy (2012)]] ch. 1 ¶ 7, 1 n. 19.</ref> This source appears to depict the tortures inflicted upon Edmund as a way to define the [[English national identity]] in contrast to the barbarian [[Other (philosophy)|Other]].<ref>[[#UBBAT16|Tracy (2012)]] ch. 1 ¶¶ 7&ndash;10.</ref>|group=note}}]]

One such account is ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'',<ref>[[#UBBAM4|Mills, R (2013)]] p. 37; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 3; [[#UBBAW3|Winstead (2007)]] p. 128; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] pp. 50, 54; [[#UBBAM2|Mostert (1987)]] pp. 42&ndash;43; [[#UBBAI3|Ingham (1973)]] pp. 4&ndash;5; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 219&ndash;221; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 180; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 28&ndash;39 chs. 9&ndash;11; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] pp. 13&ndash;16 chs. 9&ndash;11.</ref> a source that makes no mention of a battle.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 197 n. 90; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 66&ndash;67.</ref> Whilst this source's claim that Edmund was martyred after being captured is not implausible,<ref>[[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 55; [[#UBBAM2|Mostert (1987)]] pp. 42&ndash;43; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 221&ndash;222.</ref> the fact that he came to regarded as a martyr does not negate the possibility that he was slain in battle (as suggested by the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'').<ref>[[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 66; [[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 219&ndash;221.</ref>{{#tag:ref|For example, [[Oswald, King of Northumbria]] (died 642) was venerated as a martyr after he was slain battling seventh-century heathens.<ref>[[#UBBAL7|Lazzari (2014)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 92&ndash;93, 243; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]]; [[#UBBAI3|Ingham (1973)]] p. 3.</ref> [[Óláfr Haraldsson (died 1030)|Óláfr Haraldsson, King of Norway]] (died 1030) was also slain in battle and later remembered as a martyr.<ref>[[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 57; [[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] p. 2 n. 2; [[#UBBAI3|Ingham (1973)]] p. 6.</ref>|group=note}} The apparent contradictory accounts of Edmund's demise given by these sources may stem from the [[telescoping effect|telescoping]] of events surrounding an East Anglian military defeat and the subsequent arrest and execution of the king.<ref>[[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 66.</ref> In any case, surviving [[numismatic]] evidence of coins bearing Edmund's name&mdash;the so-called St Edmund memorial coinage&mdash;reveals that the he was certainly regarded as a saint about twenty years after his death.<ref>[[#UBBAN4|Naismith (2017)]] p. 290; [[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] p. 67; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 63&ndash;64, 69; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAF7|Fornasini (2009)]] p. 34; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 214&ndash;216; [[#UBBAA10|Adams; Holman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 76; [[#UBBAF2|Farmer (2004)]] § Edmund; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] pp. 55&ndash;56; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAB20|Blackburn; Pagan (2002)]] pp. 1&ndash;2; [[#UBBAC21|Cubitt (2000)]] p. 63; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAF10|Farmer (1985)]] p. 39; [[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAG10|Grant (1978)]] p. 89; [[#UBBAB9|Blunt (1969)]] p. 253; [[#UBBAS7|Stenton (1963)]] p. 246, 246 n. 2.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The fact that ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' was commissioned, and later spawned the account of Edmund presented by the tenth-century ''[[Lives of the Saints (Ælfric)|Lives of the Saints]]'', reveals that the king's cult was recognised into the late tenth- and eleventh centuries.<ref>[[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] p. 3.</ref> The composer of ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' claimed that his version of events was mainly derived from a story he had heard told by the elderly [[Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury]] (died 988). The source relates that Dunstan heard this tale, as a young man, from a very old man who claimed to have been Edmund's armour-bearer on the day of his death.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 83 n. 28, 84; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 20&ndash;21; [[#UBBAJ1|Jordan, TRW (2015)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAL7|Lazzari (2014)]] p. 36; [[#UBBAM4|Mills, R (2013)]] pp. 37&ndash;38; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] pp. 69&ndash;70; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 50 n. 82, 62; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 39; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 64&ndash;66; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 52; [[#UBBAF7|Fornasini (2009)]] p. 35; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 63&ndash;64, 67 n. 239, 224; [[#UBBAW3|Winstead (2007)]] p. 128; [[#UBBAA10|Adams; Holman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 56; [[#UBBAF2|Farmer (2004)]] § Edmund; [[#UBBAG5|Gransden (2004)]]; [[#UBBAC2|Cavill (2003)]] p. 23; [[#UBBAC21|Cubitt (2000)]] p. 63; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 30; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] pp. 24, 57&ndash;58; [[#UBBAM2|Mostert (1987)]] p. 41; [[#UBBAF10|Farmer (1985)]] p. 40; [[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] p. 3; [[#UBBAW19|West (1983)]] p. 223; [[#UBBAB7|Bremmer, RH (1981)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAH26|Hart (1981)]] p. 267; [[#UBBAG10|Grant (1978)]] p. 82 n. 4; [[#UBBAT11|Thomson (1977)]] p. 25; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 218&ndash;219; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 86; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 6&ndash;11; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] pp. 3&ndash;5.</ref> ''Passio sancti Eadmundi''<ref>[[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] pp. 26, 34 n. 74; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 220; [[#UBBAB27|Beaven (1918)]] p. 337 n. 34; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 36&ndash;37 ch. 9; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] p. 14 ch. 9.</ref> and the ''Lives of the Saints'' specify that Edmund was killed on [[20 November]].<ref>[[#UBBAB27|Beaven (1918)]] p. 337 n. 34; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 60&ndash;61; [[#UBBAS30|Skeat, W (1881)]] pp. 314&ndash;315 ch. 32.</ref> This date was certainly commemorated by the eleventh century.<ref>[[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 220 n. 13.</ref>|group=note}}

The reliability of ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' is nevertheless uncertain.<ref>[[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] pp. 56&ndash;57.</ref> Although this source was composed over a century after the event,<ref>[[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 62, 67; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 40; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 51; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 56; [[#UBBAF10|Farmer (1985)]] p. 40; [[#UBBAW19|West (1983)]] p. 223; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 218&ndash;219.</ref> it may convey some credible material as the latest useful source.<ref>[[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 40; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 218&ndash;219, 233.</ref>{{#tag:ref|''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' is the earliest hagiographical account of Edmund,<ref>[[#UBBAJ1|Jordan, TRW (2015)]] p. 1; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] p. 69; [[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 62&ndash;63; [[#UBBAC21|Cubitt (2000)]] p. 63; [[#UBBAF10|Farmer (1985)]] p. 40.</ref> and ''Vita Alfredi'' is the earliest biography of an Anglo-Saxon king.<ref>[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. introduction ¶ 49.</ref>|group=note}} Nevertheless, there is also reason to suspect that the account is little more than a collection of well-known hagiographical elements,<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 212&ndash;213; [[#UBBAC2|Cavill (2003)]]; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 204; [[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] pp. 7&ndash;8.</ref> and that the composer knew little to nothing of Edmund's demise and early cult.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 33; [[#UBBAC2|Cavill (2003)]] p. 41; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 135, 204; [[#UBBAG3|Gransden (1985)]] pp. 7&ndash;8.</ref> The lurid depictions of Viking invaders presented by ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' appears to owe much to the author's otherwise known association with [[Fleury Abbey|Fleury]],<ref>[[#UBBAC3|Cross (2017)]] p. 168; [[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 84; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 61.</ref> and specifically to the account of the Viking invasion of the [[Loire Valley]] detailed by ''Miracula sancti Benedicti'', a ninth-century work composed by the Fleurian monk Adrevaldus (fl. 860s).<ref>[[#UBBAC3|Cross (2017)]] p. 168; [[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 84&ndash;85; [[#UBBAD1|de Certain (1858)]] pp. 71&ndash;76 chs. 33&ndash;34.</ref>

{{quote box
|quote = Boys, and men old and young, whom he encountered in the streets of the city were killed; and he paid no respect to the chastity of wife or maid. Husband and wife lay dead or dying together on their thresholds; the babe snatched from its mother's breast was, in order to multiply the cries of grief, slaughtered before her eyes. An impious soldiery scoured the town in fury, athirst for every crime by which pleasure could be given to the tyrant who from sheer love of cruelty had given orders for the massacre of the innocent.
|source = &mdash; excerpt from ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' depicting Ívarr's invasion of [[Kingdom of East Anglia|East Anglia]].<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 101; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] pp. 56&ndash;57; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 20&ndash;21 ch. 5; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] pp. 9&ndash;10 ch. 5.</ref>{{#tag:ref|This source portrays Ívarr and Ubba as agents of the [[Devil]],<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 84; [[#UBBAJ1|Jordan, TRW (2015)]] pp. 10&ndash;11; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 25; [[#UBBAI3|Ingham (1973)]] pp. 4&ndash;5.</ref> as does the derivative ''Lives of the Saints''.<ref>[[#UBBAJ1|Jordan, TRW (2015)]] p. 11; [[#UBBAL7|Lazzari (2014)]] p. 49; [[#UBBAC12|Cammarota (2013)]] pp. 98, 100 n. 56; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 62&ndash;63; [[#UBBAS30|Skeat, W (1881)]] pp. 316&ndash;317 ch. 32.</ref>|group=note}}
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In specific regard to Ubba, ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' states that Ívarr left him in Northumbria before launching his assault upon the East Angles in 869.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15 n. 30; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 145, 202; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 68; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]] p. 150 n. 57; [[#UBBAM2|Mostert (1987)]] p. 42; [[#UBBAG10|Grant (1978)]] pp. 82&ndash;83, 83 n. 11; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 219&ndash;220, 223; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 180; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 18&ndash;21 ch. 5; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] pp. 8&ndash;10 ch. 5.</ref>{{#tag:ref|This is the last time ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' mentions Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAG10|Grant (1978)]] p. 83 n. 11.</ref> Whilst this source depicts the Vikings arriving in East Anglia by sea from Northumbria, the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' depicts them marching across Mercia into East Anglia.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 870; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 66; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 870; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 58 § 871; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 70&ndash;71 § 870; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 197 § 870; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] p. 34 § 871; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 219&ndash;221; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 140 § 870; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 50 § 870; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 59 § 870; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 2&ndash;3 § 870, 18&ndash;21 ch. 5; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 352 § 870; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 70&ndash;71 § 870; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] pp. 8&ndash;10 ch. 5; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 134&ndash;135 § 870/871; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 60 § 870; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 870.</ref>|group=note}} If this source is to be believed, it could indicate that Ubba stayed behind to ensure the cooperation of the conquered Northumbrians.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 202&ndash;203, 202&ndash;203 n. 124.</ref> Although ''Vita Alfredi'' and the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' fail to note any Viking garrisons in the conquered Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, this may merely be a consequence of their otherwise perceptible West Saxon bias.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 202.</ref>{{#tag:ref|There does not appear to be any hagiographical reason why the composer of ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' would have constructed a narritive in which Ubba was left behind in Northumbria.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 202&ndash;203 n. 124.</ref> Certainly, the twelfth-century ''[[Estoire des Engleis]]'', the earliest surviving [[Anglo-Norman language|Anglo-Norman]] history,<ref>[[#UBBAL8|Levy (2004)]] p. 273; [[#UBBAF11|Freeman (1996)]] p. 188.</ref> notes that the Vikings left a garrison at York when the struck out at Nottingham in 867.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 202, 202 n. 123; [[#UBBAS5|Short (2009)]] pp. 155&ndash;158 §§ 2835&ndash;2841; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]] p. 150 n. 57; [[#UBBAH13|Hardy; Martin (1889)]] pp. 91&ndash;92 §§ 2837&ndash;2843; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] p. 117 §§ 2837&ndash;2843; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 763; [[#UBBAW14|Wright (1850)]] pp. 155&ndash;158 §§ 2837&ndash;2843.</ref>|group=note}} In contrast to ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'', the twelfth-century "F" version of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' specifically identifies Ubba and Ívarr as the chiefs of the men who killed the king.<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 213; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15 n. 30; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] p. 67; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 19&ndash;20; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 146; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 51, 51 n. 20; [[#UBBAA10|Adams; Holman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]]; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] pp. 52, 60; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 70 n. 2; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 197 n. 6; [[#UBBAB7|Bremmer, RH (1981)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] pp. 315, 319&ndash;320; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 119; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 223; [[#UBBAS7|Stenton (1963)]] p. 244 n. 2; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 180; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 59 n. 3; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] pp. 80, 82&ndash;83; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 70&ndash;71 n. 6; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] p. 135 § 870; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 43 § 870, 43 n. 8.</ref> Whilst this identification could be derived from ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' or the ''Lives of the Saints'',<ref>[[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 51.</ref> it could merely be a mistake on the chronicler's part. In any case, later and less reliable literature covering the martyrdom associates both men with the event, revealing that this version of events was current as early as the twelfth century.<ref>[[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 223.</ref>{{#tag:ref|One such source is ''Estoire des Engleis'', which implies that Ubba and Ívarr, described as kings, led the invasion of East Anglia, and further states how the apprehended Edmund was kept prisoner until their arrival.<ref>[[#UBBAS5|Short (2009)]] pp. 155&ndash;161 §§ 2859&ndash;2936; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 224&ndash;225; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 126&ndash;133 §§ 2861&ndash;2938; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] pp. 763&ndash;764; [[#UBBAH13|Hardy; Martin (1889)]] pp. 92&ndash;94 §§ 2861&ndash;2938; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] pp. 118&ndash;122 §§ 2861&ndash;2938; [[#UBBAW14|Wright (1850)]] pp. 98&ndash;101 §§ 2861&ndash;2938.</ref> The fourteenth- to fifteenth-century ''Liber monasterii de Hyda'' also assigns the killing of Edmund to Ívarr and Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 180; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 374&ndash;375; [[#UBBAE2|Edwards, E (1866)]] p. 10 ch. 5; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 489 ch. 5.</ref>|group=note}}

==Hagiographic association with Æbbe and Osyth==

[[File:St Æbbe the Younger.jpg|thumb|alt=Illustration of warriors pursuing mutilated nuns|A sixteenth-century depiction of [[Æbbe the Younger|Æbbe]] and the nuns of Coldingham disfiguring themselves whilst pursued by Vikings.<ref>[[#UBBAT2|Tretero (1584)]].</ref>]]

Ubba is associated with the martyrdom of [[Æbbe the Younger|Æbbe]], an alleged [[abbess]] of [[Coldingham]] said to have been slain by Vikings in 870.<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 22; [[#UBBAP1|Pulsiano (1999)]] pp. 17&ndash;18, 18 n. 28.</ref> The historicity of this woman is nevertheless uncertain.<ref>[[#UBBAT1|Thacker (2004)]]; [[#UBBAH3|Hunt (1888)]].</ref> The earliest accounts of the alleged events at Coldingham date to the thirteenth century. They include ''[[Chronica majora]]'',<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 22; [[#UBBAS1|Schulenburg (2001)]] p. 169; [[#UBBAA4|Anderson, AO (1908)]] pp. 61&ndash;62; [[#UBBAL1|Luard (1872)]] pp. 391&ndash;392.</ref> and both the [[Flores historiarum (Wendover)|Wendover]]<ref>[[#UBBAS1|Schulenburg (2001)]] pp. 146&ndash;147, 169; [[#UBBAA4|Anderson, AO (1908)]] p. 61 n. 1; [[#UBBAG1|Giles (1849)]] pp. 191&ndash;192; [[#UBBAC1|Coxe (1841)]] pp. 300&ndash;302.</ref> and [[Flores historiarum (Paris)|Paris]] versions of ''Flores historiarum''.<ref>[[#UBBAL3|Luard (2012)]] pp. 432&ndash;433; [[#UBBAA4|Anderson, AO (1908)]] p. 61 n. 1; [[#UBBAY1|Yonge (1853)]] pp. 409&ndash;410.</ref> According to these sources, Æbbe compelled the [[nun]]s of Coldingham to [[Self-harm|disfigure themselves]] to preserve their [[virginity]] from an incoming hoard of Vikings. Leading by example, Æbbe is said to have cut off her nose and upper lip with a razor. When the Viking arrived the following morning, the sight of the mutilated and bloody women repelled the raiders. Nevertheless, Ívarr and Ubba are stated to have ordered the razing of the monastery, burning to death Æbbe and her faithful nuns.<ref>[[#UBBAC3|Cross (2017)]] p. 169; [[#UBBAS4|Skinner (2017)]] p. 115; [[#UBBAS2|Sigurdson (2014)]] p. 253; [[#UBBAS28|Schulenburg (2006)]]; [[#UBBAF2|Farmer (2004)]] § Ebbe the Younger; [[#UBBAS1|Schulenburg (2001)]] pp. 146&ndash;147; [[#UBBAP1|Pulsiano (1999)]] pp. 17&ndash;18, 18 n. 28; [[#UBBAH1|Horner (1994)]] p. 671; [[#UBBAP11|Pistono (1989)]] p. 38; [[#UBBAH3|Hunt (1888)]].</ref>

[[File:Vikings attacking a town (Pierpont Morgan Library MS M.736, folio 10r) crop.jpg|left|thumb|upright|alt=Refer to caption|upright||A twelfth-century depiction of Vikings attacking a town, killing men, women, and children, as depicted on folio 10r of Pierpont Morgan Library M.736.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 99, 100 fig. 8, 101; [[#UBBAT7|''The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund'' (n.d.)]].</ref>{{#tag:ref|This miniature depicts several scenes. Whereas the first scene shows the Vikings battling against armed defenders of a burning town, the second shows mainly slaughtered unarmed inhabitants. Some of the latter are naked, which reflects the language employed by ''Passio sancti Eadmundi''.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 101.</ref>|group=note}}]]

Despite many lurid twelfth-century tales of ecclesiastical devastation wrought by Vikings, the principal contemporary source for this period, the ninth- or tenth-century "A" version of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'', fails to note the destruction of a single Anglo-Saxon church by Scandinavians during the eighth- and ninth centuries.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 80&ndash;81.</ref> Although ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' presents the invasion of East Anglia by Ubba and Ívarr as a campaign of wanton rape and murder, the account does not depict the destruction of the kingdom's monasteries.<ref>[[#UBBAC3|Cross (2017)]] p. 163; [[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 84&ndash;85.</ref> In fact, there is reason to suspect that most Anglo-Saxon monastic sites probably survived the Viking invasions of the era,<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 81; [[#UBBAB5|Barrow (2009)]].</ref> and that the East Anglian Church withstood the Viking invasions and occupation.<ref>[[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]].</ref>{{#tag:ref|Supposed ecclesiastic devastation wrought by the Vikings has not been established by archaeology.<ref>[[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 73.</ref> The only ecclesiastical site proven to have suffered a detrimental effect from the Vikings is [[St Wystan's Church, Repton|St Wystan's Church]] at [[Repton]], where the Vikings are otherwise known to have overwintered in 873/874.<ref>[[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 67.</ref>|group=note}}

Whilst Viking depredations of monasteries tend not to feature in sources intended for royal audiences, religious desecrations appear in sources composed for ecclesiastical audiences.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 91&ndash;92.</ref> There are several reasons why twelfth-century sources associate the Vikings with seemingly unhistorical atrocities against particular monasteries. For example, such depredations could explain changes in monastic observance, or the switch from monastic- to clerical observance.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 92.</ref> Stories of Viking attacks could be used as evidence of the former possession of property claimed by religious houses centuries after the fact.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 92; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] pp. 75&ndash;76.</ref> The ninth-century Viking onslaught may have also been a way in which twelfth-century commentators sought to explain what was regarded as monastic decay in tenth-century Anglo-Saxon England.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 92; [[#UBBAG11|Gransden (2008)]] p. 278.</ref> This imagined or exaggerated religious extirpation could well have been a convenient way of accounting for the scarcity of documentary evidence concerning early religious institutions.<ref>[[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 76.</ref> Twelfth-century ecclesiastical historians availed themselves of sources such as the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle''<ref name="UBBAB1-93">[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 93.</ref> and ''Passio sancti Eadmundi''.<ref>[[#UBBAC3|Cross (2017)]] p. 168; [[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 93.</ref> The fact that the latter was particularly influential to mediaeval historians is evidenced by the frequent occurrences of Ívarr and Ubba in reports of religious atrocities.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] pp. 17&ndash;18.</ref> To mediaeval hagiographers and historians, these two figures were archetypal Viking invaders<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 17; [[#UBBAH21|Hayward (1999)]] p. 111.</ref> and emblematic opponents of Christianity.<ref>[[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 96; [[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] pp. 234&ndash;235.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The reputation of the two may lay behind the similarly-named Yvor and Yni, noted by the twelfth-century ''[[Historia regum Britanniæ]]''. According to this source, Yvor and Yni were closely-related [[Celtic Britons|Britons]] who failed to eject the Anglo-Saxons from Britain after launching a series of maritime invasions of the island. As a result of their failure, ''Historia regum Britanniæ'' declares that the British people thereafter became known as the [[Welsh people|Welsh]].<ref>[[#UBBAR16|Reeve; Wright (2007)]] pp. 280 bk. 11 chs. 206&ndash;207, 281 bk. 11 ch2. 206&ndash;207; [[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] p. 235.</ref> Whilst ''{{lang|la|Yvor}}'' seems to correspond to the Old Norse ''{{lang|non|Ívarr}}'', the form ''{{lang|la|Yni}}'' may be a garbled attempt at Ubba's name.<ref>[[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] p. 235 n. 15.</ref> The twelfth-century "E" version of ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' claims that Ívarr and Ubba destroyed all monasteries they encountered, and specifies that they burned the monastery of [[Medeshamstede]] ([[Peterborough]]), and killed its abbot and monks.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 88; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 15 n. 30; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 67; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 50&ndash;51, 51 n. 19; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 231 § 870; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 48 § 870; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 71 § 870; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 197 n. 6; [[#UBBAB27|Beaven (1918)]] p. 336; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 59, 59 n. 4; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] p. 71 § 870; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 135 § 870, 137 § 870.</ref> The twelfth-century chronicle of [[Hugh Candidus]] (died c.1160) also relates that Ívarr and Ubba were responsible for the annihilation of churches throughout Anglo-Saxon England, and specifies that they destroyed the monastery and monks of Medeshamstede.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 89.</ref> According to this source, which is heavily influenced by ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'', some of the monasteries ravaged by Ívarr and Ubba remained deserted and in ruins until his own time.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 89; [[#UBBAG11|Gransden (2008)]] p. 278.</ref>|group=note}}

[[File:Osyth (British Library MS Additional 70513, folio 134v).jpg|thumb|upright|right|alt=Refer to caption|left|A thirteenth- or fourteenth-century depiction of Osyth as it appears on folio 134v of British Library Additional 70513.<ref>[[#UBBAG2|Gorman (2011)]] p. 117 fig. 2.</ref>]]

The accounts of Æbbe could be an example of such a constructed tale. The story appears be ultimately derived from the account of Coldingham preserved by the eighth-century ''[[Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum|Historia ecclesiastica]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 72.</ref> According to this source, [[Æthelthryth]] (died 679), wife of [[Ecgfrith, King of Northumbria]] (died 685), entered the monastery under the tutelage of an abbess named [[Æbbe, Abbess of Coldingham|Æbbe]] (died 683?). At some point after Æthelthryth left Coldingham to found a [[Ely Cathedral|monastery at Ely]], ''Historia ecclesiastica'' reports that the monastery of Coldingham burned to the ground.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 53; [[#UBBAT1|Thacker (2004)]]; [[#Sellar|Sellar (1917)]] pp. 259&ndash;263 bk. 4 ch. 19, 281&ndash;284 bk. 4 ch. 25; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] pp. 204&ndash;207 bk. 4 ch. 19, 220&ndash;223 bk. 4 ch. 25; [[#UBBAP2|Plummer (1896)]] pp. 243&ndash;246 bk. 4 ch. 17 (19), 262&ndash;266 bk. 4 ch. 23 (25).</ref> This account of Coldingham's burning was later incorporated into ''[[Liber Eliensis]]'', a twelfth-century chronicle covering the history of Æthelthryth's establishment at Ely.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 78 n. 3, 93; [[#UBBAF1|Fairweather (2005)]] pp. 40&ndash;41 bk. 1 ch. 14; [[#UBBAB2|Blake (1962)]] p. 31 bk. 1 ch. 14.</ref> The account of the burning given by ''Historia ecclesiastica'' may well be the inspiration behind the tale of facial mutilation and fiery martyrdom first associated with Coldingham by the Wendover version of ''Flores historiarum''.<ref name="UBBAB1-93"/>{{#tag:ref|The story of nuns self-mutilating to avoid rape at the hands of roving Vikings is not confined to Coldingham, it is also attributed to the ninth-century nuns of [[Fécamp Abbey|Fécamp]] across the [[English Channel|Channel]] in [[Duchy of Normandy|Normandy]].<ref>[[#UBBAC3|Cross (2017)]] p. 169; [[#UBBAV1|Venarde (1999)]] p. 29; [[#UBBAG4|''Gallia Christiana'' (1970)]] p. 201.</ref>|group=note}} To twelfth-century ecclesiasts, invented tales of ninth-century violence&mdash;particularly violence inflicted by Ívarr and Ubba&mdash;may have been intended to validate the refoundation of certain religious communities.<ref>[[#UBBAC3|Cross (2017)]] pp. 166&ndash;167; [[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 93.</ref>{{#tag:ref|For example, the thirteenth-century Whitby [[cartulary]] preserves a twelfth-century account of how the [[knight]] Reinfrid came to "''Streoneshalc''", a place that had been "laid to waste, in a ferocious devastation", by Ívarr and Ubba, "the most cruel pirates". As a result of this carnage, the accounts relates that the religious services of monks and nuns had ceased for over two centuries, and that Reinfrid was struck with compunction having observed the desolation for himself.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 91; [[#UBBAR6|Reid (1987)]] pp. 123, 197; [[#UBBAS37|Smith, AH (1968)]] pp. 10&ndash;11 n. 4; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 189; [[#UBBAA1|Atkinson (1879)]] pp. xxvii, 1 ch. 1.</ref> Another example is given by the twelfth-century ''[[Chronicon ex chronicis]]'' which states that the invasions of Ívarr and Ubba were repsonsible for the flight of the [[Cuthbert]]ine community of [[Lindisfarne]].<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]]; p. 18; [[#UBBAF15|Forester (1854)]] pp. 111&ndash;112; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 253; [[#UBBAT17|Thorpe (1848)]] pp. 152&ndash;153.</ref> Ívarr and Ubba are also woven into the account of the monastery of Ely preserved by ''Liber Eliensis''. If this source is to be believed, the Vikings' destruction of this religious house&mdash;in a blazing fire that consumed all of its nuns&mdash;were the reason why this formerly-flourishing ecclesiastical site became a secular community by the end of the tenth century.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 77&ndash;78, 89; [[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 184, 184 n. 39; [[#UBBAB2|Blake (1962)]] p. 53&ndash;56 ch. 39&ndash;41.</ref> According to this account, the monastery's annihilation occurred in the context of Ivarr and Ubba's campaigning at the time of Edmund's downfall.<ref>[[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 182, 182 n. 29; [[#UBBAF1|Fairweather (2005)]] pp. 71&ndash;72 ch. 39; [[#UBBAB2|Blake (1962)]] pp. 53&ndash;54 bk. 1 ch. 39.</ref> Whilst this tale of fiery destruction appears to be derived from the twelfth-century ''Libellus Æthelwoldi'',<ref>[[#UBBAC3|Cross (2017)]] pp. 165&ndash;166; [[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 77, 77 n. 2; [[#UBBAF1|Fairweather (2005)]] p. 487 ch. 1; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 72; [[#UBBAB2|Blake (1962)]] p. 396 ch. 1.</ref> the portrayal of marauding Vikings is borrowed from sources such as ''Chronicon ex chronicis''<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 77, 89.</ref> and ''Passio sancti Eadmundi''.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] pp. 77&ndash;78, 89; [[#UBBAB2|Blake (1962)]] p. 53 n. 1.</ref> The latter account also seems to be the source for the appearance of Ívarr and Ubba in the account of the hermit Suneman, and the destruction of [[St Benet's Abbey]], given by the fourteenth-century ''Chronicon Joannis Bromton''.<ref>[[#UBBAL6|Licence (2004)]]; [[#UBBAH20|''Historiæ Anglicanæ'' (1652)]] p. 913.</ref> According to the thirteenth-century ''[[Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes]]'', Suneman was martyred by invading Vikings.<ref>[[#UBBAL6|Licence (2004)]]; [[#UBBAE4|Ellis (1859)]] p. 312.</ref>|group=note}}

The earliest Anglo-Saxon virgin-martyr is [[Osyth]].<ref>[[#UBBAP1|Pulsiano (1999)]] p. 17.</ref> A now-lost twelfth-century ''{{lang|la|vita}}'' of this woman associated Ívarr and Ubba with her seventh-century martyrdom. According to this source, Ívarr and Ubba commanded the pirates who beheaded her after she refused to worship their pagan [[Idolatry|idols]].<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 90, 90 n. 69; [[#UBBAB16|Campbell (1984)]] pp. 147&ndash;148; [[#UBBAB19|Bethell (1970)]] pp. 88, 120; [[#UBBAT3|Toulmin Smith (1910)]] p. 168; [[#UBBAH2|Hunt (1895)]].</ref> This work may have been the inspiration behind the [[Anglo-Norman language|Anglo-Norman]] hagiography ''Vie seinte Osith'',<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 90 n. 69; [[#UBBAB24|Barrow (2007)]]; [[#UBBAW1|Russell; Zatta; Wogan-Browne (2005)]] p. 317 n. 27; [[#UBBAZ1|Zatta (1999)]] p. 376 n. 27; [[#UBBAB4|Barrow (1987)]] pp. 178, 185.</ref> a composition that also attributes Osyth's killing to Ívarr and Ubba and their followers.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 90 n. 69; [[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 22; [[#UBBAW1|Russell; Zatta; Wogan-Browne (2005)]] pp. 384&ndash;389 §§ 762&ndash;839; [[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] pp. 233&ndash;234; [[#UBBAB19|Bethell (1970)]] p. 88; [[#UBBAB3|Baker (1911)]] pp. 480, 491&ndash;492 §§ 761&ndash;838.</ref>{{#tag:ref|This source also associates Ívarr and Ubba with Edmund's martyrdom.<ref>[[#UBBAW1|Russell; Zatta; Wogan-Browne (2005)]] pp. 384&ndash;389 §§ 762&ndash;777, 385 n. 31; [[#UBBAB3|Baker (1911)]] pp. 480, 491 §§ 761&ndash;776.</ref> The lost ''{{lang|la|vita}}'' can be reconstructed from notes dating to the sixteenth century.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 90 n. 69; [[#UBBAB24|Barrow (2007)]]; [[#UBBAW1|Russell; Zatta; Wogan-Browne (2005)]] pp. 304 n. 1, 307 n. 5; [[#UBBAZ1|Zatta (1999)]] p. 368 n. 5; [[#UBBAB4|Barrow (1987)]] p. 177; [[#UBBAB19|Bethell (1970)]] pp. 75&ndash;76, 76&ndash;77 n. 1; [[#UBBAB3|Baker (1911)]] p. 478; [[#UBBAT3|Toulmin Smith (1910)]] pp. 167&ndash;172; [[#UBBAH2|Hunt (1895)]].</ref> Ívarr and Ubba play a role in an hagiographical account of [[Hilda of Whitby|Hild]], a seventh-century Anglo-Saxon saint. According to an hagiographical poem preserved by the fifteenth-century manuscript Cambridge Trinity College 0.9.38 (T), the campaigning of Ívarr and Ubba forced a certain Titus to remove Hild's relics to [[Glastonbury Abbey]], where he became [[abbot]].<ref>[[#UBBAR11|Rigg (1996)]] pp. 13, 15, 31 §§ 552&ndash;561.</ref> This account appears to conflate two incompatible accounts presented by the author of the twelfth-century texts ''[[Gesta pontificum Anglorum]]'' and ''De antiquitate Glastonie ecclesie''.<ref>[[#UBBAR11|Rigg (1996)]] pp. 15, 40&ndash;41.</ref> Whilst the former composition states that the relics were donated to Glastonbury by Edmund himself,<ref>[[#UBBAH25|Hadley (2009)]] p. 119; [[#UBBAR11|Rigg (1996)]] pp. 15, 40; [[#UBBAR12|Robinson (1921)]] p. 19; [[#UBBAN3|Newell (1903)]] p. 481; [[#UBBAM18|Migne (1899)]] p. 1546; [[#UBBAH22|Hamilton (1870)]] p. 198 bk. 2 ch. 91.</ref> the latter relates that the relics were brought to Glastonbury in the eighth century by Tica, a man who became [[Abbot of Glastonbury]].<ref>[[#UBBAR11|Rigg (1996)]] pp. 15, 40&ndash;41; [[#UBBAR12|Robinson (1921)]] pp. 19, 37; [[#UBBAN3|Newell (1903)]] p. 481; [[#UBBAM18|Migne (1899)]] p. 1693.</ref> Tica appears to be identical to Tyccea, an historical eighth-century ecclesiast attested in the western Anglo-Saxon England.<ref>[[#UBBAS33|Sims-Williams (1990)]] pp. 224&ndash;229.</ref> The rampaging of Ívarr and Ubba is also noted by ''De sancto Oswino'', an account of [[Oswine, King of Deira]] (died 651) that forms part of the fourteenth-century ''Sanctilogium Angliae, Walliae, Scotiae, et Hiberniae''.<ref>[[#UBBAH21|Hayward (1999)]] p. 138 n. 282; [[#UBBAH23|Horstmann (1901)]] p. 268.</ref> This hagiography of Oswine appears to derive its account from ''Vita tertia sancti Oswini''. Although the latter text fails to include Ívarr and Ubba in its version of events,<ref>[[#UBBAF12|Foot (2000)]] p. 72 n. 46; [[#UBBAH21|Hayward (1999)]] p. 138 n. 282; [[#UBBAR13|Raine (n.d.)]] pp. 1&ndash;59.</ref> the manuscript of this source&mdash;British Library Cotton Julius A.x.&mdash;contains a [[Lacuna (manuscripts)|lacuna]] between [[folio]]s 9 and 10 where at least one leaf has been lost.<ref>[[#UBBAH21|Hayward (1999)]] pp. 111 n. 138, 137, 138 n. 282.</ref> There is reason to suspect that the missing content has been preserved by ''Chronica majora'' and the Wendover and Paris versions of ''Flores historiarum''&mdash;sources which state that Ívarr and Ubba destroyed the monastery of [[Tynemouth Castle and Priory|Tynemouth]], and thereby massacred the nuns of Hild's convent who cared for Oswine's shrine.<ref>[[#UBBAF12|Foot (2000)]] p. 72, 72 n. 46; [[#UBBAH21|Hayward (1999)]] pp. 111, 111 n. 138, 138 n. 282; [[#UBBAL3|Luard (2012)]] pp. 582&ndash;583; [[#UBBAL1|Luard (1872)]] p. 531; [[#UBBAY1|Yonge (1853)]] pp. 548&ndash;549; [[#UBBAG1|Giles (1849)]] p. 319; [[#UBBAC1|Coxe (1841)]] pp. 504&ndash;505.</ref> An hagiographical account of Oswine could be the source behind the account of the monastery's burning given by the sixteenth-century ''Collectanea'' of [[John Leland (antiquary)|John Leland]] (died 1552).<ref>[[#UBBAF12|Foot (2000)]] p. 72 n. 46; [[#UBBAH21|Hayward (1999)]] p. 137 n. 277.</ref> Although this source attributes the monastic destruction to Ívarr and Ubba, the fate of the nuns is not mentioned.<ref>[[#UBBAF12|Foot (2000)]] p. 72 n. 46; [[#UBBAH24|Hearnii (1774)]] p. 114.</ref> Ívarr and Ubba also feature in the legend of the martyrdom of [[Fremund]],<ref name="UBBAW18-101">[[#UBBAW18|Emons-Nijenhuis (2013)]] p. 101.</ref> a ninth-century saint whose historicity is also uncertain.<ref>[[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 105; [[#UBBAW18|Emons-Nijenhuis (2013)]] p. 99; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 164; [[#UBBAF2|Farmer (2004)]] § Fremund; [[#UBBAT12|Townsend (1994)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAR15|Rigg (1992)]] p. 182.</ref> Accounts of Fremund are not found in any Anglo-Saxon historical sources, and are preserved in later hagiographical compositions.<ref>[[#UBBAW18|Emons-Nijenhuis (2013)]] p. 99; [[#UBBAT12|Townsend (1994)]] p. 2.</ref> The earliest source of the legend is a thirteenth-century manuscript Dublin Trinity College 172 (B 2 7),<ref>[[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 107; [[#UBBAW18|Emons-Nijenhuis (2013)]] p. 100, 100 n. 10; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 167; [[#UBBAT12|Townsend (1994)]] p. 3; [[#UBBAH23|Horstmann (1901)]] pp. 689&ndash;698.</ref> The best-known version of the legend is given by the fifteenth-century ''Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund''.<ref>[[#UBBAW18|Emons-Nijenhuis (2013)]] pp. 100&ndash;101; [[#UBBAH29|Horstmann (1881)]] pp. 376&ndash;440; [[#UBBAH30|Hardy (1862b)]] pp. 523&ndash;524 § 1094.</ref> All versions of Fremund's ''{{lang|la|vitae}}'' tell a similar tale.<ref>[[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 108; [[#UBBAW18|Emons-Nijenhuis (2013)]] p. 101.</ref> According to these sources, Ívarr and Ubba invaded Anglo-Saxon England and slew Edmund, after which Fremund orchestrated a miraculous avenging victory over the Vikings, and was treacherously slain afterwards.<ref name="UBBAW18-101"/> Ívarr and Ubba also play a part in the legend of [[Seaxburh of Ely|Sexburga]] (died 674?). Specifically, according to the twelfth-century ''Vita beate Sexburge regine'', this seventh-century East Anglian saint had a premonition of future calamities that were proved true through the invasion of Ívarr and Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18; [[#UBBAH39|Hardy (1862a)]] pp. 360&ndash;361 § 845.</ref>|group=note}}

==The Great Army after Ívarr==

{{multiple image
| footer = The [[obverse and reverse]] of an Edmund memorial coin.<ref>[[#UBBAK12|Keary; Poole (1887)]] p. 119 § 431, pl. 18 fig. 1.</ref> Although some of the [[moneyer]]s' names that appear on these coins are Anglo-Saxon, many more are foreign.<ref>[[#UBBAN4|Naismith (2017)]] p. 292; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 153&ndash;154, 154 n. 229; [[#UBBAG19|Grierson; Blackburn (2006)]] p. 319; [[#UBBAS36|Smart (1979)]] p. 22; [[#UBBAK12|Keary; Poole (1887)]] p. 97.</ref> The names suggest that there was a significant influx of Continental emigration into Anglo-Scandinavian-controlled regions.<ref>[[#UBBAN4|Naismith (2017)]] p. 292; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 154; [[#UBBAG19|Grierson; Blackburn (2006)]] p. 319.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The moneyer of this particular coin was a man named Hlodovicus&ndash;whose name is inscribed on the reverse&ndash;which could be evidence that he was a Frank.<ref>[[#UBBAK12|Keary; Poole (1887)]] p. 97.</ref> There is reason to suspect that Edmund's cult was advanced by later Anglo-Scandinavians as a way to retain authority in East Anglia,<ref>[[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] p. 69; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 31; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 2; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 55; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 216&ndash;217; [[#UBBAA10|Adams; Holman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] pp. 78&ndash;79; [[#UBBAB20|Blackburn; Pagan (2002)]] p. 2.</ref> as a way to repent for his death at the hands of their Viking predecessors.<ref>[[#UBBAM15|McGuigan (2015)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] p. 69; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 30; [[#UBBAB8|Bale (2009)]] p. 25; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 216&ndash;217, 223; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 275 n. 20; [[#UBBAA15|Abels (1992)]] p. 32.</ref> It is also possible that the cult was originally promoted as a way the surviving East Anglian aristocracy attempted to oppose Anglo-Scandinavian overlordship,<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 31; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 213&ndash;214; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] pp. 78&ndash;79.</ref> and that the Anglo-Scandinavian regime thereafter adopted the cult and capitalised upon it.<ref>[[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 216&ndash;217, 223; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] pp. 78&ndash;79.</ref> In any case, Edmund's memorial coinage seems to have been minted under the auspices of the Anglo-Scandinavian leadership,<ref>[[#UBBAN4|Naismith (2017)]] p. 284; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 31; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 215&ndash;216, 223; [[#UBBAG19|Grierson; Blackburn (2006)]] pp. 319&ndash;320; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 275 n. 20; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAA15|Abels (1992)]] p. 32.</ref> and his cult certainly spread into the Scandinavia later in the Middle Ages.<ref>[[#UBBAM3|Mostert (2014)]]; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 25; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 57; [[#UBBAA10|Adams; Holman (2004)]]; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 79 n. 80.</ref>|group=note}}
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| image1 = St Edmund memorial coin, Hludovicus, obverse.png
| width1 = {{#expr: (120 * 297 / 296 ) round 0}}
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| alt1 = A black and white photo of an Anglo-Scandinavian coin
| image2 = St Edmund memorial coin, Hludovicus, reverse.png
| width2 = {{#expr: (120 * 295 / 301) round 0}}
| alt2 = A black and white photo of an Anglo-Scandinavian coin
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The history of East Anglia immediately after Edmund's demise is extremely obscure.<ref>[[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 211.</ref> The account of events presented by ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' seems to show that Edmund was killed in the context of the Great Army attempting to impose authority over him and his realm.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 197; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 66, 68&ndash;69, 94; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]] pp. 150&ndash;151; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 174; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 26.</ref> Such an accommodation appears to have been gained by the Vikings in Northumbria<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 21; [[#UBBAA7|Abels (2013)]] p. 125; [[#UBBAC16|Costambeys (2004a)]]; [[#UBBAA15|Abels (1992)]] p. 33 n. 48.</ref> and Mercia.<ref>[[#UBBAA7|Abels (2013)]] p. 125; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 74; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAA15|Abels (1992)]] p. 33 n. 48.</ref> In any case, numismatic evidence appears to indicate that two client kings&mdash;a certain [[Æthelred II of East Anglia|Æthelred]] and [[Oswald of East Anglia|Oswald]]&mdash;thereafter ruled over the East Angles on behalf of the Viking conquerors.<ref>[[#UBBAN4|Naismith (2017)]] pp. 147, 150 tab. 10, 164 287; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 188&ndash;189, 194&ndash;195; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] pp. 66 n. 7, 78; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 174; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54.</ref>

It is at about this point that Ívarr disappears from English history.<ref>[[#UBBAA7|Abels (2013)]] p. 125; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 66; [[#UBBAS7|Stenton (1963)]] p. 247.</ref> According to ''Chronicon Æthelweardi'', died in the same year as Edmund.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 22; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 42, 46&ndash;47, 213; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 16 n. 33; [[#UBBAD11|Downham (2011)]] p. 192; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 127; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 66; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 681; [[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]]; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 33 n. 61; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] pp. 315, 319; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 117 n. 174; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 223, 227 n. 49; [[#UBBAB25|Barker (1967)]] p. 82; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 26 bk. 4 ch. 2; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 428 bk. 4 ch. 2.</ref> However, this record may partly stem from the fact that he did not take part in the subsequent war against the [[Kingdom of Wessex]],<ref>[[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 66; [[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]].</ref> beginning in the autumn or winter of 870.<ref>[[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]].</ref>{{#tag:ref|Whilst there is reason to suspect that Ívarr is identical to [[Ímar]] (died 873), a Viking king later active in Ireland and northern Britain,<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 22; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 42, 46, 49; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 16, 16 n. 33; [[#UBBAD11|Downham (2011)]] p. 192; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 24&ndash;25; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 127&ndash;128; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 66; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 681; [[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]]; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAJ6|Jaski (1995)]] p. 318 n. 29; [[#UBBAB18|Brooks (1979)]] p. 6, 6 n. 22; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]]; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 93, 117&ndash;119; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 227; [[#UBBAS7|Stenton (1963)]] pp. 247&ndash;248.</ref> such an indentification is uncertain.<ref>[[#UBBAD11|Downham (2011)]] p. 192; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 127&ndash;128; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 66; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54; [[#UBBAJ6|Jaski (1995)]] p. 318 n. 29; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]]; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 93, 118; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 227; [[#UBBAS7|Stenton (1963)]] p. 248.</ref> Nevertheless, if Ívarr is indeed identical to Ímar&mdash;and therefore commanded Vikings settled in the Irish Sea region before the coalescence of the Great Army in Anglo-Saxon England&mdash;it is possible that he and Hálfdan led the troops identified as Danes and that Ubba led those identified as Frisians.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 142, 146.</ref> It is also possible that Ubba is identical to [[Rodulfus (died 873)|Rodulfus]] (died 878), a Viking attested on the Continent in the 860s and 870s. Rodulfus is recorded to have been slain in an attack on [[Oostergo]] in 873.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]]; [[#UBBAR3|Reuter (1992)]] p. 72 § 873; [[#UBBAN2|Nelson (1991)]] p. 184 § 873; [[#UBBAD13|De Simon (1909)]] p. 32 § 873; [[#UBBAP9|Pertzii; Kurze (1891)]] p. 80 § 873; [[#UBBAW7|Waitz (1883)]] p. 124 § 873; [[#UBBAP6|Pertz (1826)]] p. 496 § 873.</ref>|group=note}} In any case, the leadership of the Great Army appears to have fallen to kings [[Bagsecg]] (died 871) and [[Halfdan Ragnarsson|Hálfdan]] (died 877),<ref>[[#UBBAH31|Holm (2015)]]; [[#UBBAA7|Abels (2013)]] p. 125; [[#UBBAY2|Yorke (1995)]] p. 109.</ref> the first principal Viking leaders attested by all versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' after the army's recorded arrival.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 123; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] p. 316.</ref>{{#tag:ref|Many of the earliest Vikings attested by the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' are those that lost recorded battles or died in them.<ref>[[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73.</ref> Such is certainly the case in Irish sources. The fifteenth- to sixteenth-century ''[[Annals of Ulster]]'', for example, reports the deaths of Saxólfr (died 837),<ref>[[#UBBAK8|Kulovesi (2017)]] p. 10, 10 n. 35; [[#UBBAT14|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2017)]] § 837.9; [[#UBBAT13|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2008)]] § 837.9; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73 n. 12.</ref> [[Þórgísl (died 845)|Þórgísl]] (died 845),<ref>[[#UBBAK8|Kulovesi (2017)]] p. 10, 10 n. 36; [[#UBBAT14|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2017)]] § 845.8; [[#UBBAT13|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2008)]] § 845.8; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73 n. 12.</ref> Hákon (died 847),<ref>[[#UBBAK8|Kulovesi (2017)]] p. 10, 10 n. 36; [[#UBBAT14|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2017)]] § 847.4; [[#UBBAT13|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2008)]] § 847.4; [[#UBBAA11|Anderson (1922)]] p. 278, 278 n. 1.</ref> and [[Þórir (died 848)|Þórir]] (died 848) in the 830s and 840s,<ref>[[#UBBAK8|Kulovesi (2017)]] p. 10; [[#UBBAT14|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2017)]] § 848.5; [[#UBBAT13|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2008)]] § 848.5; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73 n. 12; [[#UBBAA11|Anderson (1922)]] p. 278, 278 n. 5.</ref> before naming the first living Viking, Steinn ([[fl.]] 852), in the 850s.<ref>[[#UBBAT14|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2017)]] § 852.3; [[#UBBAT13|''The Annals of Ulster'' (2008)]] § 852.3; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73 n. 12.</ref>|group=note}}

[[File:Lanhill long barrow - geograph.org.uk - 1196143.jpg|thumb|The prehistoric [[barrow (archaeology)|barrow]] at Lanhill, near [[Chippenham]] and [[Avebury]], probably dates to about the [[third millennium BC]].<ref>[[#UBBAK14|King; Young; Clarke; Cain; Dimbleby (1966)]] p. 82.</ref> Nevertheless, it was associated with Ubba in the seventeenth-century.<ref name="combine8">[[#UBBAB29|Burl (2013)]]; [[#UBBAB28|Burl (2002)]] p. 107; [[#UBBAH36|Hoare (1975)]] pt. 1 pp. 99&ndash;100; [[#UBBAK14|King; Young; Clarke; Cain; Dimbleby (1966)]] p. 73; [[#UBBAK13|Keiller; Piggott; Passmore; Cave (1938)]] p. 123 fig. 1; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 265, 265 n. 2; [[#UBBAD12|Daniell (1894)]] p. 6; [[#UBBAJ7|Jackson (1862)]] p. 74 n. 1; [[#UBBAT10|Thurnam (1857)]] pp. 67, 71.</ref>{{#tag:ref|Specifically, [[John Aubrey]] (died 1697) called it "Hubbaslow" and "Hubba's Low", and stated that it was the site "where they say that one Hubba lies buried".<ref name="combine8"/>|group=note}}]]

For about a year, the Great Army campaigned against the West Saxons, before overwintering in London.<ref>[[#UBBAC10|Costambeys (2008)]]; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 72&ndash;73; [[#UBBAC16|Costambeys (2004a)]].</ref> Late in 872, after spending nearly a year in London, the Vikings were drawn back to Northumbria, and afterwards to Mercia.<ref>[[#UBBAC10|Costambeys (2008)]]; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 73&ndash;74; [[#UBBAC16|Costambeys (2004a)]].</ref> By the end of 874, the kingdoms of East Anglia, Mercia, and Northumbria were finally broken.<ref>[[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 74&ndash;75.</ref> At this point, the Great Army split. Whilst Hálfdan settled his followers in Northumbria, the army under [[Guthrum]] (died 890), Oscytel ([[fl.]] 875), and Anwend (fl. 875), struck out southwards, and based itself at [[Cambridge]].<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 22; [[#UBBAC10|Costambeys (2008)]]; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] p. 211; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 75; [[#UBBAC16|Costambeys (2004a)]]; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 54.</ref> In 875, the Vikings invaded Wessex and seized [[Wareham]]. Although [[Alfred, King of Wessex]] (died 899) sued for peace in 876, the Vikings broke the truce the following year, seized [[Exeter]], and were finally forced to withdraw back to Mercia.<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] pp. 22&ndash;23; [[#UBBAC10|Costambeys (2008)]]; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 75&ndash;76.</ref>

Although much of Guthrum's army started to settle in Mercia,<ref>[[#UBBAC10|Costambeys (2008)]]; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 76.</ref>{{#tag:ref|This region of settlement came to be known as [[Five Boroughs of the Danelaw|Five Boroughs]]:<ref name="UBBAF5-76">[[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 76.</ref> [[Derby]], [[Leicester]], [[Lincoln, England|Lincoln]], Nottingham, and [[Stamford, Lincolnshire|Stamford]].<ref>[[#UBBAH32|Higham (2014)]]; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 76.</ref>|group=note}} the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle''<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 233 § 878; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 76; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 50 § 878; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 175; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 61 § 879; [[#UBBAW8|Williams, A (1999)]] p. 70; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 74&ndash;75 § 878; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 § 878; [[#UBBAT6|Taylor (1983)]] pp. 36&ndash;37 § 879; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 143 § 878; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 54 § 878; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 63 § 878; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 356 § 878; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] p. 74 § 878; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 146&ndash;147 § 878/879; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 64 § 878; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 46 § 878.</ref> and ''Vita Alfredi'' reveal that Guthrum launched a surprise attack against the West Saxons in the winter of 877/878. Setting off from their base in [[Gloucester]], the latter source specifies that the Vikings drove deep into Wessex, and sacked the [[royal vill]] of [[Chippenham]].<ref>[[#UBBAB13|Baker; Brookes (2013)]] pp. 217, 240; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 23; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 52; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 25 ch. 52; 185&ndash;187, 225 nn. 146&ndash;147; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 75 n. 9; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 109 § 52 ch. 52; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] pp. 26&ndash;27 ch. 52; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] pp. 59&ndash;60; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 40 ch. 52, 25; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 457.</ref>{{#tag:ref|A vill was an administration unit, roughly equating to a modern [[Parish (administrative division)|parish]].<ref>[[#UBBAC18|Corèdon; Williams (2004)]] p. 290.</ref> Chippenham appears to have been a significant settlement during the period, and might well have been a seat of the [[West Saxon monarchy]].<ref>[[#UBBAB13|Baker; Brookes (2013)]] p. 240.</ref>|group=note}} It is possible that this operation was coordinated with another Viking attack in [[Devon]] that culminated in a [[Battle of Cynuit|battle at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'']] in 878.<ref name="combine7">[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] pp. 62&ndash;64; [[#UBBAA7|Abels (2013)]] p. 154; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] pp. 23&ndash;24; [[#UBBAH11|Haslam (2011)]] p. 202; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 204; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]] pp. 153 n. 72, 154, 154 n. 77; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 76; [[#UBBAG16|Gore (2004)]] p. 37; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] chs. introduction ¶ 11, asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 227 n. 164; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] pp. 175, 178; [[#UBBAY2|Yorke (1995)]] p. 111; [[#UBBAK5|Kirby (1979)]].</ref>

==Battle of ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}''==

[[File:Track up Wind Hill.jpg|thumb|left|Wind Hill, near [[Countisbury]], Devon, possibly the site of the Viking defeat at the hands of local men in 878.<ref>[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62; [[#UBBAG16|Gore (2004)]] p. 37; [[#UBBAR2|Riley; Wilson-North (2003)]] p. 86.</ref> Some mediaeval sources claim that Ubba led the vanquished army, and that he was among those slain.]]

Most versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' locate the battle to Devon.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 233 § 878; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAS20|Smith, JJ (2009)]] p. 130; [[#UBBAG16|Gore (2004)]] p. 37; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 50 § 878; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 226 n. 157; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 74&ndash;77 § 878; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 § 878; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 119; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 143 § 878; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 54 § 878; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 63 § 878; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 356 § 878; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 74&ndash;77 § 878; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 146&ndash;147 § 878/879; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 64 § 878; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 46 § 878.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The "B" and "C" versions of this source do not locate the conflict to any specific place.<ref>[[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] pp. 61&ndash;62 § 879; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 15; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] p. 146 § 878/879.</ref>|group=note}} ''Vita Alfredi'' specifies that it was fought at a fortress called ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'',<ref>[[#UBBAS16|Stone (2017)]] p. 19; [[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62; [[#UBBAL12|Lavelle (2016)]] p. 124; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAB13|Baker; Brookes (2013)]] pp. 59 n. 15, 65, 206&ndash;207, 332; [[#UBBAH11|Haslam (2011)]] p. 202; [[#UBBAT9|Townsend (2008)]] pp. 66, 73 n. 31; [[#UBBAH10|Haslam (2005)]] p. 138; [[#UBBAG16|Gore (2004)]] p. 37; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; [[#UBBAM6|Mills, AD (2003)]] § countisbury; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 175; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 26 ch. 54, 106, 117, 122, 226 n. 161; [[#UBBAW8|Williams, A (1999)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 76 n. 1; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 16; [[#UBBAY2|Yorke (1995)]] p. 111; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAK4|Karlström (1929)]] p. 68; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 110 § 58 ch. 54; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] p. 27 ch. 54; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 43 ch. 54; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 458.</ref> a name which appears to equate to what is today [[Countisbury]], in [[North Devon]].<ref>[[#UBBAS16|Stone (2017)]] p. 19; [[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18 n. 22; [[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAB13|Baker; Brookes (2013)]] p. 138 fig. 28, 332, 372 n. 38; [[#UBBAA7|Abels (2013)]] p. 154; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 24; [[#UBBAH11|Haslam (2011)]] p. 202; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 71; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]] p. 154 n. 77; [[#UBBAH10|Haslam (2005)]] pp. 133, 138; [[#UBBAG16|Gore (2004)]] p. 37; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54, asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 101; [[#UBBAH14|Hart, CR (2003)]] p. 160 n. 3; [[#UBBAM6|Mills, AD (2003)]] § countisbury; [[#UBBAR2|Riley; Wilson-North (2003)]] p. 86; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 175; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 122, 226 n. 164; [[#UBBAW8|Williams, A (1999)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 76 n. 1; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 16; [[#UBBAY2|Yorke (1995)]] p. 111; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] p. 140; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93.</ref>{{#tag:ref|Other locations have been suggested. One such place is Old Burrow ({{gbmapping|SS 7874 4928}}), the site of a nearby [[Roman fortlet]].<ref name="UBBAS16-19">[[#UBBAS16|Stone (2017)]] p. 19.</ref> Another possible location is [[Castle Hill, Torrington|Castle Hill]], near [[Beaford]] and [[Great Torrington]].<ref>[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62; [[#UBBAH11|Haslam (2011)]] p. 202.</ref> Another is Kenwith Castle,<ref>[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62.</ref> and another is [[Congresbury]].<ref>[[#UBBAB13|Baker; Brookes (2013)]] p. 206.</ref> The seventeenth-century Devonian [[topographer]] [[Thomas Westcote]] (fl. 1624&ndash;1636) remarked that "as many places in this county claim the honour of this victory, as cities in [[Ancient Greece|Greece]] for the birth of [[Homer]]". Westcote himself located the battle to place near [[Appledore, Torridge|Appledore]], where he claimed that a [[cairn]] called "Whibbestow" sat on the site before it was lost to the encroaching sea.<ref>[[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 263, 263&ndash;264 n. 5, 264 n. 6; [[#UBBAW13|Westcote (1845)]] p. 342 bk. 4 ch. 28.</ref> A close contemporary of Westcote, [[Tristram Risdon]] (died 1640), also located the site near Appledore, stating that the Danes buried Ubba on the shore in a mound called "Hubba stone". According to Risdon, although the mound of stones had washed away by the time of his writing, a form of the site's name existed near Appledore as "Wibblestone" in the parish of [[Northam, Devon|Northam]].<ref>[[#UBBAT10|Thurnam (1857)]] p. 84; [[#UBBAR17|Risdon (1811)]] pp. 424&ndash;425.</ref> By the eighteenth century, it was claimed that Ubba's burial was located near [[Bideford]], and was called "Hubblestone" and "Hubble's Stone" because of a large stone that marked the grave.<ref>[[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 264; [[#UBBAS18|''Some Account of Biddeford'' (1755)]] p. 446.</ref> The site came to called "Whibblestone" by the nineteenth century.<ref>[[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 264, 264 n. 5; [[#UBBAR17|Risdon (1811)]] pp. 424&ndash;425; [[#UBBAM10|Moore (n.d.)]] p. 104.</ref>|group=note}} This source also states that the Vikings made landfall in Devon from a base in [[Dyfed]], where they had previously overwintered.<ref>[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 125; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 175; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 26 ch. 54; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 76 n. 1; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 16; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 110 § 58 ch. 58; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] p. 27 ch. 54; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 43 ch. 54; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 458.</ref> As such, the Viking army could have arrived in Dyfed from Ireland, and overwintered in Wales before striking forth into Devon.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 83, 125; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 71.</ref>{{#tag:ref|Nevertheless, the attack on Dyfed, and the actual siege of ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'', is not noted by the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle''.<ref>[[#UBBAH14|Hart, CR (2003)]] p. 160 n. 3; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 226 n. 157; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 262 n. 54; [[#UBBAW14|Wright (1850)]] p. 108 n. 3148.</ref>|group=note}}

The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' does not identify the army's commander by name. It merely describes him as a brother of Ívarr and Hálfdan, and observes that he was slain in the encounter.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 9, 41, 43&ndash;44; [[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] p. 488; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 233 § 878; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 94; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 20&ndash;21, 24, 76&ndash;77; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 123, 125, 127, 127&ndash;128 n. 63; [[#UBBAS20|Smith, JJ (2009)]] p. 130; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] pp. 68 n. 25, 71, 204; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]] p. 153 n. 72; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 681; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 50 § 878; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 71 n. 32; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 226 nn. 157&ndash;159, 227 n. 165; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] pp. 61&ndash;62 § 879; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 74&ndash;77 § 878; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] pp. 200 § 878; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAR7|Rowe, E (1993)]]; [[#UBBAB18|Brooks (1979)]] p. 4; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] pp. 315&ndash;316, 322; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 96 n. 22, 117 n. 173, 119&ndash;123; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 223, 227; [[#UBBAS7|Stenton (1963)]] p. 244 n. 2; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAB14|Bell (1938)]] p. 193; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 176, 178; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 143 § 878; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 54 § 878; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 63 § 878; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] pp. 78, 80 n. 1; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 356 § 878; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 74&ndash;77 § 878; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] p. 146&ndash;147 § 878/879; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 64 § 878; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 46 § 878.</ref>{{#tag:ref|''Vita Alfredi'' similarly identifies the slain commander as a brother of Ívarr and Hálfdan.<ref>[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 26 ch. 54, 124, 187, 226 n. 159; [[#UBBAY2|Yorke (1995)]] p. 111; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 110 § 58 ch. 54; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] pp. 78, 85; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] p. 27 ch. 54; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 43 ch. 54; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 458.</ref>|group=note}} Although Ubba is identified as the slain commander by the twelfth-century ''[[Estoire des Engleis]]'',<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18 n. 22; [[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 33; [[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] pp. 437&ndash;438; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 45, 246&ndash;247; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 24 n. 75; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 21, 24; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 146; [[#UBBAS5|Short (2009)]] p. 172&ndash;173 §§ 3144&ndash;3156; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 68 n. 25; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73 n. 11; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 75 n. 12; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 14; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] p. 316; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 119 n. 192; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 227; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] pp. 141&ndash;142; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 209; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 265 n. 1; [[#UBBAH13|Hardy; Martin (1889)]] p. 101 §§ 3146&ndash;3158; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] p. 132 §§ 3146&ndash;3158; [[#UBBAT10|Thurnam (1857)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 767; [[#UBBAW14|Wright (1850)]] p. 108 §§ 3146&ndash;3158.</ref> it is unknown whether this identification is merely an inference by its author, or if it is derived from an earlier source.<ref name="combine4">[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 33&ndash;34; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 24 n. 75; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 146; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 68 n. 25; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 73 n. 11; [[#UBBAH14|Hart, CR (2003)]] p. 160 n. 3; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 14; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] p. 316.</ref>{{#tag:ref|''Estoire des Engleis'' is otherwise known to have been partly derived from a now-non-existent early version of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle''.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 34; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 45; [[#UBBAS19|Spence (2013)]] p. 9; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 20&ndash;21; [[#UBBAW5|Woolf (2007)]] p. 72 n. 8.</ref> The source nevertheless attributes the victory to Alfred himself.<ref>[[#UBBAL12|Lavelle (2016)]] p. 137 n. 31; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 33; [[#UBBAS5|Short (2009)]] p. 172&ndash;173 §§ 3144&ndash;3156; [[#UBBAH13|Hardy; Martin (1889)]] p. 101 §§ 3146&ndash;3158; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] p. 132 §§ 3146&ndash;3158; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 767; [[#UBBAW14|Wright (1850)]] p. 108 §§ 3146&ndash;3158.</ref>|group=note}} For example, this identification could have been influenced by the earlier association of Ubba and Ívarr in the legends surrounding Edmund's martyrdom.<ref name="combine4"/> In any case, ''Estoire des Engleis'' further specifies that Ubba was slain at "''{{lang|xno|bois de Pene}}''"<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 246&ndash;247; [[#UBBAS5|Short (2009)]] pp. 172&ndash;173 §§ 3144&ndash;3156; [[#UBBAH14|Hart, CR (2003)]] p. 160 n. 3; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 75 n. 12; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAB14|Bell (1938)]] pp. 193&ndash;195; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 209; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 265, 265 n. 1; [[#UBBAH13|Hardy; Martin (1889)]] p. 101 §§ 3146&ndash;3158; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] p. 132 §§ 3146&ndash;3158; [[#UBBAT10|Thurnam (1857)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 767; [[#UBBAW14|Wright (1850)]] p. 108 §§ 3146&ndash;3158.</ref>&mdash;which may refer to [[Penselwood]], near the [[Somerset]]&ndash;[[Wiltshire]] border<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 247.</ref>&mdash;and buried in Devon within a mound called "''{{lang|xno|Ubbelawe}}''".<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18; [[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] pp. 437&ndash;438; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 246&ndash;247; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 100; [[#UBBAS5|Short (2009)]] pp. 172&ndash;173 §§ 3144&ndash;3156; [[#UBBAH14|Hart, CR (2003)]] p. 160 n. 3; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 75 n. 12; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 228 n. 58; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] pp. 141&ndash;142; [[#UBBAB14|Bell (1938)]] pp. 193&ndash;194; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 209; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 265, 265 n. 1; [[#UBBAH13|Hardy; Martin (1889)]] p. 101 §§ 3146&ndash;3158; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] p. 132 §§ 3146&ndash;3158; [[#UBBAT10|Thurnam (1857)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 767; [[#UBBAW14|Wright (1850)]] p. 108 §§ 3146&ndash;3158.</ref>{{#tag:ref|''Estoire des Engleis'' is the only source to assign the burial site to Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 438; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 100.</ref> The thirteenth-century ''[[Ragnars saga loðbrókar]]'' states that Ívarr was also buried in a mound. According to this source, [[Haraldr Sigurðarson, King of Norway]] (died 1066) was defeated by the English near the mound, and when [[William II, Duke of Normandy]] (died 1087) arrived on the scene he had the mound destroyed and thereby conquered the English.<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 438; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 246; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 100&ndash;101; [[#UBBAO2|Olsen (1906–1908)]] p. 169 ch. 18/19; [[#UBBAR4|Rafn (1829)]] p. 294 ch. 19.</ref> A somewhat similar tale concerning Ívarr's mound is given by the thirteenth-century ''Hemings þáttr''.<ref>[[#UBBAF13|Faulkes (2016)]] pp. 34, 42; [[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 438 n. 40; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 101; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 82.</ref> The tale of Ívarr's burial is paralleled by one given by ''Historia regum Britanniæ''&mdash;which in turn seems to be derived from a tale presented by ''[[Historia Brittonum]]''&mdash;that recounts how the Briton [[Vortimer]], son of [[Vortigern]], asked to be buried in a mound along the British coast to deter the [[Anglo-Saxon invasion of England|Saxon invasions]].<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 246; [[#UBBAR16|Reeve; Wright (2007)]] pp. 132 bk. 6 ch. 102, 133 bk. 6 ch. 102.</ref> According to the ''Distich on the Sons of Lothebrok'', a series of notes preserved by the twelfth- to thirteenth-century Cambridge Pembroke College 82, Ubba was slain at ''{{lang|la|Ubbelaw}}'' in [[Yorkshire]]. This source further relates that [[Bjǫrn járnsíða|Bjǫrn]] (''{{lang|la|Beorn}}''), a brother of Ubba, destroyed a church at Sheppey, violated the nuns, and was miraculously killed in an act of [[divine retribution]], as he was swallowed alive by the ground at [[Frindsbury]], near [[Rochester, Kent|Rochester]].<ref>[[#UBBAW15|Williamson (2017)]] p. 1103; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 228; [[#UBBAJ2|James, MR (1905)]] p. 71; [[#UBBAS21|Swan; Roberson (n.d.)]].</ref> A similary story is given by the thirteenth-century British Library Arundel 69.<ref>[[#UBBAB14|Bell (1938)]] p. 195; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 162&ndash;165.</ref> According to ''Liber monasterii de Hyda'', Ubba met his end the same way.<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18, 18 n. 21; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 228 n. 58; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 374&ndash;375; [[#UBBAE2|Edwards, E (1866)]] p. 10 ch. 5; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 487 ch. 5.</ref> One possibility is that this version of events is connected to the tale of the burial mound given by ''Estoire des Engleis''.<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18.</ref> Whilst Ubba is specifically associated with Frisia and Frisans by sources such as ''Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses'' and ''Historia de sancto Cuthberto'', Bjǫrn is specifically associated with Frisia by the eleventh-century ''[[Gesta Normannorum ducum]]'', which remarks that he ({{lang|la|Bier Costae ferreae}}) went there and died.<ref>[[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 102 n. 259; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] pp. 113, 113 n. 39, 116; [[#UBBAM14|Marx (1914)]] p. 17 bk. 1 ch. 10/11.</ref> The later ''Chronicon Joannis Bromton'' gives a confused account of Ubba, Ívarr, and Bjǫrn (''{{lang|la|Bruern Bocard}}''). This source seems to associate the demise of these men with the Anglo-Saxon victory at the Battle of Chippenham, but states that the surviving Danes came across Ubba's body amongst the slain, and buried him in a mound called "''{{lang|la|Hubbelow}}''" in Devon.<ref>[[#UBBAB14|Bell (1938)]] p. 194; [[#UBBAT10|Thurnam (1857)]] pp. 81&ndash;82, 82 n. 4; [[#UBBAH20|''Historiæ Anglicanæ'' (1652)]] p. 809.</ref> A similar account associating Ubba with the the same battle, and a burial mound named after him, is given by the fourteenth-century ''Eulogium historiarum sive temporis''.<ref>[[#UBBAB14|Bell (1938)]] pp. 194&ndash;195; [[#UBBAH19|Haydon (1863)]] pp. 7&ndash;8 ch. 82.</ref> Another unreliable depiction of Ubba's demise is given by ''Liber Eliensis'', which states that he was one of the slain Viking leaders at the [[Battle of Ashdown]].<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18; [[#UBBAF1|Fairweather (2005)]] p. 72 bk. 1 ch. 39; [[#UBBAB2|Blake (1962)]] p. 54 bk. 1 ch. 39.</ref>|group=note}}

[[File:81 Oslo 1984 (17087522252).jpg|thumb|upright|right|alt=Refer to caption|The remains of the [[Gokstad ship]], a ninth-century [[Viking ship]] unearthed in Norway.]]

The clash at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'' culminated in a West Saxon victory.<ref>[[#UBBAW16|Wormald (2006)]]; [[#UBBAR2|Riley; Wilson-North (2003)]] p. 86.</ref> Whilst ''Vita Alfredi'' attributes the outcome to unnamed [[thegn]]s of Alfred,<ref>[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62; [[#UBBAL12|Lavelle (2016)]] p. 124; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 26 ch. 54; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 110 § 58 ch. 54; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] p. 27 ch. 54; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 43 ch. 54; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 458.</ref> ''Chronicon Æthelweardi'' identifies the victorious commander as [[Odda, Ealdorman of Devon]] (fl. 878).<ref>[[#UBBAG20|Gore (2016)]] p. 62; [[#UBBAL12|Lavelle (2016)]] pp. 124&ndash;125, 136 n. 18; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAH14|Hart, CR (2003)]] p. 160 n. 3; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 227 n. 164; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 76 n. 1; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 16; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 161 bk. 4 ch. 3 § 8; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 31 bk. 4 ch. 3; [[#UBBAT8|''The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great'' (1858)]] p. 68; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 432 bk. 4 ch. 3.</ref> Most versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' number the Viking fleet at twenty-three ships,<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 18, 18 n. 50, 20, 123; [[#UBBAS20|Smith, JJ (2009)]] p. 130; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 71; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]] p. 154 n. 77; [[#UBBAN1|Nelson (2001)]] p. 39; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] pp. 61&ndash;62 § 879; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 76 § 878; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 § 878; [[#UBBAB18|Brooks (1979)]] p. 4; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] p. 316; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 143 § 878; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 54 § 878; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 63 § 878; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 356 § 878; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] p. 76 § 878; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 146&ndash;147 § 878/879; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 64 § 878; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 46 § 878, 46 n. 10.</ref> and most versions number the Viking casualties at eight hundred and forty dead.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 43; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 233 § 878; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 24; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 18, 18 n. 50, 20; [[#UBBAS20|Smith, JJ (2009)]] p. 130; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 71; [[#UBBAM16|McLeod, S (2006)]] p. 154 n. 77; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 50 § 878; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 187, 226 n. 162; [[#UBBAN1|Nelson (2001)]] p. 39; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 76&ndash;77 § 878; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 § 878, 200 nn. 17&ndash;18; [[#UBBAB18|Brooks (1979)]] p. 4; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 143 § 878; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 54 § 878; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 63 § 878; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 356 § 878; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 76&ndash;77 § 878; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 146&ndash;147 § 878; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 64 § 878; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 46 § 878, 46 n. 11.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The "D" and "E" versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' do not number the ships.<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 233 § 878; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 50 § 878; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 77 § 878; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] p. 77 § 878; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] p. 147 § 878; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 46 n. 10.</ref> The "B" and "C" versions state that the Vikings suffered eight hundred and sixty dead.<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 24; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 187, 226 n. 162; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 62 § 879; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 nn. 17&ndash;18; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAB18|Brooks (1979)]] p. 4; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] p. 146 § 878/879; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 46 n. 11.</ref> The discrepancy can be accounted for by the similarity to the tallies when presented in [[roman numerals]]: ".dccc. + .xl." (840) compared to ".dccc. + .lx." (860).<ref>[[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 187.</ref> All versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' number the Viking casualties in a complex manner, stating that eight hundred "men with him" and a further forty (or sixty) "men of his army" were killed.<ref>[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 18.</ref> The Old English ''{{lang|ang|heres}}'', generally taken to mean "army" in this passage, may be an error for ''{{lang|ang|hīredes}}'', a term for a personal retinue.<ref>[[#UBBAS20|Smith, JJ (2009)]] pp. 131 n. 1, 162&ndash;163; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 76 n. 2; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 18.</ref> As such numbers forty and sixty in these sources may well refer to Ubba's personal retinue.<ref>[[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99.</ref> The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' does not employ the term ''{{lang|ang|micel}}'' ("great") in its depiction of the army.<ref name="UBBAM11-20">[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 20.</ref> ''Vita Alfredi'' numbers the Viking dead at one thousand two hundred.<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 24; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 26 ch. 54, 187; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 n. 18; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] p. 97; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 110 § 58 ch. 54; [[#UBBAC5|Cook (1906)]] p. 27 ch. 54; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 61; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 43 ch. 54; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] p. 458.</ref> ''Chronicon Æthelweardi'' numbers the dead at eight hundred, and the fleet at thirty ships. This source specifically identifies the slain Viking commander as Hálfdan, describing him as the brother of Ívarr, and unlike other accounts, states that the Vikings were victorious in the affair.<ref>[[#UBBAL12|Lavelle (2016)]] pp. 124&ndash;125; [[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 32; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 43&ndash;44, 46; [[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 22 n. 67; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] pp. 127&ndash;128 n. 63; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 681; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 227 n. 165; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 76 n. 1; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] p. 322; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 96 n. 22, 120&ndash;122, 120 n. 196; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 200 nn. 16, 18; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 178 n. 11; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] pp. 160&ndash;161 bk. 4 ch. 3 § 8; [[#UBBAG9|Giles (1906)]] p. 31 bk. 4 ch. 3; [[#UBBAT8|''The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great'' (1858)]] p. 68; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] pp. 431&ndash;432 bk. 4 ch. 3.</ref> The twelfth-century ''[[Historia Anglorum (Henry of Huntingdon)|Historia Anglorum]]'', partly derived from the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'', does not name the Viking commander, but describes him as a brother of Hálfdan.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 33; [[#UBBAA18|Arnold (1879)]] p. 147 bk. 5 ch. 8; [[#UBBAF16|Forester (1853)]] p. 156 bk. 5.</ref> ''Historia regum Anglorum'' makes no mention of any brother, and merely states that it was Ívarr and Hálfdan who fought and died in Devon.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 32&ndash;33; [[#UBBAA5|Arnold (1885)]] pp. 83 ch. 76, 111&ndash;112 ch. 95; [[#UBBAS11|Stevenson, J (1855)]] pp. 475&ndash;476, 493.</ref>|group=note}} These numbers roughly give about thirty-six and a half men per ship, which is comparable to the thirty-two oared [[Gokstad ship]], a ninth-century [[Viking ship]] unearthed in Norway.<ref name="UBBAM11-20"/>

On one hand, it is possible that the Viking commander at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'' seized upon Guthrum's simultaneous campaigning against the West Saxons to launch a Viking foray of his from Dyfed.<ref>[[#UBBAA7|Abels (2013)]] p. 154.</ref> On the other hand, the location and timing of the engagement at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'' may indicate that the slain commander was cooperating with Guthrum. As such, there is reason to suspect that the two Viking armies coordinated their efforts in an attempt to corner Alfred in a [[pincer movement]] after his defeat at Chippenham and subsequent withdrawal into the wetlands of Somerset.<ref name="combine7"/> If the Vikings at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'' were indeed working in cooperation with those at Chippenham, the record of their presence in Dyfed could also have been related to Guthrum's campaign against Alfred. As such, they could have been campaigning against [[Hyfaidd ap Bleddri, King of Dyfed]] (died 892/893) before their attack at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}''.<ref>[[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 204.</ref>{{#tag:ref|Although Hyfaidd's political alignment in 877 is unknown, he was certainly an ally of Alfred by 885.<ref>[[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] pp. 204&ndash;205.</ref> The version of events given by ''Historia de sancto Cuthberto'' has it that, after the destruction of the Northumbrian kingdom, and the devastation of northern and southern England, the forces of Ubba and Hálfdan split in three. Whilst one part settled and rebuilt in the region of [[York]], another part positioned itself in Mercia. Another part is stated to have commenced a campaigned against the [[South Saxons]], and forced Alfred to seek refuge in a [[Glastonbury]] marsh "in great want".<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] pp. 19&ndash;20; [[#UBBAC23|Crumplin (2004)]] pp. 44, 44 n. 44, 71 fig. 1; [[#UBBAS12|South (2002)]] pp. 52&ndash;53 ch. 14; [[#UBBAJ4|Johnson-South (1991)]] p. 623; [[#UBBAA3|Arnold (1882)]] p. 204 bk. 2 ch. 14; [[#UBBAH7|Hodgson Hinde (1868)]] p. 144.</ref>|group=note}}

[[File:Countisbury, Old Burrow - geograph.org.uk - 601216.jpg|thumb|left|Old Burrow, near Countisbury, the site of a ruined Roman fortress, is another possible site of ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}''.<ref name="UBBAS16-19"/>]]

It is possible that the defeat at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'' left Guthrum overextended in Wessex, allowing Alfred's forces to assail Guthrum's exposed lines of communication.<ref>[[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 175.</ref> Although Alfred's position may have been still perilous in the aftermath, with his contracted kingdom close to collapse,<ref name="UBBAF5-76"/> the victory at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'' certainly foreshadowed a turn of events for the West Saxons. A few weeks later in May, the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' records that Alfred was able to assemble his troops, and launch a successful attack against Guthrum at [[Battle of Ethandun|Edington]].<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] pp. 233&ndash;234 § 878; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 77; [[#UBBAS20|Smith, JJ (2009)]] pp. 130&ndash;131; [[#UBBAD3|Downham (2007)]] p. 71; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 76; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] pp. 50&ndash;51 § 878; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. introduction ¶ 18; [[#UBBAK1|Kirby (2002)]] p. 175; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 62 § 879; [[#UBBAW8|Williams, A (1999)]] pp. 70&ndash;71; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] pp. 76&ndash;77 § 878; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 201 § 878; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] pp. 143&ndash;144 § 878; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 54 § 878; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] pp. 63&ndash;64 § 878; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 356 § 878; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] pp. 74&ndash;77 § 878; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 146&ndash;149 § 878/879; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] pp. 64&ndash;65 § 878; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 47 § 878.</ref> Following Guthrum's crushing defeat, the Vikings were forced to accept Alfred's terms for peace. Guthrum was [[baptised]] as a Christian, and led the remainder of his forces into East Anglia, where they dispersed and settled.<ref>[[#UBBAD2|Downham (2013a)]] p. 24; [[#UBBAH25|Hadley (2009)]] p. 112; [[#UBBAC10|Costambeys (2008)]]; [[#UBBAR14|Ridyard (2008)]] pp. 211&ndash;212; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] pp. 76&ndash;77; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. introduction ¶¶ 18&ndash;19; [[#UBBAK2|Keynes (2001)]] p. 57; [[#UBBAS13|Sawyer (2001)]] p. 276; [[#UBBAW8|Williams, A (1999)]] p. 71.</ref> Guthrum thereafter kept peace with the West Saxons, and ruled as a Christian king for more than a decade, until his death in 890.<ref>[[#UBBAC10|Costambeys (2008)]]; [[#UBBAW8|Williams, A (1999)]] p. 71.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The father of [[Oda, Archbishop of Canterbury]] (died 958) was a Viking who settled in Anglo-Saxon England with the army of Ubba and Ívarr,<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 21, 21 n. 6; [[#UBBAR18|Roffey; Lavelle (2016)]] p. 8; [[#UBBAL2|Lapidge (2014)]]; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 84 n. 96; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 282; [[#UBBAC6|Cubitt (2009)]] p. 403; [[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]]; [[#UBBAC7|Cubitt; Costambeys (2004)]]; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAC8|Clark (1983)]] p. 13, 13 n. 86; [[#UBBAH18|Hart, C (1982)]] p. 571; [[#UBBAW10|Whitelock (1945)]] p. 169.</ref> as evidenced by ''Vita Oswaldi''.<ref>[[#UBBAC6|Cubitt (2009)]] p. 403; [[#UBBAC17|Costambeys (2004b)]]; [[#UBBAG15|Gransden (1995)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAC8|Clark (1983)]] p. 13, 13 n. 86; [[#UBBAH18|Hart, C (1982)]] p. 571; [[#UBBAR1|Raine (1879)]] p. 404.</ref>|group=note}}

==Ubba and the mediaeval legend of Ragnarr loðbrók==

[[File:Harley MS 2278, folio 39r excerpt.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Refer to caption|A depiction of Loðbrók (''{{lang|enm|Lothbrok}}'') and his sons, Ívarr and Ubba, worshipping pagan idols, as it appears on folio 39r of British Library Harley 2278.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 156 fig. 50, 157, 161&ndash;163 fig. 53; [[#UBBAH6|''Harley MS 2278'' (n.d.)]].</ref> This illustration depicts the pagan Danes as elaborately dressed Muslim [[Saracens]], wearing tall [[turban]]-like headdresses and forked beards. Other illustrations in the manuscript, depicting Ívarr and Ubba, show Vikings armed with curved swords.<ref>[[#UBBAC13|Cawsey (2009)]] pp. 382&ndash;383.</ref>{{#tag:ref|This depiction of the Danes in this illustration contrasts the depictions of Edmund elsewhere in the manuscript, where he is presented engaging in royal activities.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 157.</ref>|group=note}}]]

Although Ubba and Ívarr are associated with each other by ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'', the men are not stated to be related in any way.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 146; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 48; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]] p. 355 n. 9; [[#UBBAF9|Fjalldal (2003)]] p. 101 n. 3; [[#UBBAH17|Halldórsson (2000)]] pp. 58&ndash;59; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 227.</ref> The earliest source claiming kinship between the two is the ''[[Annals of St Neots]]'',<ref>[[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 48.</ref> an eleventh- or twelfth-century account stating that they were brothers of three daughters of Loðbrók (''{{lang|la|Lodebrochus}}'').<ref>[[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137 n. 8; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 9, 45, 106; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 94, 98; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 20&ndash;21, 24, 60; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 48; [[#UBBAH5|Hayward (2009)]] p. 72 n. 36; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 681; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 115, 115 n. 46; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 108; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 224, 228; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] p. 141; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 176, 178; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] pp. 78, 83; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] p. 138; [[#UBBAG13|Gale (1691)]] p. 167.</ref> This source further states that these three sisters wove a magical banner named ''{{lang|la|Reafan}}'' that was captured at the ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}'' conflict.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 9; [[#UBBAB23|Britt (2014)]] p. 140; [[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] pp. 488&ndash;489; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 94, 98; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 20&ndash;21, 24, 39; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 253; [[#UBBAH5|Hayward (2009)]] p. 72 n. 36; [[#UBBAO5|Orchard (2001)]] p. 168; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 77 n. 14; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 201 n. 19; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] p. 38; [[#UBBAD9|Dumville; Lapidge (1985)]] p. 78; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 115, 115 n. 46; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 108, 108 n. 113, 119 n. 191; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 227&ndash;228; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] p. 141; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 176; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 138, 266; [[#UBBAG13|Gale (1691)]] p. 167.</ref> Although certain versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' also note the capture of a [[raven banner]], named ''{{lang|ang|Hræfn}}'' ("Raven"), they do not mention any magical attributes, or refer to Loðbrók and his progeny.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 9; [[#UBBAB23|Britt (2014)]] pp. 139&ndash;140; [[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] p. 488; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 233 § 878; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 65; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 94; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 20; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 253; [[#UBBAW12|Wild (2008a)]] p. 209; [[#UBBAW11|Wild (2008b)]] p. 42; [[#UBBAH8|Halsall (2007)]] p. 200; [[#UBBAI1|Irvine (2004)]] p. 50 § 878; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAH16|Hudson (2002)]] p. 249; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 227 n. 165; [[#UBBAO1|O'Keeffe (2001)]] p. 62 § 879; [[#UBBAO5|Orchard (2001)]] p. 168; [[#UBBAH15|Hart, C (2000)]] p. 141; [[#UBBAW8|Williams, A (1999)]] p. 86; [[#UBBAS6|Swanton, M (1998)]] p. 77 § 878; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 201, 201 n. 19; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] p. 38; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 119 n. 191; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] p. 140; [[#UBBAB14|Bell (1938)]] p. 195; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 175; [[#UBBAC4|Conybeare (1914)]] p. 143 § 878; [[#UBBAG7|Giles (1914)]] p. 54 § 878; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 63 § 878, 63 n. 2; [[#UBBAG8|Giles (1903)]] p. 356 § 878; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 265&ndash;266; [[#UBBAP4|Plummer; Earle (1892)]] p. 77 § 878; [[#UBBAC11|Cleasby; Vigfusson (1874)]] p. 281 § hrafn; [[#UBBAT4|Thorpe (1861a)]] pp. 146&ndash;147 § 878/879; [[#UBBAT5|Thorpe (1861b)]] p. 64 § 878; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] pp. 46&ndash;47 § 878, 46 n. 12.</ref>{{#tag:ref|It is possible that the association of Ubba with Ivarr given by the ''Annals of St Neots'' is derived from ''Passio sancti Eadmundi''.<ref>[[#UBBAB1|Barrow (2016)]] p. 84 n. 31.</ref> The capture of the raven banner is noted by the "B", "C", "D", and "E" versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle''.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 33 n. 11; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 9; [[#UBBAM7|McLeod, S (2013)]] p. 65 n. 20; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 94, 94 n. 227; [[#UBBAK3|Keynes; Lapidge (2004)]] ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 253; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 227 n. 165; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 201 n. 19; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] pp. 38, 52; [[#UBBAG6|Gomme (1909)]] p. 63 n. 2; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 265&ndash;266; [[#UBBAS10|Stevenson, J (1853)]] p. 46 n. 12.</ref> It is not noted by the "A"<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 33 n. 11; [[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 253; [[#UBBAH8|Halsall (2007)]] p. 290 n. 117; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 174, 227 n. 165; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 201 n. 19; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] pp. 52, 60; [[#UBBAP3|Plummer; Earle (1965)]] p. 93; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] p. 140; [[#UBBAB14|Bell (1938)]] p. 195; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 265&ndash;266.</ref> and "F" versions,<ref>[[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 201 n. 19; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] p. 140.</ref> or either by ''Vita Alfredi''<ref>[[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] pp. 174, 227 n. 165, 249 n. 127; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 201 n. 19; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] p. 60.</ref> and ''Chronicon Æthelweardi''.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 253; [[#UBBAS17|Smyth (2002)]] p. 227 n. 165; [[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 201 n. 19; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] pp. 52, 60.</ref> As such, it is uncertain whether the reports of a raven banner represent an historical event.<ref>[[#UBBAM11|McLeod, SH (2011)]] p. 253.</ref> The source from which the author of the ''Annals of St Neots'' drew these details is unknown.<ref>[[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 73 n. 68; [[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] p. 38; [[#UBBAD9|Dumville; Lapidge (1985)]] p. 78 n. 26; [[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 265&ndash;266.</ref> Whilst it is possible that its story is derived from the "B", "C", "D", and "E" versions of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'', it is unknown why the earliest version of the chronicle fails to include this material.<ref>[[#UBBAB15|Bately (1991)]] pp. 38&ndash;39.</ref> The notice of the banner preserved by the tenth-century "B" version of the ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' is the earliest attestation of a ''{{lang|ang|gúþfana}}'' ("war banner") in Anglo-Saxon England. Nevertheless, this version of the chronicle dates at least a century after the event, which could mean that the banner's classification as a ''{{lang|ang|gúþfana}}'' is anachronistic.<ref>[[#UBBAH15|Hart, C (2000)]] p. 141.</ref> This entry is also the earliest record of a raven banner.<ref>[[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] p. 488; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 94.</ref> It is possible that the motif of the raven banner, associated with figures such as [[Knútr Sveinnsson, King of England]] (died 1035), [[Siward, Earl of Northumbria]] (died 1055), and [[Sigurðr Hlǫðvisson, Earl of Orkney]] (died 1014), is derived from traditions concerning the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók and his asserted his family.<ref>[[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 93&ndash;99.</ref>|group=note}}

[[File:Lothbrok (British Library MS Yates Thompson 47, folio 34r).jpg|thumb|left|alt=Refer to caption|A fifteenth-century depiction of Loðbrók's murder by Bjǫrn as it appears on folio 34r of British Library Yates Thompson 47 (''Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund'').<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 161&ndash;163 fig. 53; [[#UBBAY3|''Yates Thompson MS 47'' (n.d.)]].</ref>]]

Loðbrók appears to be an early reference to [[Ragnarr loðbrók]],<ref>[[#UBBAW4|Whitelock (1996)]] p. 228; [[#UBBAV4|van Houts (1993)]].</ref> a [[saga]] character of dubious historicity, who could be an amalgam of several historical ninth-century figures.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 1; [[#UBBAS24|Schulte (2015)]]; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]] p. 347; [[#UBBAR7|Rowe, E (1993)]]; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 111.</ref>{{#tag:ref|Forms of the names ''{{lang|non|Ragnarr}}'' and ''{{lang|non|Loðbrók}}'' are only used together for this character by Scandinavian sources,<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 7.</ref> and are first used by the twelfth-century ''[[Íslendingabók]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 1, 6&ndash;7; [[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 298; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 38&ndash;39, 55; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 45; [[#UBBAG14|Grønlie (2006)]] p. 3 ch. 1; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] pp. 682&ndash;683; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 309; [[#UBBAV4|van Houts (1993)]]; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 115; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 95, 108; [[#UBBAI5|''Íslendingabók Sögur'' (1843)]] p. 4 ch. 1.</ref> As such, there is no evidence of a figure named ''{{lang|non|Ragnarr loðbrók}}'' before the twelfth century.<ref>[[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 95.</ref> One possible historical prototype for this literary character is Reginheri, a Viking commander recorded to have raided Paris in 845.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 1, 4, 47&ndash;49; [[#UBBAS24|Schulte (2015)]]; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 28&ndash;36; [[#UBBAG14|Grønlie (2006)]] p. 16 n. 10; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] p. 57; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] pp. 681, 683; [[#UBBAM20|McTurk, R (1993)]]; [[#UBBAR7|Rowe, E (1993)]]; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 114; [[#UBBAO3|Ó Corráin (1979)]] pp. 287&ndash;288; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 93&ndash;97, 111.</ref> The earliest record of a form of the name ''{{lang|non|Loðbrók}}'' in English sources<ref>[[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 73 n. 68.</ref>&mdash;and the first source to assign Ubba and Ívarr as sons of this figure&mdash;is the account of the raven banner given by ''Annals of St Neots''.<ref name="UBBAM8-106"/> Forms of the name ''{{lang|non|Loðbrók}}'' are first attested by the eleventh-century texts ''[[Gesta Normannorum ducum]]''<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 1, 6, 14, 35; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] pp. 60&ndash;61; [[#UBBAV4|van Houts (1993)]]; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] p. 114.</ref> and ''[[Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 1, 6.</ref> Whilst the former makes note of a king named Loðbrók (''{{lang|la|Lotbrocus}}''), the father of a Viking named Bjǫrn ({{lang|la|Bier Costae ferreae}}),<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 1, 14&ndash;15, 35, 45, 96, 247; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 102 n. 259; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 38&ndash;39; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] pp. 60&ndash;61; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] pp. 112&ndash;113, 112&ndash;113 n. 33, 113 n. 34; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 107, 107 n. 103, 108; [[#UBBAM14|Marx (1914)]] pp. 5&ndash;6 bk. 1 ch. 1/2, 8 bk. 1 ch. 4/5.</ref> the latter source makes note of a man named Loðbrók (''{{lang|la|Lodparchus}}''), the father of a Viking king named Ívarr.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 1, 11, 15, 35, 40, 45, 105; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 47 n. 8; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 682; [[#UBBAV3|van Houts (1984)]] pp. 114, 115, 115 n. 45; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 104 n. 86, 120&ndash;121; [[#UBBAS29|Schmeidler (1917)]] pp. 39&ndash;40.</ref> There is also reason to suspect that the character Ragnarr loðbrók is partly derived from a woman named ''{{lang|non|Loðbróka}}''.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 9, 15, 35, 45&ndash;46, 48&ndash;50, 247; [[#UBBAS24|Schulte (2015)]]; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 36&ndash;39, 60&ndash;61; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]]; [[#UBBAP12|Pernille; Schjødt; Kristensen (2007)]] p. x; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]]; [[#UBBAM20|McTurk, R (1993)]]; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 94 n. 14, 103&ndash;104.</ref>|group=note}} According to Scandinavian sources, Ragnarr loðbrók was a man of Scandinavian of royal stock, whose death at the hands of Ælla in Northumbria was the catalyst of the invasion of Anglo-Saxon England&mdash;and Ælla's own destruction&mdash;by Ragnarr loðbrók's vengeful sons.<ref>[[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 226.</ref> None of the saga-sources for the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók accord him a son the correponds to Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 84.</ref> The latter is only specifically attested by sources dealing with the East Scandinavian tradition.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 224; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 682.</ref> One of these sources is the thirteenth-century ''[[Gesta Danorum]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 682.</ref> According to this text, Ubba was the son of Ragnarr loðbrók and an unnamed daughter of certain Hesbernus.<ref>[[#UBBAI4|IJssennagger (2015)]] p. 137 n. 8; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 40, 78, 154, 226; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 17; [[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 682; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 1 pp. 285&ndash;287 bk. 9; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 95 n. 21; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 227; [[#UBBAM12|McKeehan (1933)]] p. 990; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] pp. 69&ndash;71, 82&ndash;83; [[#UBBAH12|Holder (1886)]] pp. 306&ndash;310 bk. 9; [[#UBBAE3|Elton; Powell; Anderson; Buel (n.d.)]] pp. 550&ndash;556 bk. 9.</ref> ''Gesta Danorum'' does not associate Ubba with Anglo-Saxon England in any way.<ref name="UBBAW2-227">[[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 227.</ref>{{#tag:ref|According to this account, at one point Ubba revolted against Ragnarr loðbrók at the behest of Hesbernus, and afterwards Ragnarr loðbrók slew Hesbernus, overcame the rebellion, and reconciled himself with Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 83; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 1 pp. 287&ndash;289 bk. 9; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] pp. 69&ndash;71, 82&ndash;84; [[#UBBAH12|Holder (1886)]] pp. 309&ndash;312 bk. 9; [[#UBBAE3|Elton; Powell; Anderson; Buel (n.d.)]] pp. 556&ndash;560 bk. 9.</ref> Hálfdan is not identified as a son of Ragnarr loðbrók in any Scandinavian source.<ref>[[#UBBAM1|McTurk, R (2007)]] p. 60; [[#UBBAM13|McTurk, R (2006)]] p. 682; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] p. 95 n. 21.</ref> The first Scandinavian source to claim kinship between Ubba, Ívarr, and Loðbrók, is the twelfth-century ''[[Chronicon Roskildense]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 30; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 105&ndash;106; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 57; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 48 n. 10; [[#UBBAO4|Olrik (1898)]] pp. 10&ndash;11.</ref> This source is also the earliest Danish source to make note of Loðbrók and his sons.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 105.</ref> According to ''Sǫgubrot af nokkrum fornkonungum'', Ubbi fríski slew Rǫgnvaldr hái at Brávellir, a man also known as Raðbarðr hnefi.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 2 p. 130 n. 37; [[#UBBAR4|Rafn (1829)]] pp. 382&ndash;383 chs. 8&ndash;9.</ref> This slain figure equates to Rǫgnvaldr (''{{lang|la|Regnaldus}}''), a figure attested by ''Gesta Danorum'' who is described as a nephew or grandson of Raðbarðr (''{{lang|la|Rathbartus}}'').<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 1 p. 240 bk. 8, vol. 2 p. 130 n. 37; [[#UBBAH12|Holder (1886)]] p. 260 bk. 8; [[#Elton; Powell; Anderson; Buel|Elton (n.d.)]] p. 476 bk. 8.</ref> The Old Norse ''{{lang|non|hnefi}}'' can either mean "fist" or refer to a piece in a [[hnefatafl|board game]].<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 2 p. 130 n. 37.</ref> On one hand, it is possible that the compiler of ''Gesta Danorum'' transformed this epithet into the Latin ''{{lang|la|nepos}}'', meaning "nephew" or "grandson".<ref>[[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 2 p. 130 n. 37.</ref> On the other hand, the epithet given by ''Sǫgubrot af nokkrum fornkonungum'' may merely be a corruption of ''{{lang|la|nepos}}''.<ref name="UBBAM8-106"/> In any case, ''Gesta Danorum'' also accords Ragnarr loðbrók sons with the names Rǫgnvaldr (''{{lang|la|Regnaldus}}'') and Raðbarðr (''{{lang|la|Rathbartus}}'').<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 17; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 1 p. 285 bk. 9; [[#UBBAH12|Holder (1886)]] p. 306 bk. 9; [[#Elton; Powell; Anderson; Buel|Elton (n.d.)]] p. 550 bk. 9.</ref>|group=note}} According to the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century ''[[Ragnarssona þáttr]]'', a source that forms part of the West Scandinavian tradition, Ívarr had two [[Legitimacy (family law)|bastard]] brothers, Yngvarr and Hústó, who tortured Edmund on Ívarr's instructions.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 16, 18, 26&ndash;27, 58&ndash;59; [[#UBBAW17|Waggoner (2009)]] pp. 70 ch. 3, 111 n. 14; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]] p. 355, 355 n. 9; [[#UBBAF9|Fjalldal (2003)]] p. 78; [[#UBBAH17|Halldórsson (2000)]] pp. 54, 58&ndash;59; [[#UBBAS23|Smith, AH (1928–1936a)]] p. 230; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 175, 181&ndash;183, 185; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 74, 84; [[#UBBAR4|Rafn (1829)]] p. 354 ch. 3.</ref> No other source mentions these sons.<ref>[[#UBBAW17|Waggoner (2009)]] p. 111 n. 14; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 175, 183.</ref> It is possible that these figures represent Ívarr and Ubba,<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 16, 26&ndash;27, 57&ndash;59; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]] p. 355 n. 9; [[#UBBAH17|Halldórsson (2000)]] pp. 58&ndash;59; [[#UBBAS23|Smith, AH (1928–1936a)]] p. 230; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 175, 182&ndash;183; [[#UBBAJ3|Jónsson (1923)]] p. 828; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 84.</ref> and that the composer of ''Ragnarssona þáttr'' failed to recognise the names of Ívarr<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 57&ndash;59; [[#UBBAW17|Waggoner (2009)]] p. 111 n. 14; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]] p. 355; [[#UBBAH17|Halldórsson (2000)]] p. 59; [[#UBBAS23|Smith, AH (1928–1936a)]] pp. 230&ndash;231; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 182&ndash;183; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 84.</ref> and Ubba in English sources concerned with the legend of Edmund's martyrdom.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]] p. 355 n. 9; [[#UBBAM9|Mawer (1908–1909)]] p. 84.</ref>{{#tag:ref|In some cases, the Old Norse personal names ''{{lang|non|Ingvarr}}''<ref name="UBBAM8-106"/> and ''{{lang|non|Yngvarr}}'' represent ''{{lang|non|[[Ívarr]]}}''.<ref name="UBBAR10-355">[[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]] p. 355.</ref> It is possible that ''{{lang|non|Hústó}}'' is a corrupt form of ''{{lang|la|Hubbo}}'', and therefore stems from a Latin source.<ref name="UBBAM8-106"/> ''Chronicon Roskildense'' seems to suffer a problem similar to that of ''Ragnarssona þáttr'', since it accords Loðbrók with sons bearing forms of the same two names.<ref>[[#UBBAL10|Lewis (2016)]] p. 30; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 106; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 57&ndash;59; [[#UBBAO4|Olrik (1898)]] pp. 10&ndash;11.</ref> This suggests that ''Ragnarssona þáttr'' may be partly derived from ''Chronicon Roskildense'',<ref>[[#UBBAR10|Rowe, EA (2008)]] p. 355 n. 9.</ref> or that both texts were influenced from English sources pertaining to the legend of Edmund.<ref>[[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 57.</ref> The thirteenth-century ''Annales Lundenses'' likewise accords Loðbrók with sons bearing forms of these names.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 105; [[#UBBAI6|''Inde ab Anno'' (1892)]] p. 197 § 856.</ref> The bastardy accorded to Yngvarr and Hústó by ''Ragnarssona þáttr'' may be a device to help explain the cruelty that they inflicted upon the saintly Edmund.<ref name="UBBAR10-355"/>|group=note}}

[[File:Harley MS 2278, folio 47v excerpt.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Refer to caption|A depiction of Ívarr and Ubba setting forth to avenge their father, Loðbrók, as it appears on folio 47v of British Library Harley 2278.<ref name="combine6"/>{{#tag:ref|The ''Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund'' consists of over three thousand lines of poetry, and is the most elaborate version of the legend of Edmund.<ref>[[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 51&ndash;52, 137; [[#UBBAS25|Sisk (2010)]] p. 350 n. 4; [[#UBBAE1|Edwards, ASG (2009)]] p. 134.</ref> It portrays the invasion of Ívarr and Ubba as an act motivated by envy of Edmund, and by the misplaced need to avenge their father's murder upon him.<ref>[[#UBBAR8|Reimer (2014)]] pp. 148&ndash;149; [[#UBBAE1|Edwards, ASG (2009)]] pp. 139, 141; [[#UBBAW3|Winstead (2007)]] p. 126; [[#UBBAM24|Manion (2005)]] pp. 105&ndash;108 [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 70; [[#UBBAH29|Horstmann (1881)]] pp. 376&ndash;440.</ref> Whilst ''Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi'' portrays their mocking father (Loðbrók) as a [[Foil (literature)|foil]] to Edmund, the ''Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund'' portrays Loðbrók as a virtuous pagan, who disdained the rapine of his sons and admired the generosity and nobility of Edmund.<ref>[[#UBBAM24|Manion (2005)]] pp. 105&ndash;107; [[#UBBAH29|Horstmann (1881)]] pp. 376&ndash;440.</ref>|group=note}}]]

Whilst Scandinavian sources&mdash;such as the thirteenth-century ''[[Ragnars saga loðbrókar]]''&mdash;tend to locate the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók in a Northumbrian context, English sources tend to place them in an East Anglian setting.<ref>[[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 225&ndash;226; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 183&ndash;184.</ref> The earliest source to specifically associate the legend with East Anglia is ''Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi'',<ref>[[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 228.</ref> a twelfth-century account depicting the Viking invasion of East Anglia in the context of a dynastic dispute.<ref name="UBBAF3-64">[[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 64.</ref> According to this source, Loðbrók (''{{lang|la|Lodebrok}}'') was extremely envious of Edmund's fame. As such, it is Loðbrók's taunts that provoke his sons, Ívarr, Ubba, and Bjǫrn (''{{lang|la|Bern}}''), to slay Edmund and destroy his kingdom.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 8; [[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 76; [[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] p. 489; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] p. 87; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 96&ndash;97, 102; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 10&ndash;11, 42&ndash;44; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] p. 123; [[#UBBAH5|Hayward (2009)]] p. 69; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] p. 64; [[#UBBAT11|Thomson (1977)]] pp. 41&ndash;42; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 228; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 156&ndash;161; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] pp. 102&ndash;103.</ref>{{#tag:ref|A similar account is given by the twelfth-century ''La vie seint Edmund le rei'', which gives the same tale of Loðbrók's (''{{lang|xno|Lothebrok}}'') taunts, and of his jealous sons, Ívarr, Ubba, and Bjǫrn (''{{lang|xno|Bern}}'').<ref>[[#UBBAL8|Levy (2004)]] pp. 279&ndash;280; [[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] p. 233; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 176, 188; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 224&ndash;359; [[#UBBAR5|Ravenel (1906)]] pp. 8, 10, 55&ndash;174; [[#UBBAA9|Arnold (1892)]] pp. 137&ndash;250.</ref> ''La vie seint Edmund le rei'' is probably derived from ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'', ''Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi'', ''Estoire des Engleis'',<ref>[[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 81; [[#UBBAL8|Levy (2004)]] p. 279.</ref> and the twelfth-century ''[[Roman de Brut]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 81.</ref> ''La vie seint Edmund le rei'' is the first extended account of Edmund's legend in [[French language|French]].<ref>[[#UBBAD6|De Wilde (2016)]].</ref> Another French text making note of Ívarr and Ubba, and their part in the legend of Edmund, is the thirteenth-century ''Passiun de Seint Edmund'',<ref>[[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] p. 233.</ref> a source mainly derived from ''Passio sancti Eadmundi''.<ref>[[#UBBAK15|Kibler (1980)]].</ref> ''Passiun de Seint Edmund'' also states that Ívarr and Ubba were reponsible for the martyrdom of (the seventh-century Northumbrian king) Oswald.<ref>[[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] pp. 233&ndash;234.</ref>|group=note}} Although this text is heavily dependant upon ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' for its depiction of Edmund's death, it appears to be the first source to meld the martyrdom with the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók.<ref name="UBBAF3-64"/>{{#tag:ref|Whilst ''Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi'' may owe its information on Loðbrók and Bjǫrn to ''Gesta Normannorum ducum'', the latter account cannot be the source for the identification of Ívarr and Ubba as other sons of Loðbrók.<ref>[[#UBBAH5|Hayward (2009)]] p. 72, 72 n. 35.</ref> According to ''Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi'', Ubba possessed diabolical powers that enabled him to gain victory in battle if he was lifted above his enemies.<ref>[[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 55; [[#UBBAH5|Hayward (2009)]] pp. 84&ndash;85, 85 n. 83; [[#UBBAD4|Davidson; Fisher (1999)]] vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; [[#UBBAT11|Thomson (1977)]] p. 41; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 156&ndash;157; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] p. 102.</ref> Magical powers are also attributed to Ubba by ''La vie seint Edmund le rei''.<ref>[[#UBBAL8|Levy (2004)]] pp. 279&ndash;280, 280 n. 32; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 176; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] p. 288 §§ 1932&ndash;1933; [[#UBBAR5|Ravenel (1906)]] p. 113 §§ 1933&ndash;1934; [[#UBBAA9|Arnold (1892)]] p. 191 §§ 1931&ndash;1932.</ref> A similar motif is given by ''Ragnars saga loðbrókar'', although this source instead attributes sorcerous abilities to Ívarr.<ref>[[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] p. 55; [[#UBBAO2|Olsen (1906–1908)]] p. 131 ch. 8/7; [[#UBBAR4|Rafn (1829)]] p. 253 ch. 7.</ref> ''Historia Anglorum'' accords remarkable cunning to Ívarr and extraordinary courage to Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 97, 97 n. 241; [[#UBBAB6|Bartlett (2016)]] p. 18, 18 n. 18; [[#UBBAA18|Arnold (1879)]] p. 143 bk. 5 ch. 5; [[#UBBAF16|Forester (1853)]] p. 152 bk. 5.</ref> At one point, ''Passio sancti Eadmundi'' declares that, before the fateful invasion of Anglo-Saxon England, rumours of Edmund's vigour and military prowess reached Ivarr. One possibility is that this passage is the origin of the later stories of Loðbrók scorning his sons on account of Edmund's accomplishments.<ref>[[#UBBAM2|Mostert (1987)]] p. 173; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 220; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 20&ndash;21 ch. 6; [[#UBBAA2|Arnold (1890)]] p. 10 ch. 6.</ref> In any case, the earliest source to specifically associate Ragnarr loðbrók's family with the legend of Edmund's martyrdom is ''Íslendingabók'', which attributes Edmund's demise to Ívarr, son of Ragnarr loðbrók.<ref>[[#UBBAS15|Somerville; McDonald (2014)]] p. 298; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 45; [[#UBBAG14|Grønlie (2006)]] p. 3 ch. 1; [[#UBBAF5|Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005)]] p. 309; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 227&ndash;228; [[#UBBAI5|''Íslendingabók Sögur'' (1843)]] p. 4 ch. 1.</ref> The source of this claim is unknown. The earliest account to identify Ívarr as a son of someone who seems to equate to Ragnarr loðbrók is ''Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum''.<ref>[[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 38&ndash;39; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 47 n. 8.</ref>|group=note}}

[[File:Bloody Corner - geograph.org.uk - 1380964.jpg|thumb|upright|left|alt=Photo of a nineteenth-century inscribed plaque|An inscribed plaque at "Bloody Corner", between [[Appledore, Torridge|Appledore]] and [[Northam, Devon|Northam]]. In the early nineteenth century, it was imagined that this spot may have marked the site of Ubba's demise.<ref>[[#UBBAS8|Stevenson, WH (1904)]] pp. 262&ndash;263, 262 n. 3; [[#UBBAT10|Thurnam (1857)]] p. 85; [[#UBBAV5|Vidal (1806)]] p. 207.</ref>{{#tag:ref|Over the years this conjecture evolved into local tradition, and the plaque was raised before the end of the nineteenth century. The inscription reads in part: "Stop stranger stop/Near this spot lies buried/King Hubba the Dane/Who was slayed in a bloody retreat/By King Alfred the Great".<ref>[[#UBBAB30|Bradt (2015)]] p. 44.</ref> In 2009, a stone monument was raised in Appledore to commemorate this tradition of Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAB30|Bradt (2015)]] p. 44; [[#UBBAA17|''Appledore History set in Stone'' (2009)]].</ref> It is sometimes romanticised that the village of [[Hubberston]] in [[Pembrokeshire]] is named after Ubba, and that he overwintered in nearby [[Milford Haven]]. There is no evidence for this assertion.<ref>[[#UBBAH37|Hrdina (2011)]] p. 108; [[#UBBAJ8|Jones (1980)]] p. 134; [[#UBBAC22|Charles (1934)]] pp. 8&ndash;9.</ref> Rather than being Scandianvian in origin, the name is derived from the [[Old Germanic]] personal name ''[[Hubert]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAH37|Hrdina (2011)]] p. 108; [[#UBBAJ9|James, H (2007)]] p. 57; [[#UBBAM6|Mills, AD (2003)]] § hubberston; [[#UBBAJ8|Jones (1980)]] p. 134; [[#UBBAL9|Loyn (1976)]] p. 9; [[#UBBAC22|Charles (1934)]] p. 9.</ref> The name of the town is first recorded in the thirteenth century as ''Hobertiston''<ref name="Hubberston1">[[#UBBAH37|Hrdina (2011)]] p. 108; [[#UBBAC22|Charles (1934)]] p. 9.</ref> and ''Villa Huberti'',<ref>[[#UBBAM6|Mills, AD (2003)]] § hubberston; [[#UBBAJ9|James, H (2007)]] p. 57; [[#UBBAC22|Charles (1934)]] p. 9.</ref> meaning "[[Hubert]]'s Farm",<ref name="Hubberston1"/> "Hubert's [[manor]]",<ref>[[#UBBAM6|Mills, AD (2003)]] § hubberston.</ref> and "Hubert's ''{{lang|ang|tūn}}''".<ref>[[#UBBAJ8|Jones (1980)]] p. 134; [[#UBBAL9|Loyn (1976)]] p. 9.</ref> The village has only been known as ''Hubberston'' since the early seventeenth century.<ref>[[#UBBAC22|Charles (1934)]] p. 9.</ref> One possibility is that the town's eponym is identical to Hubertus, a man of [[Pembrokeshire]], attested by the twelfth-century [[Pipe Rolls]] of [[Henry I, King of England]] (died 1135).<ref>[[#UBBAL11|Lloyd (1912)]] p. 424 n. 75.</ref>|group=note}}]]

By the thirteenth century an alternate rendition of the story appears in sources such as ''Chronica majora'',<ref>[[#UBBAR9|Reinhard (1941)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 183&ndash;185; [[#UBBAL1|Luard (1872)]] pp. 393&ndash;399.</ref> and both the Wendover<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 433; [[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] p. 489; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 97, 102, 102 n. 258, 206; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 41&ndash;42, 44; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 78, 78 n. 74; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 229&ndash;230; [[#UBBAR9|Reinhard (1941)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 183&ndash;186; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 170&ndash;191; [[#UBBAG1|Giles (1849)]] pp. 193&ndash;199; [[#UBBAC1|Coxe (1841)]] pp. 303&ndash;312.</ref> and Paris versions of ''Flores historiarum''.<ref>[[#UBBAL3|Luard (2012)]] pp. 433&ndash;440; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 183&ndash;185; [[#UBBAR9|Reinhard (1941)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAY1|Yonge (1853)]] pp. 409&ndash;418.</ref> For example, the Wendover account states that Loðbrók (''{{lang|la|Lothbrocus}}'') washed ashore in East Anglia, where is was honourably received by Edmund, but afterwards murdered by Bjǫrn (''{{lang|la|Berno}}''), an envious huntsman. Although the latter is expelled from the realm, he convinces Loðbrók's sons, Ívarr and Ubba, that the killer of their father was Edmund. As such, East Anglia is invaded by these two sons, and Edmund is killed in a case of misplaced vengeance.<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 433; [[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 86; [[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] p. 489; [[#UBBAJ5|Jordan, TR (2012)]] pp. 98&ndash;99; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 97, 102, 102 n. 258, 206; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 11, 41&ndash;42, 44; [[#UBBAP19|Pinner (2010)]] pp. 134&ndash;135; [[#UBBAF4|Finlay (2009)]] p. 56; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 78 n. 74; [[#UBBAF9|Fjalldal (2003)]] p. 101 n. 3; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 229&ndash;230; [[#UBBAR9|Reinhard (1941)]] p. 58; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 183&ndash;186; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 170&ndash;191; [[#UBBAG1|Giles (1849)]] pp. 193&ndash;199; [[#UBBAC1|Coxe (1841)]] pp. 303&ndash;312.</ref>{{#tag:ref|These thirteenth-century compositions are the earliest accounts to associate the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók's death with that of Edmund.<ref>[[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 69 n. 9.</ref> A similar, but much later story, presented by ''Historia monasterii sancti Augustini Cantuariensis'', relates that Edmund was the killer of a [[bear]] that was the father of Ívarr and Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 433, 433 n. 22; [[#UBBAH27|Hardwick (1858)]] p. 221 ch. 29.</ref> A version of the Wendover account is given by ''Vita et passio cum miraculis sancti Edmundi'', preserved by the fourteenth-century Oxford Bodleian Library Bodley 240. ''Vita et passio cum miraculis sancti Edmundi'' is the earliest hagiographic source of Edmund's legend to present the king taking up arms against the Vikings.<ref>[[#UBBAP13|Pinner (2015)]] p. 86; [[#UBBAH4|Hervey (1907)]] pp. 390&ndash;402.</ref>|group=note}} A slightly different version of events is offered by ''Estoire des Engleis'', which states that the Vikings invaded Northumbria on behalf of Bjǫrn (''{{lang|xno|Buern Bucecarle}}''), who sought vengeance for the rape of his wife by the Northumbrian king, Osberht.<ref name="combine5">[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] pp. 432&ndash;433; [[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 215; [[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] p. 489; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 97, 102, 168, 206; [[#UBBAK6|Kries (2003)]] p. 67; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 229&ndash;230; [[#UBBAS5|Short (2009)]] pp. 142&ndash;149 §§ 2595&ndash;2722; [[#UBBAS31|Sayers (2003)]] p. 305; [[#UBBAF11|Freeman (1996)]] p. 199; [[#UBBAB21|Bell (1932)]] pp. 169&ndash;170; [[#UBBAH13|Hardy; Martin (1889)]] pp. 84&ndash;88 §§ 2597&ndash;2724; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] pp. 104&ndash;112 §§ 2597&ndash;2724; [[#UBBAS9|Stevenson, J (1854)]] pp. 760&ndash;761; [[#UBBAW14|Wright (1850)]] pp. 89&ndash;93 §§ 2597&ndash;2724.</ref>{{#tag:ref|According to this version of events, Ælla is a lowly knight who became king after Osberht had been driven from the throne by Bjǫrn's relatives.<ref name="combine5"/> A somewhat similar version of events is presented by ''Chronicon Joannis Bromton'' and ''Eulogium historiarum sive temporis'', sources that present Ívarr and Ubba as commanding the Danes that came overseas on behalf of Bjǫrn to topple Osberht.<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 433 n. 20; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 97 n. 239; [[#UBBAB21|Bell (1932)]] pp. 169&ndash;170; [[#UBBAH19|Haydon (1863)]] pp. 3&ndash;4 chs. 80&ndash;81; [[#UBBAT8|''The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great'' (1858)]] p. 36; [[#UBBAH20|''Historiæ Anglicanæ'' (1652)]] pp. 802&ndash;802.</ref> The mediaeval [[Prose Brut|Prose ''Brut'']] is another source giving a similar account.<ref>[[#UBBAM17|Matheson (2008)]] pp. 230&ndash;231, 243; [[#UBBAB22|Brie (1906)]] pp. 103&ndash;105.</ref> In the version of events outlined by the anonymous ''Narratio de uxore Aernulfi ab Ella rege Deirorum violata'', Osberht is not mentioned, and it is Ælla who has committed rape during the invasion of Ívarr (''{{lang|la|Iwar}}'') and Ubba.<ref>[[#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] pp. 215&ndash;217; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] pp. 328&ndash;338.</ref>|group=note}} On one hand, it is possible that the theme of vengeance directed at Edmund is derived from the tradition of Ælla's demise in Northumbria at the hands of Ragnarr's progeny.<ref>[[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] pp. 229&ndash;230; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] pp. 186&ndash;187.</ref>{{#tag:ref|According to ''Ragnars saga loðbrókar'', for example, Ragnarr was killed by Ælla, who was in turn slain by Ragnarr's sons, Ívarr, [[Sigurðr ormr í auga]], Bjǫrn járnsíða, and [[Hvitserk|Hvítserkr]].<ref>[[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 15&ndash;16; [[#UBBAW2|Whitelock (1969)]] p. 226; [[#UBBAS22|Smith, AH (1928–1936b)]] p. 184; [[#UBBAO2|Olsen (1906–1908)]] pp. 167&ndash;168 ch. 17; [[#UBBAR4|Rafn (1829)]] p. 292 ch. 18.</ref> Whilst the figures Ívarr and Bjǫrn are alluded to in the legend of Edmund's martyrdom (under various guises as in the case of Bjǫrn), no source associates Sigurðr and Hvítserkr with the legend.<ref name="UBBAW2-227"/>|group=note}} On the other hand, the revenge motifs and miraculous maritime journeys presented in the accounts of Edmund are well-known elements commonly found in contemporaneous [[chivalric romance]]s.<ref>[[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 48&ndash;49; [[#UBBAF3|Frantzen (2004)]] pp. 65&ndash;66.</ref>

There is reason to suspect that the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók originated from attempts to explain why the Vikings came to settle in Anglo-Saxon England. The core of the tradition may have been constructed as a way to rationalise their arrival without assigning blame to either side (as illustrated by the sympathetic Wendover account).<ref>[[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] pp. 489&ndash;490; [[#UBBAP5|Pestell (2004)]] p. 78, 78 n. 74.</ref> As such, the legend could have been intended to jusitify Edmund's violent demise.<ref>[[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 96; [[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 53, 62.</ref> The tales may have evolved at an early stage of Viking settlement, and may have functioned as an [[origin myth]] of the emerging Anglo-Scandinavian culture.<ref>[[#UBBAP10|Parker, E (2014)]] pp. 489&ndash;490.</ref>{{#tag:ref|Similarly, the Northumbrian-focused accounts of the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók, as given by Scandinavian sources, could have originated as a way to [[white-wash]] history by relocating the tale of regicide from East Anglia to Northumbria, replacing the saintly Edmund with the obscure Ælla.<ref>[[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 59&ndash;60; [[#UBBAM5|McTurk, RW (1976)]] pp. 108&ndash;109.</ref> Ubba appears to be the prototype of a like-named character (''{{lang|enm|Ubbe}}'') who appears in the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century [[Middle English]] ''[[Havelok the Dane]]''.<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 432; [[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 178 n. 478; [[#UBBAK7|Kleinman (2004)]] pp. 318&ndash;319; [[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] p. 241; [[#UBBAL5|Lukman (1958)]] p. 142; [[#UBBAS32|Skeat, WW (1902)]]; [[#UBBAH34|Hardy; Martin (1888)]] pp. 290&ndash;327.</ref> Within the tale, Ubba is closely associated with a character (''{{lang|enm|Bernard Brun}}'') who appears to correlate to Bjǫrn. Both Ubba and Bjǫrn are depicted as loyal and distinguished Danes,<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] p. 433.</ref> and there is reason to suspect that they and other characters were used to add a veneer of historicity to a story exploring the Anglo-Scandinavian contribution to the English identity.<ref>[[#UBBAP8|Parker, E (2016)]] pp. 433&ndash;434, 446&ndash;447.</ref> Since Ubba was otherwise widely asserted as one of the perpetrators of Edmund's martyrdom, one possibility is that he was inserted into the romance as a way to cast doubt upon any lingering anti-Danish sentiment.<ref>[[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] p. 178 n. 478; [[#UBBAF8|Frankis (1996)]] p. 241.</ref> Much like the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók, the motif of personal revenge plays a prominent role in the tale of Havelok, with revenge used to justify Danish invasions of England.<ref>[[#UBBAP20|Parker, EC (2012)]] pp. 206&ndash;207.</ref>|group=note}} The shared kinship assigned to Ívarr and Ubba within the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók may stem from their combined part in Edmund's downfall as opposed to any historical familial connection.<ref>[[#UBBAG17|Gigov (2011)]] pp. 53&ndash;54.</ref>

==Ubba in modern popular culture==

[[File:Alfred in the Isle of Athelney, receiving News of a Victory over the Danes crop.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Refer to caption|''Alfred in the Isle of Athelney, receiving news of a Victory over the Danes'', an eighteenth-century depiction of [[Alfred, King of Wessex]] learning of the Viking defeat at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}''.<ref>[[#UBBAK9|Keynes (1999)]] pp. 246&ndash;247 pl. 9a, 295.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The illustration depicts Alfred receiving the raven banner captured at ''{{lang|la|Arx Cynuit}}''. The scene is probably derived from the ''History of England'', by [[Paul de Rapin]] (died 1725), which portrays the battle&mdash;and the death of Ubba&mdash;as the decisive turning-point of Alfred's struggle against the Vikings.<ref>[[#UBBAK9|Keynes (1999)]] pp. 273, 295, 295 n. 311.</ref> The raven banner may be borrowed from an engraved portrait of Alfred by [[George Vertue]] (died 1756).<ref>[[#UBBAK9|Keynes (1999)]] pp. 246&ndash;247 pl. 8b.</ref> It was after the publication of Vertue's portrait that the banner came to associated with Alfredian art.<ref>[[#UBBAK9|Keynes (1999)]] pp. 271&ndash;272, 295.</ref> For example, it also appears in an engraved portrait of the king by B. Cole, for the ''New Universal Magazine'' of 1752; and another image by [[Samuel Wale]] (died 1786) in the 1760s. This latter depiction was published in the ''New History of England'' of 1764&ndash;1769, by [[John Hamilton Mortimer]] (died 1779); and in the ''New and Universal History of England'' of 1771&ndash;1772, by William Henry Mountague; and reused in ''A New and Complete History of England'' of 1773, by Temple Sydney; and in ''A New and Authentic History of England'' of 1777&ndash;1779, by William Augustus Russel.<ref>[[#UBBAK9|Keynes (1999)]] pp. 295, 295 n. 312, 307, 307 n. 383.</ref>|group=note}}]]

Ubba appears as a character in modern historical fiction. For example, the unnamed Danish king that appears in ''[[Alfred: A Masque]]'', a musical play with a [[libretto]] by [[James Thomson (poet, born 1700)|James Thomson]] (died 1748) and [[David Mallet (writer)|David Mallet]] (died 1765)&mdash;first presented in 1740<ref>[[#UBBAW22|Wood (2015)]] p. 121; [[#UBBAG18|Griffel (2013)]] p. 11; [[#UBBAP16|Parker, J (2013)]] p. 139; [[#UBBAW21|Wehlau (2011)]] p. 802; [[#UBBAP18|Pratt (2000)]] p. 147; [[#UBBAH28|Henderson (1950)]] p. 31; [[#UBBAA13|Adams (1904)]] p. 34; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] pp. 58&ndash;62; [[#UBBAM19|''Alfred: A Masque'' (1751)]]; [[#UBBAA12|''Alfred: A Masque'' (1740)]].</ref>&mdash;may be a composite of Ubba, Guthrum, Ívarr, and Hálfdan.<ref>[[#UBBAH28|Henderson (1950)]] p. 31.</ref> Ubba certainly appears in ''Alfred the Great, Deliverer of His Country'',<ref>[[#UBBAH28|Henderson (1950)]] p. 36; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] pp. 63 n. 2, 64.</ref> an anonymous play that first appears on record in 1753;<ref>[[#UBBAW22|Wood (2015)]] p. 141; [[#UBBAH28|Henderson (1950)]] p. 36; [[#UBBAA13|Adams (1904)]] p. 34.</ref> and ''The Magick Banner; or, Two Wives in a House'',<ref>[[#UBBAW21|Wehlau (2011)]] p. 810; [[#UBBAH28|Henderson (1950)]] pp. 84&ndash;89; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 75 n. 1; [[#UBBAO6|O'Keeffe, J (1798)]] pp. 195&ndash;267.</ref> a play by [[John O'Keeffe (Irish writer)|John O'Keeffe]] (died 1833), first presented in 1796.<ref>[[#UBBAW21|Wehlau (2011)]] p. 810; [[#UBBAH28|Henderson (1950)]] p. 81; [[#UBBAA13|Adams (1904)]] p. 34; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 74 n. 3.</ref>{{#tag:ref|The play was first presented as ''The Magick Banner; or, Two Wives in a House'', and published later in 1798 as ''Alfred; or The Magic Banner''.<ref>[[#UBBAW21|Wehlau (2011)]] p. 815 n. 1; [[#UBBAH33|Hogan (1968)]] p. 1872.</ref>|group=note}} He also appears in the ''Sketch of Alfred the Great: Or, the Danish Invasion'',<ref>[[#UBBAH28|Henderson (1950)]] p. 91; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 76 n. 1; [[#UBBAS35|''Sketch of Alfred the Great'' (1798)]].</ref> a [[ballet]] by Mark Lonsdale, first performed in 1798;<ref>[[#UBBAK9|Keynes (1999)]] pp. 289&ndash;290; [[#UBBAH28|Henderson (1950)]] p. 91; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] pp. 76&ndash;77, 77 n. 1; [[#UBBAS35|''Sketch of Alfred the Great'' (1798)]].</ref> and ''Alfred; An Epic Poem'',<ref>[[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 97; [[#UBBAP17|Pye (1801)]].</ref> a long piece of [[epic poetry]] by [[Henry James Pye]] (died 1813), published in 1801;<ref>[[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 96, 96 n. 1.</ref> and the similarly named ''Alfred, an Epic Poem'', by [[Joseph Cottle]] (died 1853)<ref>[[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 100; [[#UBBAC19|Cottle (1800)]].</ref>&mdash;a poem almost twice as long as Pye's<ref>[[#UBBAP18|Pratt (2000)]] p. 138.</ref>&mdash;first published in 1800.<ref>[[#UBBAP18|Pratt (2000)]] p. 138; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 100, 100 n. 1.</ref>

Ubba later appears in ''Alfred the Great; Or, The Enchanted Standard'', a musical drama by [[Isaac Pocock]] (died 1835),<ref>[[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 78 n. 2.</ref> based upon O'Keeffe's play,<ref>[[#UBBAA13|Adams (1904)]] p. 34; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] pp. 76, 78, 78 n. 1.</ref> and first performed in 1827;<ref>[[#UBBAA13|Adams (1904)]] p. 34; [[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 78.</ref> and ''Alfred the Great'', a play by James Magnus, dating to 1838.<ref>[[#UBBAP16|Parker, J (2013)]] p. 141; [[#UBBAP14|Parker, J (2009)]] p. 265; [[#UBBAM21|Magnus (1938)]] pp. 87&ndash;155.</ref> He further appears in ''Alfred of Wessex'', an epic poem by Richard Kelsey, published in 1852;<ref>[[#UBBAM22|Miles (1902)]] p. 107, 107 n. 1; [[#UBBAA14|''Alfred of Wessex'' (1852)]].</ref> and in the 1899 novel ''King Alfred's Viking'', by [[Charles Whistler]] (died 1913);<ref>[[#UBBAP16|Parker, J (2013)]] p. 147; [[#UBBAP14|Parker, J (2009)]] p. 270; [[#UBBAW20|Whistler (n.d.)]].</ref> and the 2004 novel ''[[The Last Kingdom]]'' by [[Bernard Cornwell]].<ref>[[#UBBAJ10|Jónasdóttir (2015)]] pp. 6, 20; [[#UBBAK10|Kjartansson (2015)]] pp. 5&ndash;6; [[#UBBAC20|Cornwell (2005)]].</ref> Ubba is also a character in ''[[Vikings (2013 TV series)|Vikings]]'', a television series first aired on the [[History (Canadian TV network)|History]] network in 2013;<ref>[[#UBBAP15|Puchalska (2015)]] p. 97.</ref> and in ''[[The Last Kingdom (TV series)|The Last Kingdom]]'',<ref>[[#UBBAH38|Hughes (2015)]].</ref> a television series (based upon Cornwell's ''[[The Saxon Chronicles (Bernard Cornwell)|The Saxon Chronicles]]'' series of novels) first aired on [[BBC America]] in 2015.<ref>[[#UBBAU1|Usborne (2018)]].</ref>


==Notes==
==Notes==
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==References==
==References==

;Primary sources
===Primary sources===
{{refbegin|colwidth=30em}}
{{refbegin|colwidth=30em}}

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*{{cite book |editor-last=Brie |editor-first=FWD |year=1906–1908 |title=The Brut, or The Chronicles of England |url=https://archive.org/details/brutorchronicles00brieuoft |publisher=[[Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co.]] |publication-place=Soho |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAB22 }}

*{{cite book |year=2002 |editor-last=South |editor-first=TJ |title=Historia De Sancto Cuthberto |series=Anglo-Saxon Texts (series vol. 3) |publisher=[[D.S. Brewer]] |publication-place=Cambridge |isbn=0-85991-627-8 |url=https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=A9GT60kKqEsC |issn=1463-6948 |ref=S6 }}
*{{cite book |year=1853 |editor-last=Stevenson |editor-first=J |editor-link=Joseph Stevenson |title=The Church Historians of England |url=https://archive.org/details/churchhistorians21stev |volume=Vol. 2, pt. 1 |publisher=Seeleys |publication-place=London |ref=S12 }}
*{{cite book |editor-last=Cook |editor-first=AS |editor-link=Albert Stanburrough Cook |year=1906 |title=Asser's Life of King Alfred |url=https://archive.org/details/asserslifeofking00asseiala |publisher=Ginn & Company |publication-place=Boston, MA |ol=7115306M |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAC5 }}

*{{cite book |year=1854 |editor-last=Stevenson |editor-first=J |editor-link=Joseph Stevenson |title=The Church Historians of England |url=https://archive.org/details/churchhistorians22stev |volume=Vol. 2, pt. 2 |publisher=Seeleys |publication-place=London |ref=S11 }}
*{{cite book |year=1855 |editor-last=Stevenson |editor-first=J |editor-link=Joseph Stevenson |title=The Church Historians of England |url=https://archive.org/details/churchhistorpt203unknuoft |volume=Vol. 3, pt. 2 |publisher=Seeleys |publication-place=London |ref=S13 }}
*{{cite book |last=Conybeare |first=E |year=1900 |title=Alfred in the Chroniclers |url=https://archive.org/details/alfredinchronic00cony |publisher=[[Elliot Stock]] |publication-place=London |ol=24873464M |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAC9 }}

*{{cite book |year=1904 |editor-last=Stevenson |editor-first=WH |editor-link=W. H. Stevenson |title=Asser's Life of King Alfred, Together with the Annals of Saint Neots Erroneously Ascribed to Asser |url=https://archive.org/details/gri_33125000734208 |publisher=[[Clarendon Press]] |publication-place=Oxford |ref=S3 }}
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*{{cite book |year=1861a |editor-last=Thorpe |editor-first=B |editor-link=Benjamin Thorpe |title=The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle |url=https://archive.org/details/anglosaxonchroni01thor |series=Rerum Britannicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores |volume=Vol. 1 |publisher=Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts |publication-place=London |ref=T4 }}
*{{cite book |year=1861b |editor-last=Thorpe |editor-first=B |editor-link=Benjamin Thorpe |title=The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle |url=https://archive.org/details/anglosaxonchroni02thoruoft |series=Rerum Britannicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores |volume=Vol. 2 |publisher=Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts |publication-place=London |ref=T5 }}
*{{cite book |last=Cornwell |first=B |author-link=Bernard Cornwell |year=2005 |title=The Last Kingdom |series=[[The Saxon Chronicles (Bernard Cornwell)|The Saxon Chronicles]] (series vol. 1) |publisher=[[Harper Collins Publishers]] |publication-place=London |format=EPUB |ref=UBBAC20 }}

*{{cite book |year=1883 |editor-last=Waitz |editor-first=G |editor-link=Georg Waitz |title=Annales Bertiniani |series=Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum In Usum Scholarum Ex Monumentis Germaniae Historicis Recusi |url=https://opacplus.bsb-muenchen.de/search?oclcno=7711954&db=100 |publisher=Hahn |publication-place=Hanover |ref=W5 }} Accessed via [[Bayerische Staatsbibliothek]].
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*{{cite book |year=1996 |origyear=1955 |editor-last=Whitelock |editor-first=D |editor-link=Dorothy Whitelock |title=English Historical Documents, c. 500–1042 |edition=2nd |publisher=[[Routledge]] |publication-place=London |url=https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=EUSqIR2qaaIC |isbn=0-203-43950-3 |ref=W2 }}
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*{{cite book |editor-last=Coxe |editor-first=HE |editor-link=Henry Coxe |year=1841 |title=Rogeri de Wendover Chronica, sive Flores Historiarum |volume=Vol. 1 |url=https://archive.org/details/rogeridewendover01roge |series=[[Bohn's Antiquarian Library]] |publisher=English Historical Society |publication-place=London |ol=24871700M |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAC1 }}

*{{cite book |editor1-last=Davidson |editor1-first=HE |editor1-link=Hilda Ellis Davidson |editor2-last=Fisher |editor2-first=P |year=1999 |origyear=1979 |title=The History of the Danes: Books I&ndash;IX |publisher=[[D.S. Brewer]] |publication-place=Cambridge |isbn=0 85991 509 3 |ref=UBBAD4 }}

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*{{cite book |editor-last=De Simon |editor-first=B |year=1909 |title=Annales Xantenses et Annales Vedastini |url=https://opacplus.bsb-muenchen.de/search?oclcno=163359932&db=100 |series=[[Monumenta Germaniae Historica]]: Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum Separatim Editi (series vol. 12) |publisher=Hahn |publication-place=Hanover |issn=0343-0820 |via=[[Bavarian State Library]] |ref=UBBAD13 }}

*{{cite book |editor1-last=Dumville |editor1-first=D |editor1-link=David Dumville |editor2-last=Lapidge |editor2-first=M |editor2-link=Michael Lapidge |year=1985 |title=The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition |volume=Vol. 17, the Annals of St Neots With Vita Prima Sancti Neoti |publisher=D.S. Brewer |publication-place=Cambridge |isbn=978-0-85991-117-7 |via=Google Books |ref=UBBAD9 }}

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*{{cite book |editor-last=Ellis |editor-first=H |editor-link=Henry Ellis (librarian) |year=1859 |title=Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes |url=https://archive.org/details/chronicajohannis00joha |ol=6263137M |series=Rerum Britannicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores |publisher=Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, & Roberts |publication-place=London |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAE4 }}

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*{{cite book |editor-last=Giles |editor-first=JA |year=1903 |title=Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England and Also the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle |url=https://archive.org/details/bedesecclesiasti00bede |series=Bohn's Antiquarian Library |publisher=[[George Bell & Sons]] |publication-place=London |via=Internet Archive |ol=17987875M |ref=UBBAG8 }}

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*{{cite book |editor-last=Halldórsson |editor-first=Ó |year=2000 |title=Danish Kings and the Jomsvikings in the Greatest Saga of Óláfr Tryggvason |url=http://www.vsnrweb-publications.org.uk/Olafur1.pdf |format=PDF |publisher=Viking Society for Northern Research |publication-place=London |via=Viking Society Publications |isbn=978 0903521 47 5 |ref=UBBAH17 }}

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*{{cite book |editor-last=Hardy |editor-first=TD |editor-link=Thomas Duffus Hardy |year=1862a |title=Descriptive Catalogue of Materials Relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland |url=https://archive.org/details/p1descriptivecatal01hard |volume=Vol. 1, pt. 1 |publisher=Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAH39 }}

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*{{cite book |year=1889 |editor1-last=Hardy |editor1-first=TD |editor2-last=Martin |editor2-first=CT |title=Lestorie des Engles Solum la Translacion Maistre Geffrei Gaimar |url=https://archive.org/details/lestoriedesengle02gaim |volume=Vol. 2 |series=Rerum Britannicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores |publisher=Her Majesty's Stationery Office |publication-place=London |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAH13 }}

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*{{cite book |editor-last=Haydon |editor-first=FS |year=1863 |title=Eulogium (Historiarum Sive Temporis): Chronicon ab Orbe Condito Usque ad Annum Domini M.CCC.LXVI |volume=Vol. 3 |url=https://archive.org/details/eulogiumhistoria03hayd |publisher=Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green |publication-place=London |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAH19 }}

*{{cite book |editor-last=Hearnii |editor-first=T |editor-link=Thomas Hearne (antiquarian) |year=1774 |title=Joannis Lelandi Antiquarii de Rebus Britannicis Collectanea |url=https://archive.org/details/joannislelandia01heargoog |publisher=[[Benj. White]] |publication-place=London |volume=Vol. 4 |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAH24 }}

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*{{cite book |year=1652 |title=Historiæ Anglicanæ: Sciptores X |url=https://archive.org/details/historiaeanglica01sime |ol=19394141M |publisher=Jacobi Flesher |publication-place=London |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAH20 }}

*{{cite book |year=1868 |editor-last=Hodgson Hinde |title=Symeonis Dunelmensis Opera et Collectanea |url=https://archive.org/details/publications51surtuoft |volume=Vol. 1 |series=Publications of the Surtees Society (series vol. 51) |publisher=Andrews and Co. |publication-place=Durham |via=Internet Archive |ref=UBBAH7 }}

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*{{cite book |year=1892 |title=Inde ab Anno Christi Quingentesimo Usque ad Annum Millesimum et Quingentesimum |url=https://opacplus.bsb-muenchen.de/search?oclcno=163830324&db=100 |series=[[Monumenta Germaniae Historica]]: Scriptores in Folio (series vol. 29) |publisher=Hahn |publication-place=Hanover |issn=0343-2157 |via=[[Bavarian State Library]] |ref=UBBAI6 }}

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{{refend}}
{{refend}}

;Secondary sources
===Secondary sources===
{{refbegin|colwidth=30em}}
{{refbegin|colwidth=30em}}

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*{{cite news |last=Usborne |first=S |date=17 April 2018 |access-date=14 May 2018 |url=https://www.theguardian.com/media/2018/apr/17/netflixs-new-world-order-a-streaming-giant-on-the-brink-of-global-domination |title=Netflix's 'New World Order': A Streaming Giant on the Brink of Global Domination |work=The Guardian |ref=UBBAU1 }}

*{{cite book |last=Van Heeringen |first=RM |year=1998 |chapter=The Construction of Frankish Circular Fortresses in the Province of Zeeland (SW Netherlands) in the end of the Ninth Century |title=Château Gaillard |volume=Vol. 18 |publisher=Publications du Centre de Recherches Archéologiques Médiévales |publication-place=Caen |via=Academia.edu |pages=241&ndash;249 |ref=UBBAV2 }}

*{{cite book |last=van Houts |first=EMC |year=1984 |chapter=Scandinavian Influence in Norman Literature of the Eleventh Century |editor-last=Brown |editor-first=RA |title=Anglo-Norman Studies |volume=Vol. 6, Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1983 |publisher=The Boydell Press |publication-place=Woodbridge |isbn=0 85115 197 3 |pages=107&ndash;122 |ref=UBBAV3 }}

*{{cite book |last=van Houts |first=EMC |year=1993 |chapter=Norman Literature, Scandinavian Influence on |editor1-last=Pulsiano |editor1-first=P |editor2-last=Wolf |editor2-first=K |editor3-last=Acker |editor3-first=P |editor4-last=Fry |editor4-first=DK |title=Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia |publisher=[[Garland Publishing|Garland]] |publication-place=New York |series=Garland Encyclopedias of the Middle Ages (series vol. 1) |pages=434&ndash;435 |isbn=0-8240-4787-7 |via=Google Books |ref=UBBAV4 }}

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*{{cite journal |last=West |first=SE |year=1983 |title=A New Site for the Martyrdom of St Edmund? |url=http://suffolkinstitute.pdfsrv.co.uk/customers/Suffolk%20Institute/2014/01/10/Volume%20XXXV%20Part%203%20(1983)_New%20site%20for%20martyrdom%20of%20St%20Edmund%20S%20E%20West_223%20to%20225.pdf |format=PDF |journal=[[Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archæology]] |volume=35 |issue=3 |pages=223&ndash;225 |via=Suffolk Institute of Archaeology & History |ref=UBBAW19 }}

*{{cite journal |last=Whitelock |first=D |year=1945 |title=The Conversion of the Eastern Danelaw |url=http://www.vsnrweb-publications.org.uk/Saga-Book%201-22%20searchable/Saga-Book%20XII.pdf |format=PDF |journal=Saga-Book of the Viking Society for Northern Research |volume=12 |pages=159&ndash;176 |via=Viking Society Publications |ref=UBBAW10 }}

*{{cite journal |last=Whitelock |first=D |year=1969 |title=Fact and Fiction in the Legend of St. Edmund |url=http://suffolkinstitute.pdfsrv.co.uk/customers/Suffolk%20Institute/2014/01/10/Volume%20XXXI%20Part%203%20(1969)_Fact%20and%20fiction%20in%20the%20legend%20of%20St%20Edmund%20D%20Whitelock_217%20to%20233.pdf |format=PDF |journal=[[Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archæology]] |volume=31 |issue=3 |pages=217&ndash;233 |via=Suffolk Institute of Archaeology & History |ref=UBBAW2 }}

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*{{cite book |last=Wild |first=L |year=2008b |chapter=The Raven Banner at Clontarf: The Context of an Old Norse Legendary Symbol |editor-last=Burge |editor-first=KL |title=Vikings and Their Enemies Proceedings of a Symposium Held in Melbourne, 24 November 2007 |publisher=Viking Research Network |publication-place=Melbourne |isbn=9780646505596 |pages=37&ndash;48 |via=Academia.edu |ref=UBBAW11 }}

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*{{cite book |last=Woolf |first=A |year=2007 |title=From Pictland to Alba, 789&ndash;1070 |series=The New Edinburgh History of Scotland (series vol. 2) |publisher=[[Edinburgh University Press]] |publication-place=Edinburgh |isbn=978-0-7486-1233-8 |ref=UBBAW5 }}

*{{cite web |url=http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/183 |title=Alfred (848/9&ndash;899) |last=Wormald |first=P |author-link=Patrick Wormald |year=2006 |website=Oxford Dictionary of National Biography |publisher=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/ref:odnb/183 |edition=October 2006 |accessdate=4 May 2014 |subscription=yes |ref=UBBAW16 }}

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{{refend}}
{{refend}}



Revision as of 00:17, 17 June 2018

Refer to caption
Ubba's name as it appears on folio 48v of British Library Harley 2278 (Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund): "Vbba".[1]

Ubba was a ninth-century Viking, and one of the commanders of the Great Army that invaded Anglo-Saxon England in the 860s.[note 1] The Great Army appears to have been a coalition of warbands drawn from Scandinavia, Ireland, the Irish Sea region, and the Continent. There is reason to suspect that a proportion of the Viking forces specifically originated in Frisia, where some Viking commanders are known to have held fiefdoms on behalf of the Franks. Some sources describe Ubba as dux of the Frisians, which could be evidence that he also associated with a Frisian benefice.

In 865 the Great Army, apparently led by Ívarr, overwintered in Kingdom of East Anglia, before invading and destroying the Kingdom of Northumbria. In 869, having been bought off by the Mercians, the Vikings conquered the East Angles, and in the process killed their king, Edmund, a man who was later regarded as a saint and martyr. While near-contemporary sources do not specifically associate Ubba with the latter campaign, some later, less reliable sources associate him with the legend of Edmund's martyrdom. In time, Ívarr and Ubba came to be regarded as archetypal Viking invaders and opponents of Christianity. As such, Ubba features in several dubious hagiographical accounts of Anglo-Saxon saints and ecclesiastical sites. Non-contemporary sources also associate Ívarr and Ubba with the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók, a figure of dubious historicity. Whilst there is reason to suspect that Edmund's cult was partly promoted to integrate Scandinavian settlers in Anglo-Saxon England, the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók may have originated in attempts to explain why they came to settle.

After the fall of the East Anglian kingdom, leadership of the Great Army appears to have fallen to Bagsecg and Hálfdan, who campaigned against the Mercians and West Saxons. In 873 the Great Army is recorded to have split. Whilst Hálfdan settled his followers in Northumbria, the army under Guthrum, Oscytel, and Anwend, struck out southwards, and campaigned against the West Saxons. In the winter of 877/878, Guthrum launched a lightning attack deep into Wessex. There is reason to suspect that this strike was coordinated with the campaigning of a separate Viking force in Devon. This latter army is reported to have been destroyed at [[Battle of Cynuit|Arx Cynuit]] in 878. According to a near-contemporary source, this force was led by a brother of Ívarr and Hálfdan, and some later sources identify this man as Ubba himself.

The origins of Ubba and the Great Army

Map of Britain, Ireland, and the Continent
Locations associated with Ubba's career.

In the mid ninth century, an invading Viking army coalesced in Anglo-Saxon England. The earliest version of the ninth- to twelfth-century Anglo-Saxon Chronicle variously describes the invading host as "micel here",[10] an Old English term that can translate as "big army"[11] or "great army".[12][note 2] Archaeological evidence and documentary sources suggest that this Great Army was not a single unified force, but more of a composite collection of warbands drawn from different regions.[14]

The exact origins of the Great Army are obscure.[15] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle sometimes identifies the Vikings as Danes.[16] The tenth-century Vita Alfredi seems to allege that the invaders came from Denmark.[17] A Scandinavian origin may be evinced by the tenth-century Chronicon Æthelweardi, which states that "the fleets of the tyrant Ívarr" arrived in Anglo-Saxon England from "the north".[18] With the turn of the mid-ninth century, this Ívarr (died 869/870?)[19] was one of the foremost Viking leaders in Britain and Ireland.[20]

A twelfth-century depiction of the invading Vikings on folio 9v of Pierpont Morgan Library M.736.[21][note 3]

The Great Army may have included Vikings already active in Anglo-Saxon England, as well as men directly from Scandinavia, Ireland, the Irish Sea region, and the Continent.[23] There is reason to suspect that a proportion of the army specifically originated in Frisia.[24] For example, the ninth-century Annales Bertiniani reveals that Danish Vikings devastated Frisia in 850,[25] and the twelfth-century Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses states that a Viking force of Danes and Frisians made landfall on the Isle of Sheppey in 855.[26][note 4] The same source,[28] and the tenth- or eleventh-century Historia de sancto Cuthberto, describe Ubba as dux of the Frisians.[29][note 5]

Whilst the Old English Anglo-Saxon Chronicle calls the Viking army micel here, the Latin Historia de sancto Cuthberto instead gives Scaldingi,[33] a term of uncertain meaning that is employed three times in reference to the leadership of the Viking forces.[34] One possibility is that world could mean "people from the River Scheldt".[35][note 6] This could indicate that Ubba was from Walcheren, an island in the mouth of the Scheldt.[40] Walcheren is known to have been occupied by Danish Vikings over two decades before.[41] For example, Annales Bertiniani reports that Lothair I, King of Middle Francia (died 855) granted the island to a Viking named Herioldus in 841.[42]

Refer to caption
The name of Ubbi fríski, a saga-character who may refer to Ubba,[43] as it appears on folio 4v of AM 1 e beta I fol (Sǫgubrot af nokkrum fornkonungum).[44]

According to the same source and the ninth-century Annales Fuldenses, another Viking named Roricus was granted a large part of Frisia as a benefice or fief from Lothair in 850.[45] As men who held military- and judicial authority on behalf of the Franks, Herioldus and Roricus can also be regarded as Frisian duces.[46] Although it is uncertain whether Ubba was a native Frisian or a Scandinavian expatriate, if he was indeed involved with a Frisian benefice his forces would have probably been partly composed of Frisians.[47] If his troops were drawn from the Scandinavian settlement started by Herioldus over two decades before, many of Ubba's men might well have been born in Frisia.[48] In fact, the length of Scandinavian occupation suggests that some of the Vikings from Frisia would have been native Franks and Frisians.[49] The considerable time that members of the Great Army appear to have spent in Ireland and the Continent suggests that these men were well accustomed to Christian society,[50] which in turn may partly explain their successes in Anglo-Saxon England.[48]

Viking invasion of Anglo-Saxon England

Refer to caption
A fifteenth-century depiction of Ívarr and Ubba ravaging the countryside as it appears on folio 48r of British Library Harley 2278.[51] The Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund presents ninth-century events in a chivalric context.[52][note 7]

In the autumn of 865, the Anglo Saxon Chronicle records that the Great Army invaded the Kingdom of East Anglia, where they afterwards made peace with the East Anglians and overwintered.[55] The terminology employed by this source suggests the Vikings attacked by sea.[56] The invaders evidently gained valuable intelligence during the stay,[57] as the Great Army is next stated to have left on horses gained from the subordinated population, striking deep into the Kingdom of Northumbria, a fractured realm in the midst of a bitter civil war between two competing kings: Ælla (died 867) and Osberht (died 867).[58]

Late in 866 the Vikings seized York[59]—one of only two archiepiscopal sees in Anglo-Saxon England, and one of the richest trading centres in Britain.[60] Although Ælla and Osberht responded to this attack by joining forces against the Vikings, the chronicle indicates that their assault on York was a disaster that resulted in both their deaths.[59][note 8] According to Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses,[69] and Historia de sancto Cuthberto, the Northumbrians and their kings were crushed by Ubba himself.[70][note 9]

The ninth-century Frisian fiefdom of Roricus appears to have encompassed a region around Dorestad, Walcheren, and Wieringen.[74]

Also that year, Annales Bertiniani reports that Charles II, King of West Francia (died 877) paid off a Viking fleet stationed on the Seine.[75] After proceeding down the Siene towards the sea, where they repaired and rebuilt their fleet,[76] a portion of the force is reported to have left for the district of IJssel[77] (either Hollandse IJssel or Gelderse IJssel).[78] Although the destination of the rest of the fleet is unrecorded, one possibility is that it participated in the sack of York. The fact that the Great Army remained in East Anglia for about a year before it attacked Northumbria could mean that it had been reinforced from the Continent during the layover.[79] The part of the fleet that went to Frisia is later stated to have been unable to secure an alliance with Lothair. This statement seems to suggest that these Vikings had intended to acquire a grant of lands in the region, which could mean that they thereafter took part in the Great Army's campaigning across the Channel.[80] Furthermore, Annales Bertiniani notes that Roricus was forced from Frisia the following year. This ejection could also account for the evidence of a Frisian dimension to the Great Army, and for the attestations of Ubba himself.[81]

With the collapse of the Northumbrian kingdom, and the destruction of its regime, the twelfth-century Historia regum Anglorum,[82] and Libellus de exordio, reveal that a certain Ecgberht (died 873) was installed by the Vikings as client king over a northern region of Northumbria.[83] In the following year, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records that the Great Army attacked Mercia, after which the Vikings seized Nottingham and overwintered there.[84] Although the Mercian and West Saxon kings, Burgred (died 874?) and Æthelred (died 871), responded by joining forces and besieging the occupied town, both the chronicle[85] and Vita Alfredi report that this combined Anglo-Saxon force was unable to dislodge the army.[86] According to both sources, the Mercians made peace with the Vikings.[85][86] It was probably on account of this seemingly purchased peace that the Great Army relocated to York, as reported by the chronicle, where it evidently renewed its strength for future forays.[87]

Hagiographic association with Edmund

Refer to caption
A thirteenth- or fourteenth-century depiction of Edmund, King of East Anglia, being brought bound before Ívarr, as it appears on folio 28r of John Rylands Library French 142.[88][note 10]

The earliest source to make note specific note of Ubba is Passio sancti Eadmundi, which includes him in its account of the downfall of Edmund, King of East Anglia (died 869).[90] Almost nothing is known of this king's career,[91] and all that remains of his reign are a few coins.[92] The first[93] contemporary documentary source to cast any light upon his reign is the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[94] According to this account, the Great Army invaded East Anglia in the autumn of 869, before setting up winter quarters at Thetford. The chronicle relates that the kingdom was conquered and Edmund was amongst the slain.[95][note 11]

Although the specific wording employed by most versions of the chronicle suggests that Edmund was killed in battle,[98] and Vita Alfredi certainly states as much[99]—with neither source making note of a martyrdom ordeal[100]—later hagiographical accounts portray the king in an idealised light, and depict his death in the context of a peace-loving Christian monarch, who willingly suffered martyrdom after refusing to shed blood in defence of himself.[101][note 12]

Refer to caption
A twelfth-century depiction of the killing of Edmund, King of East Anglia as depicted on folio 14r of Pierpont Morgan Library M.736.[107][note 13]

One such account is Passio sancti Eadmundi,[113] a source that makes no mention of a battle.[114] Whilst this source's claim that Edmund was martyred after being captured is not implausible,[115] the fact that he came to regarded as a martyr does not negate the possibility that he was slain in battle (as suggested by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle).[116][note 14] The apparent contradictory accounts of Edmund's demise given by these sources may stem from the telescoping of events surrounding an East Anglian military defeat and the subsequent arrest and execution of the king.[119] In any case, surviving numismatic evidence of coins bearing Edmund's name—the so-called St Edmund memorial coinage—reveals that the he was certainly regarded as a saint about twenty years after his death.[120][note 15]

The reliability of Passio sancti Eadmundi is nevertheless uncertain.[126] Although this source was composed over a century after the event,[127] it may convey some credible material as the latest useful source.[128][note 16] Nevertheless, there is also reason to suspect that the account is little more than a collection of well-known hagiographical elements,[131] and that the composer knew little to nothing of Edmund's demise and early cult.[132] The lurid depictions of Viking invaders presented by Passio sancti Eadmundi appears to owe much to the author's otherwise known association with Fleury,[133] and specifically to the account of the Viking invasion of the Loire Valley detailed by Miracula sancti Benedicti, a ninth-century work composed by the Fleurian monk Adrevaldus (fl. 860s).[134]

Boys, and men old and young, whom he encountered in the streets of the city were killed; and he paid no respect to the chastity of wife or maid. Husband and wife lay dead or dying together on their thresholds; the babe snatched from its mother's breast was, in order to multiply the cries of grief, slaughtered before her eyes. An impious soldiery scoured the town in fury, athirst for every crime by which pleasure could be given to the tyrant who from sheer love of cruelty had given orders for the massacre of the innocent.

— excerpt from Passio sancti Eadmundi depicting Ívarr's invasion of East Anglia.[135][note 17]

In specific regard to Ubba, Passio sancti Eadmundi states that Ívarr left him in Northumbria before launching his assault upon the East Angles in 869.[138][note 18] If this source is to be believed, it could indicate that Ubba stayed behind to ensure the cooperation of the conquered Northumbrians.[141] Although Vita Alfredi and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle fail to note any Viking garrisons in the conquered Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, this may merely be a consequence of their otherwise perceptible West Saxon bias.[142][note 19] In contrast to Passio sancti Eadmundi, the twelfth-century "F" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle specifically identifies Ubba and Ívarr as the chiefs of the men who killed the king.[146] Whilst this identification could be derived from Passio sancti Eadmundi or the Lives of the Saints,[147] it could merely be a mistake on the chronicler's part. In any case, later and less reliable literature covering the martyrdom associates both men with the event, revealing that this version of events was current as early as the twelfth century.[148][note 20]

Hagiographic association with Æbbe and Osyth

Illustration of warriors pursuing mutilated nuns
A sixteenth-century depiction of Æbbe and the nuns of Coldingham disfiguring themselves whilst pursued by Vikings.[151]

Ubba is associated with the martyrdom of Æbbe, an alleged abbess of Coldingham said to have been slain by Vikings in 870.[152] The historicity of this woman is nevertheless uncertain.[153] The earliest accounts of the alleged events at Coldingham date to the thirteenth century. They include Chronica majora,[154] and both the Wendover[155] and Paris versions of Flores historiarum.[156] According to these sources, Æbbe compelled the nuns of Coldingham to disfigure themselves to preserve their virginity from an incoming hoard of Vikings. Leading by example, Æbbe is said to have cut off her nose and upper lip with a razor. When the Viking arrived the following morning, the sight of the mutilated and bloody women repelled the raiders. Nevertheless, Ívarr and Ubba are stated to have ordered the razing of the monastery, burning to death Æbbe and her faithful nuns.[157]

Refer to caption
A twelfth-century depiction of Vikings attacking a town, killing men, women, and children, as depicted on folio 10r of Pierpont Morgan Library M.736.[158][note 21]

Despite many lurid twelfth-century tales of ecclesiastical devastation wrought by Vikings, the principal contemporary source for this period, the ninth- or tenth-century "A" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, fails to note the destruction of a single Anglo-Saxon church by Scandinavians during the eighth- and ninth centuries.[160] Although Passio sancti Eadmundi presents the invasion of East Anglia by Ubba and Ívarr as a campaign of wanton rape and murder, the account does not depict the destruction of the kingdom's monasteries.[161] In fact, there is reason to suspect that most Anglo-Saxon monastic sites probably survived the Viking invasions of the era,[162] and that the East Anglian Church withstood the Viking invasions and occupation.[163][note 22]

Whilst Viking depredations of monasteries tend not to feature in sources intended for royal audiences, religious desecrations appear in sources composed for ecclesiastical audiences.[166] There are several reasons why twelfth-century sources associate the Vikings with seemingly unhistorical atrocities against particular monasteries. For example, such depredations could explain changes in monastic observance, or the switch from monastic- to clerical observance.[167] Stories of Viking attacks could be used as evidence of the former possession of property claimed by religious houses centuries after the fact.[168] The ninth-century Viking onslaught may have also been a way in which twelfth-century commentators sought to explain what was regarded as monastic decay in tenth-century Anglo-Saxon England.[169] This imagined or exaggerated religious extirpation could well have been a convenient way of accounting for the scarcity of documentary evidence concerning early religious institutions.[170] Twelfth-century ecclesiastical historians availed themselves of sources such as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle[171] and Passio sancti Eadmundi.[172] The fact that the latter was particularly influential to mediaeval historians is evidenced by the frequent occurrences of Ívarr and Ubba in reports of religious atrocities.[173] To mediaeval hagiographers and historians, these two figures were archetypal Viking invaders[174] and emblematic opponents of Christianity.[175][note 23]

Refer to caption
A thirteenth- or fourteenth-century depiction of Osyth as it appears on folio 134v of British Library Additional 70513.[181]

The accounts of Æbbe could be an example of such a constructed tale. The story appears be ultimately derived from the account of Coldingham preserved by the eighth-century Historia ecclesiastica.[182] According to this source, Æthelthryth (died 679), wife of Ecgfrith, King of Northumbria (died 685), entered the monastery under the tutelage of an abbess named Æbbe (died 683?). At some point after Æthelthryth left Coldingham to found a monastery at Ely, Historia ecclesiastica reports that the monastery of Coldingham burned to the ground.[183] This account of Coldingham's burning was later incorporated into Liber Eliensis, a twelfth-century chronicle covering the history of Æthelthryth's establishment at Ely.[184] The account of the burning given by Historia ecclesiastica may well be the inspiration behind the tale of facial mutilation and fiery martyrdom first associated with Coldingham by the Wendover version of Flores historiarum.[171][note 24] To twelfth-century ecclesiasts, invented tales of ninth-century violence—particularly violence inflicted by Ívarr and Ubba—may have been intended to validate the refoundation of certain religious communities.[186][note 25]

The earliest Anglo-Saxon virgin-martyr is Osyth.[196] A now-lost twelfth-century vita of this woman associated Ívarr and Ubba with her seventh-century martyrdom. According to this source, Ívarr and Ubba commanded the pirates who beheaded her after she refused to worship their pagan idols.[197] This work may have been the inspiration behind the Anglo-Norman hagiography Vie seinte Osith,[198] a composition that also attributes Osyth's killing to Ívarr and Ubba and their followers.[199][note 26]

The Great Army after Ívarr

A black and white photo of an Anglo-Scandinavian coin
A black and white photo of an Anglo-Scandinavian coin
The obverse and reverse of an Edmund memorial coin.[220] Although some of the moneyers' names that appear on these coins are Anglo-Saxon, many more are foreign.[221] The names suggest that there was a significant influx of Continental emigration into Anglo-Scandinavian-controlled regions.[222][note 27]

The history of East Anglia immediately after Edmund's demise is extremely obscure.[230] The account of events presented by Passio sancti Eadmundi seems to show that Edmund was killed in the context of the Great Army attempting to impose authority over him and his realm.[231] Such an accommodation appears to have been gained by the Vikings in Northumbria[232] and Mercia.[233] In any case, numismatic evidence appears to indicate that two client kings—a certain Æthelred and Oswald—thereafter ruled over the East Angles on behalf of the Viking conquerors.[234]

It is at about this point that Ívarr disappears from English history.[235] According to Chronicon Æthelweardi, died in the same year as Edmund.[236] However, this record may partly stem from the fact that he did not take part in the subsequent war against the Kingdom of Wessex,[237] beginning in the autumn or winter of 870.[238][note 28] In any case, the leadership of the Great Army appears to have fallen to kings Bagsecg (died 871) and Hálfdan (died 877),[243] the first principal Viking leaders attested by all versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle after the army's recorded arrival.[244][note 29]

The prehistoric barrow at Lanhill, near Chippenham and Avebury, probably dates to about the third millennium BC.[251] Nevertheless, it was associated with Ubba in the seventeenth-century.[252][note 30]

For about a year, the Great Army campaigned against the West Saxons, before overwintering in London.[253] Late in 872, after spending nearly a year in London, the Vikings were drawn back to Northumbria, and afterwards to Mercia.[254] By the end of 874, the kingdoms of East Anglia, Mercia, and Northumbria were finally broken.[255] At this point, the Great Army split. Whilst Hálfdan settled his followers in Northumbria, the army under Guthrum (died 890), Oscytel (fl. 875), and Anwend (fl. 875), struck out southwards, and based itself at Cambridge.[256] In 875, the Vikings invaded Wessex and seized Wareham. Although Alfred, King of Wessex (died 899) sued for peace in 876, the Vikings broke the truce the following year, seized Exeter, and were finally forced to withdraw back to Mercia.[257]

Although much of Guthrum's army started to settle in Mercia,[258][note 31] the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle[261] and Vita Alfredi reveal that Guthrum launched a surprise attack against the West Saxons in the winter of 877/878. Setting off from their base in Gloucester, the latter source specifies that the Vikings drove deep into Wessex, and sacked the royal vill of Chippenham.[262][note 32] It is possible that this operation was coordinated with another Viking attack in Devon that culminated in a [[Battle of Cynuit|battle at Arx Cynuit]] in 878.[265]

Battle of Arx Cynuit

Wind Hill, near Countisbury, Devon, possibly the site of the Viking defeat at the hands of local men in 878.[266] Some mediaeval sources claim that Ubba led the vanquished army, and that he was among those slain.

Most versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle locate the battle to Devon.[267][note 33] Vita Alfredi specifies that it was fought at a fortress called Arx Cynuit,[269] a name which appears to equate to what is today Countisbury, in North Devon.[270][note 34] This source also states that the Vikings made landfall in Devon from a base in Dyfed, where they had previously overwintered.[279] As such, the Viking army could have arrived in Dyfed from Ireland, and overwintered in Wales before striking forth into Devon.[280][note 35]

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle does not identify the army's commander by name. It merely describes him as a brother of Ívarr and Hálfdan, and observes that he was slain in the encounter.[282][note 36] Although Ubba is identified as the slain commander by the twelfth-century Estoire des Engleis,[284] it is unknown whether this identification is merely an inference by its author, or if it is derived from an earlier source.[285][note 37] For example, this identification could have been influenced by the earlier association of Ubba and Ívarr in the legends surrounding Edmund's martyrdom.[285] In any case, Estoire des Engleis further specifies that Ubba was slain at "bois de Pene"[288]—which may refer to Penselwood, near the SomersetWiltshire border[289]—and buried in Devon within a mound called "Ubbelawe".[290][note 38]

Refer to caption
The remains of the Gokstad ship, a ninth-century Viking ship unearthed in Norway.

The clash at Arx Cynuit culminated in a West Saxon victory.[303] Whilst Vita Alfredi attributes the outcome to unnamed thegns of Alfred,[304] Chronicon Æthelweardi identifies the victorious commander as Odda, Ealdorman of Devon (fl. 878).[305] Most versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle number the Viking fleet at twenty-three ships,[306] and most versions number the Viking casualties at eight hundred and forty dead.[307][note 39] These numbers roughly give about thirty-six and a half men per ship, which is comparable to the thirty-two oared Gokstad ship, a ninth-century Viking ship unearthed in Norway.[314]

On one hand, it is possible that the Viking commander at Arx Cynuit seized upon Guthrum's simultaneous campaigning against the West Saxons to launch a Viking foray of his from Dyfed.[319] On the other hand, the location and timing of the engagement at Arx Cynuit may indicate that the slain commander was cooperating with Guthrum. As such, there is reason to suspect that the two Viking armies coordinated their efforts in an attempt to corner Alfred in a pincer movement after his defeat at Chippenham and subsequent withdrawal into the wetlands of Somerset.[265] If the Vikings at Arx Cynuit were indeed working in cooperation with those at Chippenham, the record of their presence in Dyfed could also have been related to Guthrum's campaign against Alfred. As such, they could have been campaigning against Hyfaidd ap Bleddri, King of Dyfed (died 892/893) before their attack at Arx Cynuit.[320][note 40]

Old Burrow, near Countisbury, the site of a ruined Roman fortress, is another possible site of Arx Cynuit.[271]

It is possible that the defeat at Arx Cynuit left Guthrum overextended in Wessex, allowing Alfred's forces to assail Guthrum's exposed lines of communication.[323] Although Alfred's position may have been still perilous in the aftermath, with his contracted kingdom close to collapse,[259] the victory at Arx Cynuit certainly foreshadowed a turn of events for the West Saxons. A few weeks later in May, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records that Alfred was able to assemble his troops, and launch a successful attack against Guthrum at Edington.[324] Following Guthrum's crushing defeat, the Vikings were forced to accept Alfred's terms for peace. Guthrum was baptised as a Christian, and led the remainder of his forces into East Anglia, where they dispersed and settled.[325] Guthrum thereafter kept peace with the West Saxons, and ruled as a Christian king for more than a decade, until his death in 890.[326][note 41]

Ubba and the mediaeval legend of Ragnarr loðbrók

Refer to caption
A depiction of Loðbrók (Lothbrok) and his sons, Ívarr and Ubba, worshipping pagan idols, as it appears on folio 39r of British Library Harley 2278.[329] This illustration depicts the pagan Danes as elaborately dressed Muslim Saracens, wearing tall turban-like headdresses and forked beards. Other illustrations in the manuscript, depicting Ívarr and Ubba, show Vikings armed with curved swords.[330][note 42]

Although Ubba and Ívarr are associated with each other by Passio sancti Eadmundi, the men are not stated to be related in any way.[332] The earliest source claiming kinship between the two is the Annals of St Neots,[333] an eleventh- or twelfth-century account stating that they were brothers of three daughters of Loðbrók (Lodebrochus).[334] This source further states that these three sisters wove a magical banner named Reafan that was captured at the Arx Cynuit conflict.[335] Although certain versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle also note the capture of a raven banner, named Hræfn ("Raven"), they do not mention any magical attributes, or refer to Loðbrók and his progeny.[336][note 43]

Refer to caption
A fifteenth-century depiction of Loðbrók's murder by Bjǫrn as it appears on folio 34r of British Library Yates Thompson 47 (Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund).[349]

Loðbrók appears to be an early reference to Ragnarr loðbrók,[350] a saga character of dubious historicity, who could be an amalgam of several historical ninth-century figures.[351][note 44] According to Scandinavian sources, Ragnarr loðbrók was a man of Scandinavian of royal stock, whose death at the hands of Ælla in Northumbria was the catalyst of the invasion of Anglo-Saxon England—and Ælla's own destruction—by Ragnarr loðbrók's vengeful sons.[362] None of the saga-sources for the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók accord him a son the correponds to Ubba.[363] The latter is only specifically attested by sources dealing with the East Scandinavian tradition.[364] One of these sources is the thirteenth-century Gesta Danorum.[365] According to this text, Ubba was the son of Ragnarr loðbrók and an unnamed daughter of certain Hesbernus.[366] Gesta Danorum does not associate Ubba with Anglo-Saxon England in any way.[367][note 45] According to the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century Ragnarssona þáttr, a source that forms part of the West Scandinavian tradition, Ívarr had two bastard brothers, Yngvarr and Hústó, who tortured Edmund on Ívarr's instructions.[377] No other source mentions these sons.[378] It is possible that these figures represent Ívarr and Ubba,[379] and that the composer of Ragnarssona þáttr failed to recognise the names of Ívarr[380] and Ubba in English sources concerned with the legend of Edmund's martyrdom.[381][note 46]

Refer to caption
A depiction of Ívarr and Ubba setting forth to avenge their father, Loðbrók, as it appears on folio 47v of British Library Harley 2278.[51][note 47]

Whilst Scandinavian sources—such as the thirteenth-century Ragnars saga loðbrókar—tend to locate the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók in a Northumbrian context, English sources tend to place them in an East Anglian setting.[390] The earliest source to specifically associate the legend with East Anglia is Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi,[391] a twelfth-century account depicting the Viking invasion of East Anglia in the context of a dynastic dispute.[392] According to this source, Loðbrók (Lodebrok) was extremely envious of Edmund's fame. As such, it is Loðbrók's taunts that provoke his sons, Ívarr, Ubba, and Bjǫrn (Bern), to slay Edmund and destroy his kingdom.[393][note 48] Although this text is heavily dependant upon Passio sancti Eadmundi for its depiction of Edmund's death, it appears to be the first source to meld the martyrdom with the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók.[392][note 49]

Photo of a nineteenth-century inscribed plaque
An inscribed plaque at "Bloody Corner", between Appledore and Northam. In the early nineteenth century, it was imagined that this spot may have marked the site of Ubba's demise.[409][note 50]

By the thirteenth century an alternate rendition of the story appears in sources such as Chronica majora,[420] and both the Wendover[421] and Paris versions of Flores historiarum.[422] For example, the Wendover account states that Loðbrók (Lothbrocus) washed ashore in East Anglia, where is was honourably received by Edmund, but afterwards murdered by Bjǫrn (Berno), an envious huntsman. Although the latter is expelled from the realm, he convinces Loðbrók's sons, Ívarr and Ubba, that the killer of their father was Edmund. As such, East Anglia is invaded by these two sons, and Edmund is killed in a case of misplaced vengeance.[423][note 51] A slightly different version of events is offered by Estoire des Engleis, which states that the Vikings invaded Northumbria on behalf of Bjǫrn (Buern Bucecarle), who sought vengeance for the rape of his wife by the Northumbrian king, Osberht.[427][note 52] On one hand, it is possible that the theme of vengeance directed at Edmund is derived from the tradition of Ælla's demise in Northumbria at the hands of Ragnarr's progeny.[431][note 53] On the other hand, the revenge motifs and miraculous maritime journeys presented in the accounts of Edmund are well-known elements commonly found in contemporaneous chivalric romances.[433]

There is reason to suspect that the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók originated from attempts to explain why the Vikings came to settle in Anglo-Saxon England. The core of the tradition may have been constructed as a way to rationalise their arrival without assigning blame to either side (as illustrated by the sympathetic Wendover account).[434] As such, the legend could have been intended to jusitify Edmund's violent demise.[435] The tales may have evolved at an early stage of Viking settlement, and may have functioned as an origin myth of the emerging Anglo-Scandinavian culture.[436][note 54] The shared kinship assigned to Ívarr and Ubba within the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók may stem from their combined part in Edmund's downfall as opposed to any historical familial connection.[443]

Ubba in modern popular culture

Refer to caption
Alfred in the Isle of Athelney, receiving news of a Victory over the Danes, an eighteenth-century depiction of Alfred, King of Wessex learning of the Viking defeat at Arx Cynuit.[444][note 55]

Ubba appears as a character in modern historical fiction. For example, the unnamed Danish king that appears in Alfred: A Masque, a musical play with a libretto by James Thomson (died 1748) and David Mallet (died 1765)—first presented in 1740[449]—may be a composite of Ubba, Guthrum, Ívarr, and Hálfdan.[450] Ubba certainly appears in Alfred the Great, Deliverer of His Country,[451] an anonymous play that first appears on record in 1753;[452] and The Magick Banner; or, Two Wives in a House,[453] a play by John O'Keeffe (died 1833), first presented in 1796.[454][note 56] He also appears in the Sketch of Alfred the Great: Or, the Danish Invasion,[456] a ballet by Mark Lonsdale, first performed in 1798;[457] and Alfred; An Epic Poem,[458] a long piece of epic poetry by Henry James Pye (died 1813), published in 1801;[459] and the similarly named Alfred, an Epic Poem, by Joseph Cottle (died 1853)[460]—a poem almost twice as long as Pye's[461]—first published in 1800.[462]

Ubba later appears in Alfred the Great; Or, The Enchanted Standard, a musical drama by Isaac Pocock (died 1835),[463] based upon O'Keeffe's play,[464] and first performed in 1827;[465] and Alfred the Great, a play by James Magnus, dating to 1838.[466] He further appears in Alfred of Wessex, an epic poem by Richard Kelsey, published in 1852;[467] and in the 1899 novel King Alfred's Viking, by Charles Whistler (died 1913);[468] and the 2004 novel The Last Kingdom by Bernard Cornwell.[469] Ubba is also a character in Vikings, a television series first aired on the History network in 2013;[470] and in The Last Kingdom,[471] a television series (based upon Cornwell's The Saxon Chronicles series of novels) first aired on BBC America in 2015.[472]

Notes

  1. ^ Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Ubba various personal names in English secondary sources: Huba,[2] Hubba,[3] Ubba,[4] Ubbe Ragnarsson,[5] Ubbe,[6] Ubbi,[7] Ubbo,[8] and Ube.[9]
  2. ^ The earliest form of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is the ninth- or tenth-century "A" version. Forms of the Old English term "mycel hæðen here", meaning "great heathen raiding-army", are accorded to the army in later versions.[13]
  3. ^ The thirty-two painted miniatures that make up this manuscript are scenes from Passio sancti Eadmundi and De miraculis sancti Eadmundi.[22]
  4. ^ The Viking commanders specifically associated with this event are Ubba, Hálfdan (died 877), and Ívarr.[27]
  5. ^ The thirteenth-century Gesta Danorum makes reference to Ubbo Fresicus, a figure stated to have assisted Haraldr hilditǫnn against the forces of Hringr in the legendary Battle of Brávellir.[30] A similarly named Ubbi fríski is attested by the thirteenth-century Sǫgubrot af nokkrum fornkonungum.[31] The character these figures represent may well be moddled after Ubba, also associated with Frisia and the Frisians.[32]
  6. ^ Elsewhere, this river is called Scald in Old English, and called Scaldis in Latin.[36] Other possible meanings of Scaldingi include: "shieldmen",[37] "descendant of Scyld",[38] and "men of the punted ship".[39]
  7. ^ The Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund may be the high point of the late-medieval cult devoted to Edmund. The work draws from Passio sancti Eadmundi.[53] The Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund represents the first significant augmentation of Edmund's legend after Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi.[54]
  8. ^ The Great Army's seizure of York is dated to 1 November (All Saints' Day) by the twelfth-century Libellus de exordio,[61] and the thirteenth-century Wendover version of Flores historiarum.[62] Preying upon a populated site on a feast day was a noted tactic of the Vikings. Such celebrations offered attackers easy access to potential captives who could be ransomed or sold into slavery.[63] According to Libellus de exordio,[64] and the twelfth-century Historia regum Anglorum, the Anglo-Saxons' attempt to recapture York took place on 21 March.[65] The Wendover version of Flores historiarum,[66] and Historia de sancto Cuthberto, date this attack to 23 March (Palm Sunday).[67] Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses states that Ubba crushed the Northumbrians "not long after Palm Sunday".[68]
  9. ^ At one point after its account of Ubba's stated victory over the Northumbrians, Historia de sancto Cuthberto expands upon the Vikings' successful campaigning across Anglo-Saxon England, and specifically identifies the Viking commanders as Ubba, dux of the Frisians, and Hálfdan, rex of the Danes.[71] Historia regum Anglorum identifies the commanders of the Vikings in 866 as Ívarr, Ubba, and Hálfdan.[72] Libellus de exordio states that the Vikings who ravaged Northumbria were composed of Danes and Frisians.[73]
  10. ^ This manuscript preserves a copy of the twelfth-century La vie seint Edmund le rei.[89]
  11. ^ During this period, the compilers of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle began the year during the autumn, in September.[96] As such, whilst most versions of the chronicle assign Edmund's demise to the year 870, it is evident that he actually died in the autumn of 869.[97]
  12. ^ In contrast to earlier versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the twelfth-century "E"[102] and "F" versions make note of the king's sanctity.[103] However, there is reason to suspect that these entries are influenced by hagiographical accounts of Edmund,[104] and may stem from late textual additions into the chronicle.[105] As such, these entries may not be evidence of the king's cult in the years immediately after his death.[106]
  13. ^ The account of Edmund's martyrdom preserved by Passio sancti Eadmundi likens him to Jesus Christ[108] and St Sebastian.[109] Specifically, Edmund is mocked and scourged like Christ,[108] and later tied to a tree and shot like St Sebastian.[109] Ubba and Ívarr feature in the account of Edmund preserved by the thirteenth-century South English Legendary,[110] a source steeped in anti-Danish sentiment.[111] This source appears to depict the tortures inflicted upon Edmund as a way to define the English national identity in contrast to the barbarian Other.[112]
  14. ^ For example, Oswald, King of Northumbria (died 642) was venerated as a martyr after he was slain battling seventh-century heathens.[117] Óláfr Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1030) was also slain in battle and later remembered as a martyr.[118]
  15. ^ The fact that Passio sancti Eadmundi was commissioned, and later spawned the account of Edmund presented by the tenth-century Lives of the Saints, reveals that the king's cult was recognised into the late tenth- and eleventh centuries.[121] The composer of Passio sancti Eadmundi claimed that his version of events was mainly derived from a story he had heard told by the elderly Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury (died 988). The source relates that Dunstan heard this tale, as a young man, from a very old man who claimed to have been Edmund's armour-bearer on the day of his death.[122] Passio sancti Eadmundi[123] and the Lives of the Saints specify that Edmund was killed on 20 November.[124] This date was certainly commemorated by the eleventh century.[125]
  16. ^ Passio sancti Eadmundi is the earliest hagiographical account of Edmund,[129] and Vita Alfredi is the earliest biography of an Anglo-Saxon king.[130]
  17. ^ This source portrays Ívarr and Ubba as agents of the Devil,[136] as does the derivative Lives of the Saints.[137]
  18. ^ This is the last time Passio sancti Eadmundi mentions Ubba.[139] Whilst this source depicts the Vikings arriving in East Anglia by sea from Northumbria, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle depicts them marching across Mercia into East Anglia.[140]
  19. ^ There does not appear to be any hagiographical reason why the composer of Passio sancti Eadmundi would have constructed a narritive in which Ubba was left behind in Northumbria.[143] Certainly, the twelfth-century Estoire des Engleis, the earliest surviving Anglo-Norman history,[144] notes that the Vikings left a garrison at York when the struck out at Nottingham in 867.[145]
  20. ^ One such source is Estoire des Engleis, which implies that Ubba and Ívarr, described as kings, led the invasion of East Anglia, and further states how the apprehended Edmund was kept prisoner until their arrival.[149] The fourteenth- to fifteenth-century Liber monasterii de Hyda also assigns the killing of Edmund to Ívarr and Ubba.[150]
  21. ^ This miniature depicts several scenes. Whereas the first scene shows the Vikings battling against armed defenders of a burning town, the second shows mainly slaughtered unarmed inhabitants. Some of the latter are naked, which reflects the language employed by Passio sancti Eadmundi.[159]
  22. ^ Supposed ecclesiastic devastation wrought by the Vikings has not been established by archaeology.[164] The only ecclesiastical site proven to have suffered a detrimental effect from the Vikings is St Wystan's Church at Repton, where the Vikings are otherwise known to have overwintered in 873/874.[165]
  23. ^ The reputation of the two may lay behind the similarly-named Yvor and Yni, noted by the twelfth-century Historia regum Britanniæ. According to this source, Yvor and Yni were closely-related Britons who failed to eject the Anglo-Saxons from Britain after launching a series of maritime invasions of the island. As a result of their failure, Historia regum Britanniæ declares that the British people thereafter became known as the Welsh.[176] Whilst Yvor seems to correspond to the Old Norse Ívarr, the form Yni may be a garbled attempt at Ubba's name.[177] The twelfth-century "E" version of Anglo-Saxon Chronicle claims that Ívarr and Ubba destroyed all monasteries they encountered, and specifies that they burned the monastery of Medeshamstede (Peterborough), and killed its abbot and monks.[178] The twelfth-century chronicle of Hugh Candidus (died c.1160) also relates that Ívarr and Ubba were responsible for the annihilation of churches throughout Anglo-Saxon England, and specifies that they destroyed the monastery and monks of Medeshamstede.[179] According to this source, which is heavily influenced by Passio sancti Eadmundi, some of the monasteries ravaged by Ívarr and Ubba remained deserted and in ruins until his own time.[180]
  24. ^ The story of nuns self-mutilating to avoid rape at the hands of roving Vikings is not confined to Coldingham, it is also attributed to the ninth-century nuns of Fécamp across the Channel in Normandy.[185]
  25. ^ For example, the thirteenth-century Whitby cartulary preserves a twelfth-century account of how the knight Reinfrid came to "Streoneshalc", a place that had been "laid to waste, in a ferocious devastation", by Ívarr and Ubba, "the most cruel pirates". As a result of this carnage, the accounts relates that the religious services of monks and nuns had ceased for over two centuries, and that Reinfrid was struck with compunction having observed the desolation for himself.[187] Another example is given by the twelfth-century Chronicon ex chronicis which states that the invasions of Ívarr and Ubba were repsonsible for the flight of the Cuthbertine community of Lindisfarne.[188] Ívarr and Ubba are also woven into the account of the monastery of Ely preserved by Liber Eliensis. If this source is to be believed, the Vikings' destruction of this religious house—in a blazing fire that consumed all of its nuns—were the reason why this formerly-flourishing ecclesiastical site became a secular community by the end of the tenth century.[189] According to this account, the monastery's annihilation occurred in the context of Ivarr and Ubba's campaigning at the time of Edmund's downfall.[190] Whilst this tale of fiery destruction appears to be derived from the twelfth-century Libellus Æthelwoldi,[191] the portrayal of marauding Vikings is borrowed from sources such as Chronicon ex chronicis[192] and Passio sancti Eadmundi.[193] The latter account also seems to be the source for the appearance of Ívarr and Ubba in the account of the hermit Suneman, and the destruction of St Benet's Abbey, given by the fourteenth-century Chronicon Joannis Bromton.[194] According to the thirteenth-century Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes, Suneman was martyred by invading Vikings.[195]
  26. ^ This source also associates Ívarr and Ubba with Edmund's martyrdom.[200] The lost vita can be reconstructed from notes dating to the sixteenth century.[201] Ívarr and Ubba play a role in an hagiographical account of Hild, a seventh-century Anglo-Saxon saint. According to an hagiographical poem preserved by the fifteenth-century manuscript Cambridge Trinity College 0.9.38 (T), the campaigning of Ívarr and Ubba forced a certain Titus to remove Hild's relics to Glastonbury Abbey, where he became abbot.[202] This account appears to conflate two incompatible accounts presented by the author of the twelfth-century texts Gesta pontificum Anglorum and De antiquitate Glastonie ecclesie.[203] Whilst the former composition states that the relics were donated to Glastonbury by Edmund himself,[204] the latter relates that the relics were brought to Glastonbury in the eighth century by Tica, a man who became Abbot of Glastonbury.[205] Tica appears to be identical to Tyccea, an historical eighth-century ecclesiast attested in the western Anglo-Saxon England.[206] The rampaging of Ívarr and Ubba is also noted by De sancto Oswino, an account of Oswine, King of Deira (died 651) that forms part of the fourteenth-century Sanctilogium Angliae, Walliae, Scotiae, et Hiberniae.[207] This hagiography of Oswine appears to derive its account from Vita tertia sancti Oswini. Although the latter text fails to include Ívarr and Ubba in its version of events,[208] the manuscript of this source—British Library Cotton Julius A.x.—contains a lacuna between folios 9 and 10 where at least one leaf has been lost.[209] There is reason to suspect that the missing content has been preserved by Chronica majora and the Wendover and Paris versions of Flores historiarum—sources which state that Ívarr and Ubba destroyed the monastery of Tynemouth, and thereby massacred the nuns of Hild's convent who cared for Oswine's shrine.[210] An hagiographical account of Oswine could be the source behind the account of the monastery's burning given by the sixteenth-century Collectanea of John Leland (died 1552).[211] Although this source attributes the monastic destruction to Ívarr and Ubba, the fate of the nuns is not mentioned.[212] Ívarr and Ubba also feature in the legend of the martyrdom of Fremund,[213] a ninth-century saint whose historicity is also uncertain.[214] Accounts of Fremund are not found in any Anglo-Saxon historical sources, and are preserved in later hagiographical compositions.[215] The earliest source of the legend is a thirteenth-century manuscript Dublin Trinity College 172 (B 2 7),[216] The best-known version of the legend is given by the fifteenth-century Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund.[217] All versions of Fremund's vitae tell a similar tale.[218] According to these sources, Ívarr and Ubba invaded Anglo-Saxon England and slew Edmund, after which Fremund orchestrated a miraculous avenging victory over the Vikings, and was treacherously slain afterwards.[213] Ívarr and Ubba also play a part in the legend of Sexburga (died 674?). Specifically, according to the twelfth-century Vita beate Sexburge regine, this seventh-century East Anglian saint had a premonition of future calamities that were proved true through the invasion of Ívarr and Ubba.[219]
  27. ^ The moneyer of this particular coin was a man named Hlodovicus–whose name is inscribed on the reverse–which could be evidence that he was a Frank.[223] There is reason to suspect that Edmund's cult was advanced by later Anglo-Scandinavians as a way to retain authority in East Anglia,[224] as a way to repent for his death at the hands of their Viking predecessors.[225] It is also possible that the cult was originally promoted as a way the surviving East Anglian aristocracy attempted to oppose Anglo-Scandinavian overlordship,[226] and that the Anglo-Scandinavian regime thereafter adopted the cult and capitalised upon it.[227] In any case, Edmund's memorial coinage seems to have been minted under the auspices of the Anglo-Scandinavian leadership,[228] and his cult certainly spread into the Scandinavia later in the Middle Ages.[229]
  28. ^ Whilst there is reason to suspect that Ívarr is identical to Ímar (died 873), a Viking king later active in Ireland and northern Britain,[239] such an indentification is uncertain.[240] Nevertheless, if Ívarr is indeed identical to Ímar—and therefore commanded Vikings settled in the Irish Sea region before the coalescence of the Great Army in Anglo-Saxon England—it is possible that he and Hálfdan led the troops identified as Danes and that Ubba led those identified as Frisians.[241] It is also possible that Ubba is identical to Rodulfus (died 878), a Viking attested on the Continent in the 860s and 870s. Rodulfus is recorded to have been slain in an attack on Oostergo in 873.[242]
  29. ^ Many of the earliest Vikings attested by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle are those that lost recorded battles or died in them.[245] Such is certainly the case in Irish sources. The fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster, for example, reports the deaths of Saxólfr (died 837),[246] Þórgísl (died 845),[247] Hákon (died 847),[248] and Þórir (died 848) in the 830s and 840s,[249] before naming the first living Viking, Steinn (fl. 852), in the 850s.[250]
  30. ^ Specifically, John Aubrey (died 1697) called it "Hubbaslow" and "Hubba's Low", and stated that it was the site "where they say that one Hubba lies buried".[252]
  31. ^ This region of settlement came to be known as Five Boroughs:[259] Derby, Leicester, Lincoln, Nottingham, and Stamford.[260]
  32. ^ A vill was an administration unit, roughly equating to a modern parish.[263] Chippenham appears to have been a significant settlement during the period, and might well have been a seat of the West Saxon monarchy.[264]
  33. ^ The "B" and "C" versions of this source do not locate the conflict to any specific place.[268]
  34. ^ Other locations have been suggested. One such place is Old Burrow (grid reference SS 7874 4928), the site of a nearby Roman fortlet.[271] Another possible location is Castle Hill, near Beaford and Great Torrington.[272] Another is Kenwith Castle,[273] and another is Congresbury.[274] The seventeenth-century Devonian topographer Thomas Westcote (fl. 1624–1636) remarked that "as many places in this county claim the honour of this victory, as cities in Greece for the birth of Homer". Westcote himself located the battle to place near Appledore, where he claimed that a cairn called "Whibbestow" sat on the site before it was lost to the encroaching sea.[275] A close contemporary of Westcote, Tristram Risdon (died 1640), also located the site near Appledore, stating that the Danes buried Ubba on the shore in a mound called "Hubba stone". According to Risdon, although the mound of stones had washed away by the time of his writing, a form of the site's name existed near Appledore as "Wibblestone" in the parish of Northam.[276] By the eighteenth century, it was claimed that Ubba's burial was located near Bideford, and was called "Hubblestone" and "Hubble's Stone" because of a large stone that marked the grave.[277] The site came to called "Whibblestone" by the nineteenth century.[278]
  35. ^ Nevertheless, the attack on Dyfed, and the actual siege of Arx Cynuit, is not noted by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[281]
  36. ^ Vita Alfredi similarly identifies the slain commander as a brother of Ívarr and Hálfdan.[283]
  37. ^ Estoire des Engleis is otherwise known to have been partly derived from a now-non-existent early version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[286] The source nevertheless attributes the victory to Alfred himself.[287]
  38. ^ Estoire des Engleis is the only source to assign the burial site to Ubba.[291] The thirteenth-century Ragnars saga loðbrókar states that Ívarr was also buried in a mound. According to this source, Haraldr Sigurðarson, King of Norway (died 1066) was defeated by the English near the mound, and when William II, Duke of Normandy (died 1087) arrived on the scene he had the mound destroyed and thereby conquered the English.[292] A somewhat similar tale concerning Ívarr's mound is given by the thirteenth-century Hemings þáttr.[293] The tale of Ívarr's burial is paralleled by one given by Historia regum Britanniæ—which in turn seems to be derived from a tale presented by Historia Brittonum—that recounts how the Briton Vortimer, son of Vortigern, asked to be buried in a mound along the British coast to deter the Saxon invasions.[294] According to the Distich on the Sons of Lothebrok, a series of notes preserved by the twelfth- to thirteenth-century Cambridge Pembroke College 82, Ubba was slain at Ubbelaw in Yorkshire. This source further relates that Bjǫrn (Beorn), a brother of Ubba, destroyed a church at Sheppey, violated the nuns, and was miraculously killed in an act of divine retribution, as he was swallowed alive by the ground at Frindsbury, near Rochester.[295] A similary story is given by the thirteenth-century British Library Arundel 69.[296] According to Liber monasterii de Hyda, Ubba met his end the same way.[297] One possibility is that this version of events is connected to the tale of the burial mound given by Estoire des Engleis.[298] Whilst Ubba is specifically associated with Frisia and Frisans by sources such as Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses and Historia de sancto Cuthberto, Bjǫrn is specifically associated with Frisia by the eleventh-century Gesta Normannorum ducum, which remarks that he (Bier Costae ferreae) went there and died.[299] The later Chronicon Joannis Bromton gives a confused account of Ubba, Ívarr, and Bjǫrn (Bruern Bocard). This source seems to associate the demise of these men with the Anglo-Saxon victory at the Battle of Chippenham, but states that the surviving Danes came across Ubba's body amongst the slain, and buried him in a mound called "Hubbelow" in Devon.[300] A similar account associating Ubba with the the same battle, and a burial mound named after him, is given by the fourteenth-century Eulogium historiarum sive temporis.[301] Another unreliable depiction of Ubba's demise is given by Liber Eliensis, which states that he was one of the slain Viking leaders at the Battle of Ashdown.[302]
  39. ^ The "D" and "E" versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle do not number the ships.[308] The "B" and "C" versions state that the Vikings suffered eight hundred and sixty dead.[309] The discrepancy can be accounted for by the similarity to the tallies when presented in roman numerals: ".dccc. + .xl." (840) compared to ".dccc. + .lx." (860).[310] All versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle number the Viking casualties in a complex manner, stating that eight hundred "men with him" and a further forty (or sixty) "men of his army" were killed.[311] The Old English heres, generally taken to mean "army" in this passage, may be an error for hīredes, a term for a personal retinue.[312] As such numbers forty and sixty in these sources may well refer to Ubba's personal retinue.[313] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle does not employ the term micel ("great") in its depiction of the army.[314] Vita Alfredi numbers the Viking dead at one thousand two hundred.[315] Chronicon Æthelweardi numbers the dead at eight hundred, and the fleet at thirty ships. This source specifically identifies the slain Viking commander as Hálfdan, describing him as the brother of Ívarr, and unlike other accounts, states that the Vikings were victorious in the affair.[316] The twelfth-century Historia Anglorum, partly derived from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, does not name the Viking commander, but describes him as a brother of Hálfdan.[317] Historia regum Anglorum makes no mention of any brother, and merely states that it was Ívarr and Hálfdan who fought and died in Devon.[318]
  40. ^ Although Hyfaidd's political alignment in 877 is unknown, he was certainly an ally of Alfred by 885.[321] The version of events given by Historia de sancto Cuthberto has it that, after the destruction of the Northumbrian kingdom, and the devastation of northern and southern England, the forces of Ubba and Hálfdan split in three. Whilst one part settled and rebuilt in the region of York, another part positioned itself in Mercia. Another part is stated to have commenced a campaigned against the South Saxons, and forced Alfred to seek refuge in a Glastonbury marsh "in great want".[322]
  41. ^ The father of Oda, Archbishop of Canterbury (died 958) was a Viking who settled in Anglo-Saxon England with the army of Ubba and Ívarr,[327] as evidenced by Vita Oswaldi.[328]
  42. ^ This depiction of the Danes in this illustration contrasts the depictions of Edmund elsewhere in the manuscript, where he is presented engaging in royal activities.[331]
  43. ^ It is possible that the association of Ubba with Ivarr given by the Annals of St Neots is derived from Passio sancti Eadmundi.[337] The capture of the raven banner is noted by the "B", "C", "D", and "E" versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[338] It is not noted by the "A"[339] and "F" versions,[340] or either by Vita Alfredi[341] and Chronicon Æthelweardi.[342] As such, it is uncertain whether the reports of a raven banner represent an historical event.[343] The source from which the author of the Annals of St Neots drew these details is unknown.[344] Whilst it is possible that its story is derived from the "B", "C", "D", and "E" versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, it is unknown why the earliest version of the chronicle fails to include this material.[345] The notice of the banner preserved by the tenth-century "B" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is the earliest attestation of a gúþfana ("war banner") in Anglo-Saxon England. Nevertheless, this version of the chronicle dates at least a century after the event, which could mean that the banner's classification as a gúþfana is anachronistic.[346] This entry is also the earliest record of a raven banner.[347] It is possible that the motif of the raven banner, associated with figures such as Knútr Sveinnsson, King of England (died 1035), Siward, Earl of Northumbria (died 1055), and Sigurðr Hlǫðvisson, Earl of Orkney (died 1014), is derived from traditions concerning the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók and his asserted his family.[348]
  44. ^ Forms of the names Ragnarr and Loðbrók are only used together for this character by Scandinavian sources,[352] and are first used by the twelfth-century Íslendingabók.[353] As such, there is no evidence of a figure named Ragnarr loðbrók before the twelfth century.[354] One possible historical prototype for this literary character is Reginheri, a Viking commander recorded to have raided Paris in 845.[355] The earliest record of a form of the name Loðbrók in English sources[356]—and the first source to assign Ubba and Ívarr as sons of this figure—is the account of the raven banner given by Annals of St Neots.[43] Forms of the name Loðbrók are first attested by the eleventh-century texts Gesta Normannorum ducum[357] and Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum.[358] Whilst the former makes note of a king named Loðbrók (Lotbrocus), the father of a Viking named Bjǫrn (Bier Costae ferreae),[359] the latter source makes note of a man named Loðbrók (Lodparchus), the father of a Viking king named Ívarr.[360] There is also reason to suspect that the character Ragnarr loðbrók is partly derived from a woman named Loðbróka.[361]
  45. ^ According to this account, at one point Ubba revolted against Ragnarr loðbrók at the behest of Hesbernus, and afterwards Ragnarr loðbrók slew Hesbernus, overcame the rebellion, and reconciled himself with Ubba.[368] Hálfdan is not identified as a son of Ragnarr loðbrók in any Scandinavian source.[369] The first Scandinavian source to claim kinship between Ubba, Ívarr, and Loðbrók, is the twelfth-century Chronicon Roskildense.[370] This source is also the earliest Danish source to make note of Loðbrók and his sons.[371] According to Sǫgubrot af nokkrum fornkonungum, Ubbi fríski slew Rǫgnvaldr hái at Brávellir, a man also known as Raðbarðr hnefi.[372] This slain figure equates to Rǫgnvaldr (Regnaldus), a figure attested by Gesta Danorum who is described as a nephew or grandson of Raðbarðr (Rathbartus).[373] The Old Norse hnefi can either mean "fist" or refer to a piece in a board game.[374] On one hand, it is possible that the compiler of Gesta Danorum transformed this epithet into the Latin nepos, meaning "nephew" or "grandson".[375] On the other hand, the epithet given by Sǫgubrot af nokkrum fornkonungum may merely be a corruption of nepos.[43] In any case, Gesta Danorum also accords Ragnarr loðbrók sons with the names Rǫgnvaldr (Regnaldus) and Raðbarðr (Rathbartus).[376]
  46. ^ In some cases, the Old Norse personal names Ingvarr[43] and Yngvarr represent Ívarr.[382] It is possible that Hústó is a corrupt form of Hubbo, and therefore stems from a Latin source.[43] Chronicon Roskildense seems to suffer a problem similar to that of Ragnarssona þáttr, since it accords Loðbrók with sons bearing forms of the same two names.[383] This suggests that Ragnarssona þáttr may be partly derived from Chronicon Roskildense,[384] or that both texts were influenced from English sources pertaining to the legend of Edmund.[385] The thirteenth-century Annales Lundenses likewise accords Loðbrók with sons bearing forms of these names.[386] The bastardy accorded to Yngvarr and Hústó by Ragnarssona þáttr may be a device to help explain the cruelty that they inflicted upon the saintly Edmund.[382]
  47. ^ The Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund consists of over three thousand lines of poetry, and is the most elaborate version of the legend of Edmund.[387] It portrays the invasion of Ívarr and Ubba as an act motivated by envy of Edmund, and by the misplaced need to avenge their father's murder upon him.[388] Whilst Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi portrays their mocking father (Loðbrók) as a foil to Edmund, the Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund portrays Loðbrók as a virtuous pagan, who disdained the rapine of his sons and admired the generosity and nobility of Edmund.[389]
  48. ^ A similar account is given by the twelfth-century La vie seint Edmund le rei, which gives the same tale of Loðbrók's (Lothebrok) taunts, and of his jealous sons, Ívarr, Ubba, and Bjǫrn (Bern).[394] La vie seint Edmund le rei is probably derived from Passio sancti Eadmundi, Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi, Estoire des Engleis,[395] and the twelfth-century Roman de Brut.[396] La vie seint Edmund le rei is the first extended account of Edmund's legend in French.[397] Another French text making note of Ívarr and Ubba, and their part in the legend of Edmund, is the thirteenth-century Passiun de Seint Edmund,[398] a source mainly derived from Passio sancti Eadmundi.[399] Passiun de Seint Edmund also states that Ívarr and Ubba were reponsible for the martyrdom of (the seventh-century Northumbrian king) Oswald.[400]
  49. ^ Whilst Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi may owe its information on Loðbrók and Bjǫrn to Gesta Normannorum ducum, the latter account cannot be the source for the identification of Ívarr and Ubba as other sons of Loðbrók.[401] According to Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi, Ubba possessed diabolical powers that enabled him to gain victory in battle if he was lifted above his enemies.[402] Magical powers are also attributed to Ubba by La vie seint Edmund le rei.[403] A similar motif is given by Ragnars saga loðbrókar, although this source instead attributes sorcerous abilities to Ívarr.[404] Historia Anglorum accords remarkable cunning to Ívarr and extraordinary courage to Ubba.[405] At one point, Passio sancti Eadmundi declares that, before the fateful invasion of Anglo-Saxon England, rumours of Edmund's vigour and military prowess reached Ivarr. One possibility is that this passage is the origin of the later stories of Loðbrók scorning his sons on account of Edmund's accomplishments.[406] In any case, the earliest source to specifically associate Ragnarr loðbrók's family with the legend of Edmund's martyrdom is Íslendingabók, which attributes Edmund's demise to Ívarr, son of Ragnarr loðbrók.[407] The source of this claim is unknown. The earliest account to identify Ívarr as a son of someone who seems to equate to Ragnarr loðbrók is Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum.[408]
  50. ^ Over the years this conjecture evolved into local tradition, and the plaque was raised before the end of the nineteenth century. The inscription reads in part: "Stop stranger stop/Near this spot lies buried/King Hubba the Dane/Who was slayed in a bloody retreat/By King Alfred the Great".[410] In 2009, a stone monument was raised in Appledore to commemorate this tradition of Ubba.[411] It is sometimes romanticised that the village of Hubberston in Pembrokeshire is named after Ubba, and that he overwintered in nearby Milford Haven. There is no evidence for this assertion.[412] Rather than being Scandianvian in origin, the name is derived from the Old Germanic personal name Hubert.[413] The name of the town is first recorded in the thirteenth century as Hobertiston[414] and Villa Huberti,[415] meaning "Hubert's Farm",[414] "Hubert's manor",[416] and "Hubert's tūn".[417] The village has only been known as Hubberston since the early seventeenth century.[418] One possibility is that the town's eponym is identical to Hubertus, a man of Pembrokeshire, attested by the twelfth-century Pipe Rolls of Henry I, King of England (died 1135).[419]
  51. ^ These thirteenth-century compositions are the earliest accounts to associate the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók's death with that of Edmund.[424] A similar, but much later story, presented by Historia monasterii sancti Augustini Cantuariensis, relates that Edmund was the killer of a bear that was the father of Ívarr and Ubba.[425] A version of the Wendover account is given by Vita et passio cum miraculis sancti Edmundi, preserved by the fourteenth-century Oxford Bodleian Library Bodley 240. Vita et passio cum miraculis sancti Edmundi is the earliest hagiographic source of Edmund's legend to present the king taking up arms against the Vikings.[426]
  52. ^ According to this version of events, Ælla is a lowly knight who became king after Osberht had been driven from the throne by Bjǫrn's relatives.[427] A somewhat similar version of events is presented by Chronicon Joannis Bromton and Eulogium historiarum sive temporis, sources that present Ívarr and Ubba as commanding the Danes that came overseas on behalf of Bjǫrn to topple Osberht.[428] The mediaeval Prose Brut is another source giving a similar account.[429] In the version of events outlined by the anonymous Narratio de uxore Aernulfi ab Ella rege Deirorum violata, Osberht is not mentioned, and it is Ælla who has committed rape during the invasion of Ívarr (Iwar) and Ubba.[430]
  53. ^ According to Ragnars saga loðbrókar, for example, Ragnarr was killed by Ælla, who was in turn slain by Ragnarr's sons, Ívarr, Sigurðr ormr í auga, Bjǫrn járnsíða, and Hvítserkr.[432] Whilst the figures Ívarr and Bjǫrn are alluded to in the legend of Edmund's martyrdom (under various guises as in the case of Bjǫrn), no source associates Sigurðr and Hvítserkr with the legend.[367]
  54. ^ Similarly, the Northumbrian-focused accounts of the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók, as given by Scandinavian sources, could have originated as a way to white-wash history by relocating the tale of regicide from East Anglia to Northumbria, replacing the saintly Edmund with the obscure Ælla.[437] Ubba appears to be the prototype of a like-named character (Ubbe) who appears in the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century Middle English Havelok the Dane.[438] Within the tale, Ubba is closely associated with a character (Bernard Brun) who appears to correlate to Bjǫrn. Both Ubba and Bjǫrn are depicted as loyal and distinguished Danes,[439] and there is reason to suspect that they and other characters were used to add a veneer of historicity to a story exploring the Anglo-Scandinavian contribution to the English identity.[440] Since Ubba was otherwise widely asserted as one of the perpetrators of Edmund's martyrdom, one possibility is that he was inserted into the romance as a way to cast doubt upon any lingering anti-Danish sentiment.[441] Much like the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók, the motif of personal revenge plays a prominent role in the tale of Havelok, with revenge used to justify Danish invasions of England.[442]
  55. ^ The illustration depicts Alfred receiving the raven banner captured at Arx Cynuit. The scene is probably derived from the History of England, by Paul de Rapin (died 1725), which portrays the battle—and the death of Ubba—as the decisive turning-point of Alfred's struggle against the Vikings.[445] The raven banner may be borrowed from an engraved portrait of Alfred by George Vertue (died 1756).[446] It was after the publication of Vertue's portrait that the banner came to associated with Alfredian art.[447] For example, it also appears in an engraved portrait of the king by B. Cole, for the New Universal Magazine of 1752; and another image by Samuel Wale (died 1786) in the 1760s. This latter depiction was published in the New History of England of 1764–1769, by John Hamilton Mortimer (died 1779); and in the New and Universal History of England of 1771–1772, by William Henry Mountague; and reused in A New and Complete History of England of 1773, by Temple Sydney; and in A New and Authentic History of England of 1777–1779, by William Augustus Russel.[448]
  56. ^ The play was first presented as The Magick Banner; or, Two Wives in a House, and published later in 1798 as Alfred; or The Magic Banner.[455]

Citations

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  2. ^ Costambeys (2004b).
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  4. ^ Coroban (2017); Barrow (2016); Bartlett (2016); Gore (2016); Lewis (2016); IJssennagger (2015); McGuigan (2015); Pinner (2015); Downham (2013a); McLeod, SH (2011); Pinner (2010); Cawsey (2009); Edwards, ASG (2009); Finlay (2009); Hayward (2009); Ridyard (2008); Woolf (2007); McLeod, S (2006); Adams; Holman (2004); Costambeys (2004b); Crumplin (2004); Kries (2003); Halldórsson (2000); Rigg (1996); Gransden (1995); Abels (1992); Rigg (1992).
  5. ^ Parker, EC (2012); Fornasini (2009).
  6. ^ Barrow (2016); Gore (2016); Parker, E (2016); Roffey; Lavelle (2016); IJssennagger (2015); Parker, E (2014); Reimer (2014); Abels (2013); IJssennagger (2013); Parker, EC (2012); Gigov (2011); Cubitt (2009); Fornasini (2009); Rowe, EA (2008); Cubitt; Costambeys (2004); Keynes; Lapidge (2004); Kleinman (2004); Smyth (2002); Smyth (1998); Frankis (1996); Yorke (1995).
  7. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014); Emons-Nijenhuis (2013); McLeod, SH (2011); Finlay (2009); Levy (2004); Kries (2003); Davidson; Fisher (1999); Swanton, MJ (1999); Rowe, E (1993).
  8. ^ McTurk, R (2015); IJssennagger (2013); Rowe, EA (2008); McTurk, R (2006).
  9. ^ McTurk, R (2015); McTurk, R (2007).
  10. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 13; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 9, 27 n. 96; Sheldon (2011) p. 12, 12 n. 13; McLeod, S (2013) p. 64, 64 n. 16; Swanton, M (1998) p. 68 § 866; Gomme (1909) p. 58 § 866; Hervey (1907) pp. 2–3 § 866; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 68 § 866; Thorpe (1861a) p. 130 § 866; Thorpe (1861b) p. 59 § 866.
  11. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 14; Downham (2013b) p. 52; Downham (2012) p. 4; Sheldon (2011) p. 12.
  12. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 230; Downham (2013a) p. 14; Downham (2013b) p. 52; McLeod, S (2013) p. 64; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 9, 27 n. 96; Halsall (2007) p. 106; Williams, A (1999) p. 69.
  13. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 866; McLeod, S (2013) p. 64; Sheldon (2011) p. 12, 12 n. 13; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 866; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 867; Swanton, M (1998) p. 69 § 866; Whitelock (1996) p. 196 § 866; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 867; Conybeare (1914) p. 140 § 866; Giles (1914) p. 49 § 866; Hervey (1907) pp. 2–3 § 866; Giles (1903) p. 351 § 866; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 69 § 866, 69 n. 3; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 130–131 § 866/867; Thorpe (1861b) p. 59 § 866; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 866.
  14. ^ Hadley; Richards; Brown et al. (2016) p. 55; McLeod, S (2013) pp. 75–76, 79 n. 77; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 10, 81–82, 113, 119–120; Budd; Millard; Chenery et al. (2004) pp. 137–138.
  15. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 13; Woolf (2007) p. 71.
  16. ^ McLeod, S (2013) p. 64; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 10, 12–13, 120–121; Woolf (2007) p. 71.
  17. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 13; Downham (2013b) p. 53; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 140; Downham (2007) p. 64; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21, asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44; Smyth (2002) pp. 13 ch. 21, 183, 217–218 n. 61, 224 n. 139; Conybeare (1914) p. 98 § 24 ch. 21; Cook (1906) p. 13 ch. 21; Giles (1906) p. 50; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 19 ch. 21; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 449, 449 n. 6.
  18. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 18; Downham (2013a) p. 13, 13 n. 23; Downham (2007) p. 64; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44; Kirby (2002) p. 173; Swanton, M (1998) p. 68 n. 5; Whitelock (1996) p. 196 n. 5; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 314–315; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 117 n. 173, 119; Stenton (1963) p. 244 n. 2; Conybeare (1914) p. 156 bk. 4 ch. 2 § 1; Giles (1906) p. 25 bk. 4 ch. 2; The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great (1858) p. 30; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 427 bk. 4 ch. 2.
  19. ^ Gore (2016) pp. 62, 68 n. 70; Downham (2007) p. 64; Woolf (2007) p. 73; Costambeys (2004b); Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44.
  20. ^ Downham (2007) p. 67; Woolf (2007) pp. 71–73.
  21. ^ Williams, G (2017) p. 31; Pinner (2010) pp. 99, 100 fig. 7; The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund (n.d.).
  22. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 98.
  23. ^ IJssennagger (2015) pp. 137–138; McLeod, S (2013) pp. 76, 76 n. 67, 83–84, 84 nn. 94–95; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 28, 119–180 ch. 3, 273, 285; Downham (2007) pp. 64–65; Keynes (2001) p. 54; Woolf (2007) p. 71; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44.
  24. ^ Knol; IJssennagger (2017) p. 20; IJssennagger (2015) pp. 137–139; IJssennagger (2013) p. 83; McLeod, S (2013) pp. 76 n. 67, 83–84, 84 n. 95; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 28, 119–180 ch. 3; Woolf (2007) pp. 71–72; Woolf (2004) p. 95; Smyth (1998) pp. 24–25; Bremmer, RH (1981).
  25. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 210 § 850; Woolf (2007) pp. 71–72; Nelson (1991) p. 69 § 850; Waitz (1883) p. 38 § 850; Pertz (1826) p. 445 § 850.
  26. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 20; IJssennagger (2015) pp. 137, 137 n. 8, 137–138; IJssennagger (2013) p. 83; Bremmer, R (1984) p. 359; van Houts (1984) p. 116, 116 n. 56; Bremmer, RH (1981) pp. 76–77; Whitelock (1969) pp. 223 n. 26, 227; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Pertz (1866) p. 506 § 855.
  27. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 20; IJssennagger (2015) pp. 137, 137 n. 8, 137–138; Kries (2003) p. 60; Bremmer, R (1984) p. 359; van Houts (1984) p. 116, 116 n. 56; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 316–317; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 96 n. 22, 113, 113 n. 148, 119; Mawer (1908–1909) pp. 80, 83, 85; Pertz (1866) p. 506 § 855.
  28. ^ IJssennagger (2013) p. 83; Kries (2003) pp. 60–61; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; Bremmer, R (1984) p. 359; van Houts (1984) p. 116, 116 n. 56; Bremmer, RH (1981) pp. 76–77; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 316–317; Cox (1971) p. 51 n. 19; Whitelock (1969) pp. 223 n. 26, 227; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Pertz (1866) p. 506 § 868.
  29. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 85; Lewis (2016) pp. 18–20; IJssennagger (2015) p. 137; McGuigan (2015) p. 21; McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; IJssennagger (2013) p. 83; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 141, 141 n. 156; Gazzoli (2010) p. 36, 36 n. 71; Woolf (2007) pp. 71–72; Kries (2003) pp. 59, 61; South (2002) pp. 50–51 ch. 10, 52–53 ch. 14; Johnson-South (1991) p. 623; Bremmer, R (1984) pp. 359–360, 366 n. 12; van Houts (1984) p. 116, 116 n. 55; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 104 n. 86, 120 n. 199; Cox (1971) p. 51 n. 19; Whitelock (1969) p. 227; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Arnold (1882) pp. 201–202 bk. 2 ch. 10, 204 bk. 2 ch. 14; Hodgson Hinde (1868) pp. 142, 144.
  30. ^ IJssennagger (2015) p. 137; McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; IJssennagger (2013) p. 83; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 145, 145 n. 177; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 1 p. 242 bk. 8, vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; Mawer (1908–1909) pp. 84–85; Holder (1886) pp. 262–263 bk. 8; Elton; Powell; Anderson; Buel (n.d.) p. 480 bk. 8.
  31. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Rafn (1829) pp. 379–383 chs. 8–9.
  32. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 106–107.
  33. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 141–142; Woolf (2007) p. 72; Frank (2000) p. 159; Anderson, CE (1999) p. 125; Björkman (1911–1912) p. 132; Arnold (1882) pp. 200 ch. 7, 202 chs. 11–12; Hodgson Hinde (1868) pp. 141, 143; Bense (n.d.) pp. 2–3.
  34. ^ Lewis (2016) pp. 22–23.
  35. ^ Anderson, CE (2016) pp. 462 n. 5, 470 n. 22; Lewis (2016) pp. 22–23; de Rijke (2011) p. 67; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 142; Gazzoli (2010) p. 36; Woolf (2007) p. 72; Besteman (2004) p. 105; Woolf (2004) p. 95; Frank (2000) p. 159; Van Heeringen (1998) p. 245; Björkman (1911–1912).
  36. ^ Anderson, CE (2016) pp. 462 n. 5; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 142; Gazzoli (2010) p. 36; Woolf (2007) p. 72; Woolf (2004) p. 95.
  37. ^ Frank (2000) pp. 159, 173 n. 17.
  38. ^ Lewis (2016) pp. 24–25; Frank (2000) pp. 159, 173 n. 17; Björkman (1911–1912).
  39. ^ Anderson, CE (2016) p. 462 n. 5; Frank (2000) pp. 159, 173 n. 17; Björkman (1911–1912).
  40. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 142; Woolf (2007) p. 72.
  41. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 142; Woolf (2007) p. 72; Besteman (2004) p. 105; Nelson (2001) pp. 25, 41; Sawyer (2001) p. 274; Lund (1989) pp. 47, 49 n. 16.
  42. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 7; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 143; Woolf (2007) p. 72; Nelson (1991) p. 51; Lund (1989) pp. 47, 49 n. 16; Waitz (1883) p. 26 § 841; Pertz (1826) p. 438 § 841.
  43. ^ a b c d e McTurk, R (2015) p. 106.
  44. ^ Rafn (1829) p. 379 ch. 8; AM 1 E Beta I Fol (n.d.).
  45. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 7; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 144, 177, 177 n. 375, 199; Reuter (1992) p. 30 § 850; Nelson (1991) p. 69 § 850; Pertzii; Kurze (1891) p. 39 § 850; Waitz (1883) p. 38 § 850; Pertz (1826) p. 445 § 850.
  46. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 144, 144 n. 168.
  47. ^ IJssennagger (2015) p. 137.
  48. ^ a b Woolf (2007) p. 72.
  49. ^ IJssennagger (2015) p. 137; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 144.
  50. ^ McLeod, S (2013) pp. 83–84; Woolf (2007) p. 72.
  51. ^ a b Pinner (2010) pp. 161–163 fig. 53; Harley MS 2278 (n.d.).
  52. ^ Frantzen (2004) pp. 66–70.
  53. ^ Bale (2009) p. 17.
  54. ^ Pinner (2015) p. 79.
  55. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 17; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 866; Gigov (2011) p. 19; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 11, 119; Pinner (2010) p. 28; Ridyard (2008) p. 65; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 69; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. introduction ¶ 11; Pestell (2004) pp. 65–66; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 866; Kirby (2002) p. 173; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 867; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 68–69 § 866; Whitelock (1996) pp. 30, 196 § 866; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 867; Beaven (1918) p. 338; Conybeare (1914) p. 140 § 866; Giles (1914) p. 49 § 866; Gomme (1909) p. 58 § 866; Hervey (1907) pp. 2–3 § 866; Giles (1903) p. 351 § 866; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 68–69 § 866; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 130–131 § 866/867; Thorpe (1861b) p. 59 § 866; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 866.
  56. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 119.
  57. ^ Downham (2007) p. 65; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 69–70.
  58. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 17; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 867; Gigov (2011) p. 19; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 11, 191; Gazzoli (2010) p. 37; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 69–70; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 867; Kirby (2002) p. 173; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 868; Keynes (2001) p. 54; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 68–69 § 867; Whitelock (1996) pp. 30, 196 § 867; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 868; Beaven (1918) p. 338; Conybeare (1914) p. 140 § 867; Giles (1914) p. 49 § 867; Gomme (1909) p. 58 § 867; Hervey (1907) pp. 2–3 § 867; Giles (1903) p. 351 § 867; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 68–69 § 867; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 130–133 § 867/868; Thorpe (1861b) p. 59 § 867; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 867.
  59. ^ a b Gore (2016) p. 61; McGuigan (2015) pp. 21–22 n. 10; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 867; Gigov (2011) pp. 19, 43 n. 73; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 11, 126, 185; Downham (2007) p. 65; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 69–70; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 867; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. introduction ¶ 11; Kries (2003) p. 52; Keynes (2001) p. 54; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 868; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 68–69 § 867; Whitelock (1996) p. 196 § 867; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 868; Beaven (1918) p. 338; Conybeare (1914) p. 140 § 867; Giles (1914) p. 49 § 867; Gomme (1909) p. 58 § 867; Giles (1903) p. 351 § 867; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 68–69 § 867; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 130–133 § 867/868; Thorpe (1861b) p. 59 § 867; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 867.
  60. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 70.
  61. ^ Lewis (2016) pp. 17–18; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 185 n. 23, 192; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; Kirby (2002) p. 173; Whitelock (1996) p. 196 n. 7; Arnold (1882) pp. 54–55 bk. 2 ch. 6; Stevenson, J (1855) p. 654 ch. 21.
  62. ^ Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; Giles (1849) pp. 189–190; Coxe (1841) pp. 298–299.
  63. ^ Nelson (2001) p. 38.
  64. ^ Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; Arnold (1882) p. 55 bk. 2 ch. 6; Stevenson, J (1855) p. 654 ch. 21.
  65. ^ Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; South (2002) p. 85; Arnold (1885) pp. 105–106 ch. 91; Stevenson, J (1855) p. 489.
  66. ^ Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; Giles (1849) pp. 189–190; Coxe (1841) pp. 298–299.
  67. ^ Lewis (2016) pp. 18–19; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 27 n. 54; Kries (2003) p. 59; South (2002) pp. 50–51 ch. 10, 85; Arnold (1882) pp. 201–202 ch. 10; Hodgson Hinde (1868) p. 142.
  68. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 20; Pertz (1866) p. 506 § 868.
  69. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 20; IJssennagger (2015) p. 137; Kries (2003) p. 60; Bremmer, RH (1981) p. 77; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Pertz (1866) p. 506 § 868.
  70. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 85; Lewis (2016) pp. 18–19; IJssennagger (2015) p. 137; McGuigan (2015) p. 21; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 141; Crumplin (2004) pp. 65, 71 fig. 1; Kries (2003) pp. 59–60; South (2002) pp. 50–51 ch. 10; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Arnold (1882) pp. 201–202 bk. 2 ch. 10; Hodgson Hinde (1868) p. 142.
  71. ^ Lewis (2016) pp. 19–20; IJssennagger (2015) p. 137; Gazzoli (2010) p. 36; Kries (2003) p. 61; South (2002) pp. 52–53 ch. 14; Johnson-South (1991) p. 623; Bremmer, R (1984) pp. 359–360, 366 n. 12; van Houts (1984) p. 116, 116 n. 55; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 104 n. 86, 120 n. 199; Cox (1971) p. 51 n. 19; Whitelock (1969) p. 227; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 185; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Arnold (1882) p. 204 bk. 2 ch. 14; Hodgson Hinde (1868) p. 144.
  72. ^ Kries (2003) p. 55; Arnold (1885) p. 104 ch. 91; Stevenson, J (1855) pp. 487–488.
  73. ^ Bremmer, R (1984) p. 366 n. 12; Arnold (1882) p. 54 bk. 2 ch. 6.
  74. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 143 map. 3.
  75. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 16; Gigov (2011) p. 76; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 140–141; Nelson (1991) p. 130 § 866; Waitz (1883) p. 81 § 866; Pertz (1826) p. 471 § 866.
  76. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 16; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 140–141; Nelson (1991) p. 131 § 866; Waitz (1883) p. 81 § 866; Pertz (1826) p. 471 § 866.
  77. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 16; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 140–141; Nelson (1991) pp. 131–132 § 866, 132 n. 12; Waitz (1883) p. 82 § 866; Pertz (1826) p. 471 § 866.
  78. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 16.
  79. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 141.
  80. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 16; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 141, 165, 176; Nelson (1991) pp. 131–132 § 866, 132 n. 12; Waitz (1883) p. 82 § 866; Pertz (1826) p. 471 § 866.
  81. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 146, 165, 176; Nelson (1991) pp. 139–140 § 867, 132 n. 8; Waitz (1883) p. 87 § 867; Pertz (1826) p. 475 § 867.
  82. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 185–186, 186 n. 28; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 70; Arnold (1885) pp. 105–106 ch. 91; Stevenson, J (1855) p. 489.
  83. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 21; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 185–186, 185 n. 27; Arnold (1882) p. 55 bk. 2 ch. 6; Stevenson, J (1855) pp. 654–655 ch. 21.
  84. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 868; Downham (2007) p. 65; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 70–71; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 868; Keynes (2001) p. 54; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 869; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 68–71 § 868; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 § 868; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 869; Conybeare (1914) p. 140 § 868; Giles (1914) pp. 49–50 § 868; Gomme (1909) pp. 58–59 § 868; Giles (1903) pp. 351–352 § 868; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 68–71 § 868; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 132–135 § 868/869; Thorpe (1861b) p. 59 § 868; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 868.
  85. ^ a b Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 868; Gigov (2011) p. 19; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 9, 121 n. 14, 189; Downham (2007) p. 65; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 70–72; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 868; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 869; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 68–71 § 868; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 § 868; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 869; Conybeare (1914) p. 140 § 868; Giles (1914) pp. 49–50 § 868; Gomme (1909) pp. 58–59 § 868; Giles (1903) pp. 351–352 § 868; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 68–71 § 868; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 132–135 § 868/869; Thorpe (1861b) p. 59 § 868; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 868.
  86. ^ a b Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 30; Smyth (2002) p. 16 ch. 30; Swanton, M (1998) p. 70 n. 1; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 n. 2; Conybeare (1914) pp. 101–102 § 33 ch. 30; Cook (1906) pp. 17–18 ch. 30; Giles (1906) p. 53; Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 24–25 ch. 30; Stevenson, J (1854) pp. 451–452.
  87. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 869; Gigov (2011) p. 19; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 11, 199; Downham (2007) p. 65; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 72; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 869; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 870; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 70–71 § 869; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 § 869; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 870; Conybeare (1914) p. 140 § 869; Giles (1914) p. 50 § 869; Gomme (1909) p. 59 § 869; Giles (1903) p. 352 § 869; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 70–71 § 869; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 134–135 § 869/870; Thorpe (1861b) p. 60 § 869; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 869.
  88. ^ St Edmund: 2410–2441 (n.d.).
  89. ^ Pinner (2015) p. 80 n. 29; Tuck (1990) p. 4; St Edmund: 2410–2441 (n.d.).
  90. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 84 n. 31; Bartlett (2016) p. 17; Lewis (2016) p. 20; McTurk, R (2015) p. 40.
  91. ^ Lazzari (2014) p. 63; Fornasini (2009) p. 35; Campbell (1984) p. 146.
  92. ^ Mostert (2014).
  93. ^ Jordan, TRW (2015) p. 1; Jordan, TR (2012) pp. 66–67, 67 n. 11; Pinner (2010) p. 28.
  94. ^ Jordan, TR (2012) pp. 66–67; Pestell (2004) p. 66 n. 8; Gransden (2004).
  95. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 21; McGuigan (2015) p. 20; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 870; Mostert (2014); Downham (2013a) p. 15; Jordan, TR (2012) pp. 66–67, 67 n. 11; Gigov (2011) pp. 19–20, 43–44; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 74, 189, 189 n. 53, 197, 197 n. 90; Bale (2009) pp. 1–2; Finlay (2009) pp. 50, 50 n. 18, 51, 51 n. 20; Pinner (2010) p. 28; Fornasini (2009) p. 34; Ridyard (2008) p. 61; Downham (2007) p. 65; Winstead (2007) p. 128; Adams; Holman (2004); Frantzen (2004) p. 55; Gransden (2004); Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 870; Kirby (2002) p. 174; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 871; Keynes (2001) p. 54; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 70–71 § 870; Gransden (1995) p. 59; Gransden (1985) p. 2; Whitelock (1996) pp. 30, 197 § 870; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 871; West (1983) p. 223; Whitelock (1969) p. 217; Stenton (1963) p. 246; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 180; Beaven (1918) p. 336; Conybeare (1914) pp. 140–141 § 870; Giles (1914) p. 50 § 870; Gomme (1909) p. 59 § 870; Hervey (1907) pp. 2–3 § 870; Giles (1903) p. 352 § 870; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 70–71 § 870; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 134–135 § 870; Thorpe (1861b) p. 60 § 870; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 870/871.
  96. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 28 n. 13; Ridyard (2008) pp. 61–62 n. 214; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) chs. asser's life of king alfred § 20 n. 43, notes to introduction and text § the anglo-saxon chronicle 888–900 ¶ 9; Smyth (2002) p. 221 n. 95; Whitelock (1969) p. 217; Beaven (1918).
  97. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 28 n. 13; Ridyard (2008) pp. 61–62 n. 214.
  98. ^ [#UBBAM8|McTurk, R (2015)]] p. 213; Mostert (2014); Gigov (2011) pp. 43–44, 67; Finlay (2009) pp. 50, 50 n. 18, 51, 51 n. 20; Ridyard (2008) p. 61; Adams; Holman (2004); Gransden (2004); Cubitt (2000) p. 63; Gransden (1995) p. 59; Gransden (1985) p. 2; Whitelock (1969) pp. 217, 221; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 86.
  99. ^ Gigov (2011) p. 67; Pinner (2010) pp. 28–29; Bale (2009) pp. 1–2; Fornasini (2009) p. 35; Ridyard (2008) pp. 61–62; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 33; Frantzen (2004) p. 55; Gransden (2004); Smyth (2002) p. 17 ch. 33; Cubitt (2000) p. 63; Gransden (1995) pp. 59–60; Whitelock (1969) p. 217, 217 n. 4; Conybeare (1914) p. 102 § 34 ch. 33; Hervey (1907) pp. 4–5; Cook (1906) p. 18 ch. 33; Giles (1906) p. 54; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 26 ch. 33; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 452.
  100. ^ Bale (2009) p. 2.
  101. ^ Mostert (2014); Ridyard (2008) p. 93, 93 n. 81; Winstead (2007) p. 128; Frantzen (2004) pp. 61–66; Gransden (2004).
  102. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 870; Downham (2013a) p. 15, 15 n. 30; Pinner (2010) p. 28 n. 15; Ridyard (2008) p. 62 n. 216; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 870; Swanton, M (1998) p. 71 § 870; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 n. 3; Gomme (1909) p. 59 n. 2; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 71 § 870; Thorpe (1861a) p. 135 § 870;
  103. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 15, 15 n. 30; Pinner (2010) p. 28 n. 15; Finlay (2009) p. 51, 51 n. 20; Ridyard (2008) p. 62 n. 216; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 70–71 n. 6; Thorpe (1861a) p. 135 § 870.
  104. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 15; Finlay (2009) p. 51.
  105. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 15, 15 n. 30; Pinner (2010) p. 28 n. 15; Ridyard (2008) p. 62 n. 216
  106. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 28 n. 15; Ridyard (2008) p. 62 n. 216.
  107. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 104 fig. 12; The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund (n.d.).
  108. ^ a b Jordan, TRW (2015) pp. 15–17; Lazzari (2014) pp. 48–49; Mills, R (2013) p. 37; Pinner (2010) pp. 71–72; Bale (2009) p. 3; Finlay (2009) p. 51; Frantzen (2004) p. 58; Gransden (2004); Mostert (1987) pp. 42–43; Gransden (1995) pp. 29, 54; Mostert (1987) p. 42; Grant (1978) p. 84; Ingham (1973) p. 5; Whitelock (1969) p. 220; Hervey (1907) pp. 32–37 chs. 10–11; Arnold (1890) pp. 15–16 chs. 10–11.
  109. ^ a b Lazzari (2014) pp. 42–44; Finlay (2009) p. 51; Frantzen (2004) p. 58; Gransden (2004); Cavill (2003) p. 31; Dumville (2002) p. 254; Gransden (1995) pp. 36–37; Mostert (1987) p. 42; Grant (1978) p. 84; Ingham (1973) p. 5; Whitelock (1969) p. 220; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 86; Hervey (1907) pp. 34–35 ch. 10; Arnold (1890) p. 15 ch. 10.
  110. ^ Tracy (2012) ch. 1 ¶ 7; Pinner (2010) p. 353; Winstead (2007) p. 128; Frederick (2000) p. 63; Frankis (1996) pp. 233–234; Horstmann (1887) pp. 296–299 § 44.
  111. ^ Tracy (2012) ch. 1 ¶ 7, 1 n. 19.
  112. ^ Tracy (2012) ch. 1 ¶¶ 7–10.
  113. ^ Mills, R (2013) p. 37; Bale (2009) p. 3; Winstead (2007) p. 128; Gransden (1995) pp. 50, 54; Mostert (1987) pp. 42–43; Ingham (1973) pp. 4–5; Whitelock (1969) pp. 219–221; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 180; Hervey (1907) pp. 28–39 chs. 9–11; Arnold (1890) pp. 13–16 chs. 9–11.
  114. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 197 n. 90; Ridyard (2008) pp. 66–67.
  115. ^ Mostert (2014); Frantzen (2004) p. 55; Mostert (1987) pp. 42–43; Whitelock (1969) pp. 221–222.
  116. ^ McGuigan (2015) p. 21; Ridyard (2008) p. 66; Gransden (1985) p. 2; Whitelock (1969) pp. 219–221.
  117. ^ Lazzari (2014) p. 61; Ridyard (2008) pp. 92–93, 243; Gransden (2004); Ingham (1973) p. 3.
  118. ^ Finlay (2009) p. 57; Gransden (1985) p. 2 n. 2; Ingham (1973) p. 6.
  119. ^ Mostert (2014); Ridyard (2008) p. 66.
  120. ^ Naismith (2017) p. 290; McGuigan (2015) p. 20; Jordan, TR (2012) p. 67; Gigov (2011) pp. 63–64, 69; Bale (2009) p. 2; Fornasini (2009) p. 34; Ridyard (2008) pp. 214–216; Adams; Holman (2004); Pestell (2004) p. 76; Farmer (2004) § Edmund; Frantzen (2004) pp. 55–56; Pestell (2004) p. 77; Blackburn; Pagan (2002) pp. 1–2; Cubitt (2000) p. 63; Gransden (1995) p. 60; Farmer (1985) p. 39; Gransden (1985) p. 2; Grant (1978) p. 89; Blunt (1969) p. 253; Stenton (1963) p. 246, 246 n. 2.
  121. ^ Gransden (1985) p. 3.
  122. ^ Barrow (2016) pp. 83 n. 28, 84; Lewis (2016) pp. 20–21; Jordan, TRW (2015) p. 2; Lazzari (2014) p. 36; Mills, R (2013) pp. 37–38; Jordan, TR (2012) pp. 69–70; Gigov (2011) pp. 50 n. 82, 62; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 39; Pinner (2010) pp. 64–66; Bale (2009) p. 2; Finlay (2009) p. 52; Fornasini (2009) p. 35; Ridyard (2008) pp. 63–64, 67 n. 239, 224; Winstead (2007) p. 128; Adams; Holman (2004); Frantzen (2004) p. 56; Farmer (2004) § Edmund; Gransden (2004); Cavill (2003) p. 23; Cubitt (2000) p. 63; Whitelock (1996) p. 30; Gransden (1995) pp. 24, 57–58; Mostert (1987) p. 41; Farmer (1985) p. 40; Gransden (1985) p. 3; West (1983) p. 223; Bremmer, RH (1981) p. 77; Hart (1981) p. 267; Grant (1978) p. 82 n. 4; Thomson (1977) p. 25; Whitelock (1969) pp. 218–219; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 86; Hervey (1907) pp. 6–11; Arnold (1890) pp. 3–5.
  123. ^ Gransden (1995) pp. 26, 34 n. 74; Whitelock (1969) p. 220; Beaven (1918) p. 337 n. 34; Hervey (1907) pp. 36–37 ch. 9; Arnold (1890) p. 14 ch. 9.
  124. ^ Beaven (1918) p. 337 n. 34; Hervey (1907) pp. 60–61; Skeat, W (1881) pp. 314–315 ch. 32.
  125. ^ Whitelock (1969) p. 220 n. 13.
  126. ^ Gransden (1995) pp. 56–57.
  127. ^ Mostert (2014); Gigov (2011) pp. 62, 67; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 40; Pinner (2010) p. 64; Finlay (2009) p. 51; Frantzen (2004) p. 56; Farmer (1985) p. 40; West (1983) p. 223; Whitelock (1969) pp. 218–219.
  128. ^ Mostert (2014); Downham (2013a) p. 15; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 40; Whitelock (1969) pp. 218–219, 233.
  129. ^ Jordan, TRW (2015) p. 1; Jordan, TR (2012) p. 69; Mostert (2014); Bale (2009) p. 2; Ridyard (2008) pp. 62–63; Cubitt (2000) p. 63; Farmer (1985) p. 40.
  130. ^ Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. introduction ¶ 49.
  131. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 64; Ridyard (2008) pp. 212–213; Cavill (2003); Smyth (2002) p. 204; Gransden (1985) pp. 7–8.
  132. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 33; Cavill (2003) p. 41; Smyth (2002) pp. 135, 204; Gransden (1985) pp. 7–8.
  133. ^ Cross (2017) p. 168; Barrow (2016) p. 84; Frantzen (2004) p. 61.
  134. ^ Cross (2017) p. 168; Barrow (2016) pp. 84–85; de Certain (1858) pp. 71–76 chs. 33–34.
  135. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 101; Frantzen (2004) pp. 56–57; Hervey (1907) pp. 20–21 ch. 5; Arnold (1890) pp. 9–10 ch. 5.
  136. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 84; Jordan, TRW (2015) pp. 10–11; Gransden (1995) p. 25; Ingham (1973) pp. 4–5.
  137. ^ Jordan, TRW (2015) p. 11; Lazzari (2014) p. 49; Cammarota (2013) pp. 98, 100 n. 56; Hervey (1907) pp. 62–63; Skeat, W (1881) pp. 316–317 ch. 32.
  138. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 21; Downham (2013a) p. 15 n. 30; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 145, 202; Ridyard (2008) p. 68; McLeod, S (2006) p. 150 n. 57; Mostert (1987) p. 42; Grant (1978) pp. 82–83, 83 n. 11; Whitelock (1969) pp. 219–220, 223; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 180; Hervey (1907) pp. 18–21 ch. 5; Arnold (1890) pp. 8–10 ch. 5.
  139. ^ Grant (1978) p. 83 n. 11.
  140. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 21; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 870; Ridyard (2008) p. 66; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 870; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 58 § 871; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 70–71 § 870; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 § 870; Gransden (1995) p. 58; Taylor (1983) p. 34 § 871; Whitelock (1969) pp. 219–221; Conybeare (1914) p. 140 § 870; Giles (1914) p. 50 § 870; Gomme (1909) p. 59 § 870; Hervey (1907) pp. 2–3 § 870, 18–21 ch. 5; Giles (1903) p. 352 § 870; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 70–71 § 870; Arnold (1890) pp. 8–10 ch. 5; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 134–135 § 870/871; Thorpe (1861b) p. 60 § 870; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 870.
  141. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 202–203, 202–203 n. 124.
  142. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 202.
  143. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 202–203 n. 124.
  144. ^ Levy (2004) p. 273; Freeman (1996) p. 188.
  145. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 202, 202 n. 123; Short (2009) pp. 155–158 §§ 2835–2841; McLeod, S (2006) p. 150 n. 57; Hardy; Martin (1889) pp. 91–92 §§ 2837–2843; Hardy; Martin (1888) p. 117 §§ 2837–2843; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 763; Wright (1850) pp. 155–158 §§ 2837–2843.
  146. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 18; McTurk, R (2015) p. 213; Downham (2013a) p. 15 n. 30; Jordan, TR (2012) p. 67; Gigov (2011) pp. 19–20; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 146; Finlay (2009) p. 51, 51 n. 20; Adams; Holman (2004); Costambeys (2004b); Kries (2003) pp. 52, 60; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; Swanton, M (1998) p. 70 n. 2; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 n. 6; Bremmer, RH (1981) p. 77; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 315, 319–320; McTurk, RW (1976) p. 119; Whitelock (1969) p. 223; Stenton (1963) p. 244 n. 2; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 180; Gomme (1909) p. 59 n. 3; Mawer (1908–1909) pp. 80, 82–83; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 70–71 n. 6; Thorpe (1861a) p. 135 § 870; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43 § 870, 43 n. 8.
  147. ^ Finlay (2009) p. 51.
  148. ^ Whitelock (1969) p. 223.
  149. ^ Short (2009) pp. 155–161 §§ 2859–2936; Whitelock (1969) pp. 224–225; Hervey (1907) pp. 126–133 §§ 2861–2938; Stevenson, J (1854) pp. 763–764; Hardy; Martin (1889) pp. 92–94 §§ 2861–2938; Hardy; Martin (1888) pp. 118–122 §§ 2861–2938; Wright (1850) pp. 98–101 §§ 2861–2938.
  150. ^ Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 180; Hervey (1907) pp. 374–375; Edwards, E (1866) p. 10 ch. 5; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 489 ch. 5.
  151. ^ Tretero (1584).
  152. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 22; Pulsiano (1999) pp. 17–18, 18 n. 28.
  153. ^ Thacker (2004); Hunt (1888).
  154. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 22; Schulenburg (2001) p. 169; Anderson, AO (1908) pp. 61–62; Luard (1872) pp. 391–392.
  155. ^ Schulenburg (2001) pp. 146–147, 169; Anderson, AO (1908) p. 61 n. 1; Giles (1849) pp. 191–192; Coxe (1841) pp. 300–302.
  156. ^ Luard (2012) pp. 432–433; Anderson, AO (1908) p. 61 n. 1; Yonge (1853) pp. 409–410.
  157. ^ Cross (2017) p. 169; Skinner (2017) p. 115; Sigurdson (2014) p. 253; Schulenburg (2006); Farmer (2004) § Ebbe the Younger; Schulenburg (2001) pp. 146–147; Pulsiano (1999) pp. 17–18, 18 n. 28; Horner (1994) p. 671; Pistono (1989) p. 38; Hunt (1888).
  158. ^ Pinner (2010) pp. 99, 100 fig. 8, 101; The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund (n.d.).
  159. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 101.
  160. ^ Barrow (2016) pp. 80–81.
  161. ^ Cross (2017) p. 163; Barrow (2016) pp. 84–85.
  162. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 81; Barrow (2009).
  163. ^ Pestell (2004).
  164. ^ Pestell (2004) p. 73.
  165. ^ McLeod, S (2013) p. 67.
  166. ^ Barrow (2016) pp. 91–92.
  167. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 92.
  168. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 92; Pestell (2004) pp. 75–76.
  169. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 92; Gransden (2008) p. 278.
  170. ^ Pestell (2004) p. 76.
  171. ^ a b Barrow (2016) p. 93.
  172. ^ Cross (2017) p. 168; Barrow (2016) p. 93.
  173. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 93; Bartlett (2016) pp. 17–18.
  174. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 17; Hayward (1999) p. 111.
  175. ^ Parker, EC (2012) p. 96; Frankis (1996) pp. 234–235.
  176. ^ Reeve; Wright (2007) pp. 280 bk. 11 chs. 206–207, 281 bk. 11 ch2. 206–207; Frankis (1996) p. 235.
  177. ^ Frankis (1996) p. 235 n. 15.
  178. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 88; Downham (2013a) p. 15 n. 30; McLeod, S (2013) p. 67; Finlay (2009) p. 50–51, 51 n. 19; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231 § 870; Irvine (2004) p. 48 § 870; Swanton, M (1998) p. 71 § 870; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 n. 6; Beaven (1918) p. 336; Gomme (1909) p. 59, 59 n. 4; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 71 § 870; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 135 § 870, 137 § 870.
  179. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 89.
  180. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 89; Gransden (2008) p. 278.
  181. ^ Gorman (2011) p. 117 fig. 2.
  182. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 93; Pestell (2004) p. 72.
  183. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 93; Ridyard (2008) p. 53; Thacker (2004); Sellar (1917) pp. 259–263 bk. 4 ch. 19, 281–284 bk. 4 ch. 25; Giles (1903) pp. 204–207 bk. 4 ch. 19, 220–223 bk. 4 ch. 25; Plummer (1896) pp. 243–246 bk. 4 ch. 17 (19), 262–266 bk. 4 ch. 23 (25).
  184. ^ Barrow (2016) pp. 78 n. 3, 93; Fairweather (2005) pp. 40–41 bk. 1 ch. 14; Blake (1962) p. 31 bk. 1 ch. 14.
  185. ^ Cross (2017) p. 169; Venarde (1999) p. 29; Gallia Christiana (1970) p. 201.
  186. ^ Cross (2017) pp. 166–167; Barrow (2016) p. 93.
  187. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 91; Reid (1987) pp. 123, 197; Smith, AH (1968) pp. 10–11 n. 4; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 189; Atkinson (1879) pp. xxvii, 1 ch. 1.
  188. ^ Bartlett (2016); p. 18; Forester (1854) pp. 111–112; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 253; Thorpe (1848) pp. 152–153.
  189. ^ Barrow (2016) pp. 77–78, 89; Bartlett (2016) p. 18; Ridyard (2008) p. 184, 184 n. 39; Blake (1962) p. 53–56 ch. 39–41.
  190. ^ Ridyard (2008) p. 182, 182 n. 29; Fairweather (2005) pp. 71–72 ch. 39; Blake (1962) pp. 53–54 bk. 1 ch. 39.
  191. ^ Cross (2017) pp. 165–166; Barrow (2016) p. 77, 77 n. 2; Fairweather (2005) p. 487 ch. 1; Pestell (2004) p. 72; Blake (1962) p. 396 ch. 1.
  192. ^ Barrow (2016) pp. 77, 89.
  193. ^ Barrow (2016) pp. 77–78, 89; Blake (1962) p. 53 n. 1.
  194. ^ Licence (2004); Historiæ Anglicanæ (1652) p. 913.
  195. ^ Licence (2004); Ellis (1859) p. 312.
  196. ^ Pulsiano (1999) p. 17.
  197. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 90, 90 n. 69; Campbell (1984) pp. 147–148; Bethell (1970) pp. 88, 120; Toulmin Smith (1910) p. 168; Hunt (1895).
  198. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 90 n. 69; Barrow (2007); Russell; Zatta; Wogan-Browne (2005) p. 317 n. 27; Zatta (1999) p. 376 n. 27; Barrow (1987) pp. 178, 185.
  199. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 90 n. 69; Bartlett (2016) p. 22; Russell; Zatta; Wogan-Browne (2005) pp. 384–389 §§ 762–839; Frankis (1996) pp. 233–234; Bethell (1970) p. 88; Baker (1911) pp. 480, 491–492 §§ 761–838.
  200. ^ Russell; Zatta; Wogan-Browne (2005) pp. 384–389 §§ 762–777, 385 n. 31; Baker (1911) pp. 480, 491 §§ 761–776.
  201. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 90 n. 69; Barrow (2007); Russell; Zatta; Wogan-Browne (2005) pp. 304 n. 1, 307 n. 5; Zatta (1999) p. 368 n. 5; Barrow (1987) p. 177; Bethell (1970) pp. 75–76, 76–77 n. 1; Baker (1911) p. 478; Toulmin Smith (1910) pp. 167–172; Hunt (1895).
  202. ^ Rigg (1996) pp. 13, 15, 31 §§ 552–561.
  203. ^ Rigg (1996) pp. 15, 40–41.
  204. ^ Hadley (2009) p. 119; Rigg (1996) pp. 15, 40; Robinson (1921) p. 19; Newell (1903) p. 481; Migne (1899) p. 1546; Hamilton (1870) p. 198 bk. 2 ch. 91.
  205. ^ Rigg (1996) pp. 15, 40–41; Robinson (1921) pp. 19, 37; Newell (1903) p. 481; Migne (1899) p. 1693.
  206. ^ Sims-Williams (1990) pp. 224–229.
  207. ^ Hayward (1999) p. 138 n. 282; Horstmann (1901) p. 268.
  208. ^ Foot (2000) p. 72 n. 46; Hayward (1999) p. 138 n. 282; Raine (n.d.) pp. 1–59.
  209. ^ Hayward (1999) pp. 111 n. 138, 137, 138 n. 282.
  210. ^ Foot (2000) p. 72, 72 n. 46; Hayward (1999) pp. 111, 111 n. 138, 138 n. 282; Luard (2012) pp. 582–583; Luard (1872) p. 531; Yonge (1853) pp. 548–549; Giles (1849) p. 319; Coxe (1841) pp. 504–505.
  211. ^ Foot (2000) p. 72 n. 46; Hayward (1999) p. 137 n. 277.
  212. ^ Foot (2000) p. 72 n. 46; Hearnii (1774) p. 114.
  213. ^ a b Emons-Nijenhuis (2013) p. 101.
  214. ^ Pinner (2015) p. 105; Emons-Nijenhuis (2013) p. 99; Pinner (2010) p. 164; Farmer (2004) § Fremund; Townsend (1994) p. 2; Rigg (1992) p. 182.
  215. ^ Emons-Nijenhuis (2013) p. 99; Townsend (1994) p. 2.
  216. ^ Pinner (2015) p. 107; Emons-Nijenhuis (2013) p. 100, 100 n. 10; Pinner (2010) p. 167; Townsend (1994) p. 3; Horstmann (1901) pp. 689–698.
  217. ^ Emons-Nijenhuis (2013) pp. 100–101; Horstmann (1881) pp. 376–440; Hardy (1862b) pp. 523–524 § 1094.
  218. ^ Pinner (2015) p. 108; Emons-Nijenhuis (2013) p. 101.
  219. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 18; Hardy (1862a) pp. 360–361 § 845.
  220. ^ Keary; Poole (1887) p. 119 § 431, pl. 18 fig. 1.
  221. ^ Naismith (2017) p. 292; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 153–154, 154 n. 229; Grierson; Blackburn (2006) p. 319; Smart (1979) p. 22; Keary; Poole (1887) p. 97.
  222. ^ Naismith (2017) p. 292; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 154; Grierson; Blackburn (2006) p. 319.
  223. ^ Keary; Poole (1887) p. 97.
  224. ^ McGuigan (2015) p. 20; Jordan, TR (2012) p. 69; Pinner (2010) p. 31; Bale (2009) p. 2; Finlay (2009) p. 55; Ridyard (2008) pp. 216–217; Adams; Holman (2004); Pestell (2004) pp. 78–79; Blackburn; Pagan (2002) p. 2.
  225. ^ McGuigan (2015) p. 20; Mostert (2014); Jordan, TR (2012) p. 69; Parker, EC (2012) p. 21; Gigov (2011) p. 64; Pinner (2010) p. 30; Bale (2009) p. 25; Ridyard (2008) pp. 216–217, 223; Frantzen (2004) p. 275 n. 20; Abels (1992) p. 32.
  226. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 31; Finlay (2009) p. 54; Ridyard (2008) pp. 213–214; Pestell (2004) pp. 78–79.
  227. ^ Ridyard (2008) pp. 216–217, 223; Pestell (2004) pp. 78–79.
  228. ^ Naismith (2017) p. 284; Pinner (2010) p. 31; Ridyard (2008) pp. 215–216, 223; Grierson; Blackburn (2006) pp. 319–320; Frantzen (2004) p. 275 n. 20; Pestell (2004) p. 77; Abels (1992) p. 32.
  229. ^ Mostert (2014); Pinner (2010) p. 25; Finlay (2009) p. 57; Adams; Holman (2004); Pestell (2004) p. 79 n. 80.
  230. ^ Ridyard (2008) p. 211.
  231. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 197; Ridyard (2008) pp. 66, 68–69, 94; McLeod, S (2006) pp. 150–151; Kirby (2002) p. 174; Gransden (1995) p. 26.
  232. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 21; Abels (2013) p. 125; Costambeys (2004a); Abels (1992) p. 33 n. 48.
  233. ^ Abels (2013) p. 125; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 74; Keynes (2001) p. 54; Abels (1992) p. 33 n. 48.
  234. ^ Naismith (2017) pp. 147, 150 tab. 10, 164 287; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 188–189, 194–195; Pestell (2004) pp. 66 n. 7, 78; Kirby (2002) p. 174; Keynes (2001) p. 54.
  235. ^ Abels (2013) p. 125; Downham (2007) p. 66; Stenton (1963) p. 247.
  236. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 22; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 42, 46–47, 213; Downham (2013a) p. 16 n. 33; Downham (2011) p. 192; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 127; Downham (2007) p. 66; McTurk, R (2006) p. 681; Costambeys (2004b); Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 33 n. 61; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 315, 319; McTurk, RW (1976) p. 117 n. 174; Whitelock (1969) pp. 223, 227 n. 49; Barker (1967) p. 82; Giles (1906) p. 26 bk. 4 ch. 2; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 428 bk. 4 ch. 2.
  237. ^ Downham (2007) p. 66; Costambeys (2004b).
  238. ^ Costambeys (2004b).
  239. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 22; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 42, 46, 49; Downham (2013a) p. 16, 16 n. 33; Downham (2011) p. 192; Gigov (2011) pp. 24–25; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 127–128; Downham (2007) p. 66; McTurk, R (2006) p. 681; Costambeys (2004b); Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44; Keynes (2001) p. 54; Jaski (1995) p. 318 n. 29; Brooks (1979) p. 6, 6 n. 22; Ó Corráin (1979); McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 93, 117–119; Whitelock (1969) p. 227; Stenton (1963) pp. 247–248.
  240. ^ Downham (2011) p. 192; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 127–128; Downham (2007) p. 66; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 21 n. 44; Keynes (2001) p. 54; Jaski (1995) p. 318 n. 29; Ó Corráin (1979); McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 93, 118; Whitelock (1969) p. 227; Stenton (1963) p. 248.
  241. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 142, 146.
  242. ^ Lewis (2016); Reuter (1992) p. 72 § 873; Nelson (1991) p. 184 § 873; De Simon (1909) p. 32 § 873; Pertzii; Kurze (1891) p. 80 § 873; Waitz (1883) p. 124 § 873; Pertz (1826) p. 496 § 873.
  243. ^ Holm (2015); Abels (2013) p. 125; Yorke (1995) p. 109.
  244. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 123; Ó Corráin (1979) p. 316.
  245. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 73.
  246. ^ Kulovesi (2017) p. 10, 10 n. 35; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 837.9; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 837.9; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 12.
  247. ^ Kulovesi (2017) p. 10, 10 n. 36; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 845.8; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 845.8; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 12.
  248. ^ Kulovesi (2017) p. 10, 10 n. 36; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 847.4; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 847.4; Anderson (1922) p. 278, 278 n. 1.
  249. ^ Kulovesi (2017) p. 10; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 848.5; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 848.5; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 12; Anderson (1922) p. 278, 278 n. 5.
  250. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 852.3; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 852.3; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 12.
  251. ^ King; Young; Clarke; Cain; Dimbleby (1966) p. 82.
  252. ^ a b Burl (2013); Burl (2002) p. 107; Hoare (1975) pt. 1 pp. 99–100; King; Young; Clarke; Cain; Dimbleby (1966) p. 73; Keiller; Piggott; Passmore; Cave (1938) p. 123 fig. 1; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 265, 265 n. 2; Daniell (1894) p. 6; Jackson (1862) p. 74 n. 1; Thurnam (1857) pp. 67, 71.
  253. ^ Costambeys (2008); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 72–73; Costambeys (2004a).
  254. ^ Costambeys (2008); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 73–74; Costambeys (2004a).
  255. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 74–75.
  256. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 20; Downham (2013a) p. 22; Costambeys (2008); Ridyard (2008) p. 211; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 75; Costambeys (2004a); Keynes (2001) p. 54.
  257. ^ Downham (2013a) pp. 22–23; Costambeys (2008); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 75–76.
  258. ^ Costambeys (2008); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 76.
  259. ^ a b Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 76.
  260. ^ Higham (2014); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 76.
  261. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 233 § 878; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 76; Irvine (2004) p. 50 § 878; Kirby (2002) p. 175; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 61 § 879; Williams, A (1999) p. 70; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 74–75 § 878; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 § 878; Taylor (1983) pp. 36–37 § 879; Conybeare (1914) p. 143 § 878; Giles (1914) p. 54 § 878; Gomme (1909) p. 63 § 878; Giles (1903) p. 356 § 878; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 74 § 878; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 146–147 § 878/879; Thorpe (1861b) p. 64 § 878; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 46 § 878.
  262. ^ Baker; Brookes (2013) pp. 217, 240; Downham (2013a) p. 23; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 52; Smyth (2002) pp. 25 ch. 52; 185–187, 225 nn. 146–147; Swanton, M (1998) p. 75 n. 9; Conybeare (1914) p. 109 § 52 ch. 52; Cook (1906) pp. 26–27 ch. 52; Giles (1906) pp. 59–60; Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 40 ch. 52, 25; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 457.
  263. ^ Corèdon; Williams (2004) p. 290.
  264. ^ Baker; Brookes (2013) p. 240.
  265. ^ a b Gore (2016) pp. 62–64; Abels (2013) p. 154; Downham (2013a) pp. 23–24; Haslam (2011) p. 202; Downham (2007) p. 204; McLeod, S (2006) pp. 153 n. 72, 154, 154 n. 77; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 76; Gore (2004) p. 37; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) chs. introduction ¶ 11, asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; Smyth (2002) p. 227 n. 164; Kirby (2002) pp. 175, 178; Yorke (1995) p. 111; Kirby (1979).
  266. ^ Gore (2016) p. 62; Gore (2004) p. 37; Riley; Wilson-North (2003) p. 86.
  267. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 32; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 233 § 878; Gigov (2011) p. 77; Smith, JJ (2009) p. 130; Gore (2004) p. 37; Irvine (2004) p. 50 § 878; Smyth (2002) p. 226 n. 157; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 74–77 § 878; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 § 878; McTurk, RW (1976) p. 119; Conybeare (1914) p. 143 § 878; Giles (1914) p. 54 § 878; Gomme (1909) p. 63 § 878; Giles (1903) p. 356 § 878; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 74–77 § 878; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 146–147 § 878/879; Thorpe (1861b) p. 64 § 878; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 46 § 878.
  268. ^ O'Keeffe (2001) pp. 61–62 § 879; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 15; Thorpe (1861a) p. 146 § 878/879.
  269. ^ Stone (2017) p. 19; Gore (2016) p. 62; Lavelle (2016) p. 124; Lewis (2016) p. 32; Baker; Brookes (2013) pp. 59 n. 15, 65, 206–207, 332; Haslam (2011) p. 202; Townsend (2008) pp. 66, 73 n. 31; Haslam (2005) p. 138; Gore (2004) p. 37; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; Mills, AD (2003) § countisbury; Kirby (2002) p. 175; Smyth (2002) pp. 26 ch. 54, 106, 117, 122, 226 n. 161; Williams, A (1999) p. 77; Swanton, M (1998) p. 76 n. 1; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 16; Yorke (1995) p. 111; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93; Karlström (1929) p. 68; Conybeare (1914) p. 110 § 58 ch. 54; Cook (1906) p. 27 ch. 54; Giles (1906) p. 61; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 43 ch. 54; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 458.
  270. ^ Stone (2017) p. 19; Bartlett (2016) p. 18 n. 22; Gore (2016) p. 62; Lewis (2016) p. 32; Baker; Brookes (2013) p. 138 fig. 28, 332, 372 n. 38; Abels (2013) p. 154; Downham (2013a) p. 24; Haslam (2011) p. 202; Downham (2007) p. 71; McLeod, S (2006) p. 154 n. 77; Haslam (2005) pp. 133, 138; Gore (2004) p. 37; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54, asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 101; Hart, CR (2003) p. 160 n. 3; Mills, AD (2003) § countisbury; Riley; Wilson-North (2003) p. 86; Kirby (2002) p. 175; Smyth (2002) pp. 122, 226 n. 164; Williams, A (1999) p. 77; Swanton, M (1998) p. 76 n. 1; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 16; Yorke (1995) p. 111; Lukman (1958) p. 140; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93.
  271. ^ a b Stone (2017) p. 19.
  272. ^ Gore (2016) p. 62; Haslam (2011) p. 202.
  273. ^ Gore (2016) p. 62.
  274. ^ Baker; Brookes (2013) p. 206.
  275. ^ Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 263, 263–264 n. 5, 264 n. 6; Westcote (1845) p. 342 bk. 4 ch. 28.
  276. ^ Thurnam (1857) p. 84; Risdon (1811) pp. 424–425.
  277. ^ Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 264; Some Account of Biddeford (1755) p. 446.
  278. ^ Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 264, 264 n. 5; Risdon (1811) pp. 424–425; Moore (n.d.) p. 104.
  279. ^ Gore (2016) p. 62; Lewis (2016) p. 32; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 125; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; Kirby (2002) p. 175; Smyth (2002) p. 26 ch. 54; Swanton, M (1998) p. 76 n. 1; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 16; Conybeare (1914) p. 110 § 58 ch. 58; Cook (1906) p. 27 ch. 54; Giles (1906) p. 61; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 43 ch. 54; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 458.
  280. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 83, 125; Downham (2007) p. 71.
  281. ^ Hart, CR (2003) p. 160 n. 3; Smyth (2002) p. 226 n. 157; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 262 n. 54; Wright (1850) p. 108 n. 3148.
  282. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 32; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 9, 41, 43–44; Parker, E (2014) p. 488; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 233 § 878; Parker, EC (2012) p. 94; Gigov (2011) pp. 20–21, 24, 76–77; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 123, 125, 127, 127–128 n. 63; Smith, JJ (2009) p. 130; Downham (2007) pp. 68 n. 25, 71, 204; McTurk, R (2007) p. 60; Woolf (2007) p. 73; McLeod, S (2006) p. 153 n. 72; McTurk, R (2006) p. 681; Irvine (2004) p. 50 § 878; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; Kries (2003) p. 71 n. 32; Smyth (2002) pp. 226 nn. 157–159, 227 n. 165; O'Keeffe (2001) pp. 61–62 § 879; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 74–77 § 878; Whitelock (1996) pp. 200 § 878; Gransden (1995) p. 58; Rowe, E (1993); Brooks (1979) p. 4; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 315–316, 322; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 96 n. 22, 117 n. 173, 119–123; Whitelock (1969) pp. 223, 227; Stenton (1963) p. 244 n. 2; Lukman (1958) p. 58; Bell (1938) p. 193; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 176, 178; Conybeare (1914) p. 143 § 878; Giles (1914) p. 54 § 878; Gomme (1909) p. 63 § 878; Mawer (1908–1909) pp. 78, 80 n. 1; Giles (1903) p. 356 § 878; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 74–77 § 878; Thorpe (1861a) p. 146–147 § 878/879; Thorpe (1861b) p. 64 § 878; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 46 § 878.
  283. ^ Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; Smyth (2002) pp. 26 ch. 54, 124, 187, 226 n. 159; Yorke (1995) p. 111; Conybeare (1914) p. 110 § 58 ch. 54; Mawer (1908–1909) pp. 78, 85; Cook (1906) p. 27 ch. 54; Giles (1906) p. 61; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 43 ch. 54; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 458.
  284. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 18 n. 22; Gore (2016) p. 62; Lewis (2016) p. 33; Parker, E (2016) pp. 437–438; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 45, 246–247; Downham (2013a) p. 24 n. 75; Gigov (2011) pp. 21, 24; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 146; Short (2009) p. 172–173 §§ 3144–3156; Downham (2007) p. 68 n. 25; McTurk, R (2007) p. 60; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 11; Swanton, M (1998) p. 75 n. 12; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 14; Ó Corráin (1979) p. 316; McTurk, RW (1976) p. 119 n. 192; Whitelock (1969) p. 227; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93; Lukman (1958) pp. 141–142; Conybeare (1914) p. 209; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 265 n. 1; Hardy; Martin (1889) p. 101 §§ 3146–3158; Hardy; Martin (1888) p. 132 §§ 3146–3158; Thurnam (1857) p. 83; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 767; Wright (1850) p. 108 §§ 3146–3158.
  285. ^ a b Lewis (2016) pp. 33–34; Downham (2013a) p. 24 n. 75; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 146; Downham (2007) p. 68 n. 25; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 11; Hart, CR (2003) p. 160 n. 3; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 14; Ó Corráin (1979) p. 316.
  286. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 34; McTurk, R (2015) p. 45; Spence (2013) p. 9; Gigov (2011) pp. 20–21; Woolf (2007) p. 72 n. 8.
  287. ^ Lavelle (2016) p. 137 n. 31; Lewis (2016) p. 33; Short (2009) p. 172–173 §§ 3144–3156; Hardy; Martin (1889) p. 101 §§ 3146–3158; Hardy; Martin (1888) p. 132 §§ 3146–3158; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 767; Wright (1850) p. 108 §§ 3146–3158.
  288. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 246–247; Short (2009) pp. 172–173 §§ 3144–3156; Hart, CR (2003) p. 160 n. 3; Swanton, M (1998) p. 75 n. 12; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93; Bell (1938) pp. 193–195; Conybeare (1914) p. 209; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 265, 265 n. 1; Hardy; Martin (1889) p. 101 §§ 3146–3158; Hardy; Martin (1888) p. 132 §§ 3146–3158; Thurnam (1857) p. 83; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 767; Wright (1850) p. 108 §§ 3146–3158.
  289. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 247.
  290. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 18; Parker, E (2016) pp. 437–438; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 246–247; Parker, EC (2012) p. 100; Short (2009) pp. 172–173 §§ 3144–3156; Hart, CR (2003) p. 160 n. 3; Swanton, M (1998) p. 75 n. 12; Whitelock (1969) p. 228 n. 58; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93; Lukman (1958) pp. 141–142; Bell (1938) pp. 193–194; Conybeare (1914) p. 209; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 265, 265 n. 1; Hardy; Martin (1889) p. 101 §§ 3146–3158; Hardy; Martin (1888) p. 132 §§ 3146–3158; Thurnam (1857) p. 83; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 767; Wright (1850) p. 108 §§ 3146–3158.
  291. ^ Parker, E (2016) p. 438; Parker, EC (2012) p. 100.
  292. ^ Parker, E (2016) p. 438; McTurk, R (2015) p. 246; Parker, EC (2012) pp. 100–101; Olsen (1906–1908) p. 169 ch. 18/19; Rafn (1829) p. 294 ch. 19.
  293. ^ Faulkes (2016) pp. 34, 42; Parker, E (2016) p. 438 n. 40; Parker, EC (2012) p. 101; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 82.
  294. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 246; Reeve; Wright (2007) pp. 132 bk. 6 ch. 102, 133 bk. 6 ch. 102.
  295. ^ Williamson (2017) p. 1103; Whitelock (1969) p. 228; James, MR (1905) p. 71; Swan; Roberson (n.d.).
  296. ^ Bell (1938) p. 195; Hervey (1907) pp. 162–165.
  297. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 18, 18 n. 21; Whitelock (1969) p. 228 n. 58; Hervey (1907) pp. 374–375; Edwards, E (1866) p. 10 ch. 5; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 487 ch. 5.
  298. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 18.
  299. ^ Parker, EC (2012) p. 102 n. 259; van Houts (1984) pp. 113, 113 n. 39, 116; Marx (1914) p. 17 bk. 1 ch. 10/11.
  300. ^ Bell (1938) p. 194; Thurnam (1857) pp. 81–82, 82 n. 4; Historiæ Anglicanæ (1652) p. 809.
  301. ^ Bell (1938) pp. 194–195; Haydon (1863) pp. 7–8 ch. 82.
  302. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 18; Fairweather (2005) p. 72 bk. 1 ch. 39; Blake (1962) p. 54 bk. 1 ch. 39.
  303. ^ Wormald (2006); Riley; Wilson-North (2003) p. 86.
  304. ^ Gore (2016) p. 62; Lavelle (2016) p. 124; Lewis (2016) p. 32; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; Smyth (2002) pp. 26 ch. 54; Conybeare (1914) p. 110 § 58 ch. 54; Cook (1906) p. 27 ch. 54; Giles (1906) p. 61; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 43 ch. 54; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 458.
  305. ^ Gore (2016) p. 62; Lavelle (2016) pp. 124–125, 136 n. 18; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; Hart, CR (2003) p. 160 n. 3; Smyth (2002) p. 227 n. 164; Swanton, M (1998) p. 76 n. 1; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 16; Conybeare (1914) p. 161 bk. 4 ch. 3 § 8; Giles (1906) p. 31 bk. 4 ch. 3; The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great (1858) p. 68; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 432 bk. 4 ch. 3.
  306. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 32; Gigov (2011) p. 77; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 18, 18 n. 50, 20, 123; Smith, JJ (2009) p. 130; Downham (2007) p. 71; McLeod, S (2006) p. 154 n. 77; Nelson (2001) p. 39; O'Keeffe (2001) pp. 61–62 § 879; Swanton, M (1998) p. 76 § 878; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 § 878; Brooks (1979) p. 4; Ó Corráin (1979) p. 316; Conybeare (1914) p. 143 § 878; Giles (1914) p. 54 § 878; Gomme (1909) p. 63 § 878; Giles (1903) p. 356 § 878; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 76 § 878; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 146–147 § 878/879; Thorpe (1861b) p. 64 § 878; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 46 § 878, 46 n. 10.
  307. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 32; McTurk, R (2015) p. 43; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 233 § 878; Downham (2013a) p. 24; Gigov (2011) p. 77; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 18, 18 n. 50, 20; Smith, JJ (2009) p. 130; Downham (2007) p. 71; McLeod, S (2006) p. 154 n. 77; Irvine (2004) p. 50 § 878; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; Smyth (2002) pp. 187, 226 n. 162; Nelson (2001) p. 39; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 76–77 § 878; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 § 878, 200 nn. 17–18; Brooks (1979) p. 4; Conybeare (1914) p. 143 § 878; Giles (1914) p. 54 § 878; Gomme (1909) p. 63 § 878; Giles (1903) p. 356 § 878; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 76–77 § 878; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 146–147 § 878; Thorpe (1861b) p. 64 § 878; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 46 § 878, 46 n. 11.
  308. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 233 § 878; Irvine (2004) p. 50 § 878; Swanton, M (1998) p. 77 § 878; Bately (1991) p. 60; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 77 § 878; Thorpe (1861a) p. 147 § 878; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 46 n. 10.
  309. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 24; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; Smyth (2002) pp. 187, 226 n. 162; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 62 § 879; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 nn. 17–18; Bately (1991) p. 60; Brooks (1979) p. 4; Thorpe (1861a) p. 146 § 878/879; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 46 n. 11.
  310. ^ Smyth (2002) p. 187.
  311. ^ Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 18.
  312. ^ Smith, JJ (2009) pp. 131 n. 1, 162–163; Swanton, M (1998) p. 76 n. 2; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 18.
  313. ^ Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99.
  314. ^ a b McLeod, SH (2011) p. 20.
  315. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 24; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54; Smyth (2002) pp. 26 ch. 54, 187; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 n. 18; Bately (1991) p. 97; Conybeare (1914) p. 110 § 58 ch. 54; Cook (1906) p. 27 ch. 54; Giles (1906) p. 61; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 43 ch. 54; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 458.
  316. ^ Lavelle (2016) pp. 124–125; Lewis (2016) p. 32; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 43–44, 46; Downham (2013a) p. 22 n. 67; McLeod, SH (2011) pp. 127–128 n. 63; McTurk, R (2006) p. 681; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; Smyth (2002) p. 227 n. 165; Swanton, M (1998) p. 76 n. 1; Ó Corráin (1979) p. 322; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 96 n. 22, 120–122, 120 n. 196; Whitelock (1996) p. 200 nn. 16, 18; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 178 n. 11; Conybeare (1914) pp. 160–161 bk. 4 ch. 3 § 8; Giles (1906) p. 31 bk. 4 ch. 3; The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great (1858) p. 68; Stevenson, J (1854) pp. 431–432 bk. 4 ch. 3.
  317. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 33; Arnold (1879) p. 147 bk. 5 ch. 8; Forester (1853) p. 156 bk. 5.
  318. ^ Lewis (2016) pp. 32–33; Arnold (1885) pp. 83 ch. 76, 111–112 ch. 95; Stevenson, J (1855) pp. 475–476, 493.
  319. ^ Abels (2013) p. 154.
  320. ^ Downham (2007) p. 204.
  321. ^ Downham (2007) pp. 204–205.
  322. ^ Lewis (2016) pp. 19–20; Crumplin (2004) pp. 44, 44 n. 44, 71 fig. 1; South (2002) pp. 52–53 ch. 14; Johnson-South (1991) p. 623; Arnold (1882) p. 204 bk. 2 ch. 14; Hodgson Hinde (1868) p. 144.
  323. ^ Kirby (2002) p. 175.
  324. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) pp. 233–234 § 878; Gigov (2011) p. 77; Smith, JJ (2009) pp. 130–131; Downham (2007) p. 71; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 76; Irvine (2004) pp. 50–51 § 878; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. introduction ¶ 18; Kirby (2002) p. 175; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 62 § 879; Williams, A (1999) pp. 70–71; Swanton, M (1998) pp. 76–77 § 878; Whitelock (1996) p. 201 § 878; Conybeare (1914) pp. 143–144 § 878; Giles (1914) p. 54 § 878; Gomme (1909) pp. 63–64 § 878; Giles (1903) p. 356 § 878; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 74–77 § 878; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 146–149 § 878/879; Thorpe (1861b) pp. 64–65 § 878; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 47 § 878.
  325. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 24; Hadley (2009) p. 112; Costambeys (2008); Ridyard (2008) pp. 211–212; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 76–77; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. introduction ¶¶ 18–19; Keynes (2001) p. 57; Sawyer (2001) p. 276; Williams, A (1999) p. 71.
  326. ^ Costambeys (2008); Williams, A (1999) p. 71.
  327. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 21, 21 n. 6; Roffey; Lavelle (2016) p. 8; Lapidge (2014); McLeod, S (2013) p. 84 n. 96; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 282; Cubitt (2009) p. 403; Costambeys (2004b); Cubitt; Costambeys (2004); Gransden (1995) p. 58; Clark (1983) p. 13, 13 n. 86; Hart, C (1982) p. 571; Whitelock (1945) p. 169.
  328. ^ Cubitt (2009) p. 403; Costambeys (2004b); Gransden (1995) p. 58; Clark (1983) p. 13, 13 n. 86; Hart, C (1982) p. 571; Raine (1879) p. 404.
  329. ^ Pinner (2010) pp. 156 fig. 50, 157, 161–163 fig. 53; Harley MS 2278 (n.d.).
  330. ^ Cawsey (2009) pp. 382–383.
  331. ^ Pinner (2010) p. 157.
  332. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 146; Finlay (2009) p. 48; Rowe, EA (2008) p. 355 n. 9; Fjalldal (2003) p. 101 n. 3; Halldórsson (2000) pp. 58–59; Whitelock (1969) p. 227.
  333. ^ Finlay (2009) p. 48.
  334. ^ IJssennagger (2015) p. 137 n. 8; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 9, 45, 106; Parker, EC (2012) pp. 94, 98; Gigov (2011) pp. 20–21, 24, 60; Finlay (2009) p. 48; Hayward (2009) p. 72 n. 36; McTurk, R (2007) p. 60; McTurk, R (2006) p. 681; Kries (2003) p. 60; van Houts (1984) p. 115, 115 n. 46; McTurk, RW (1976) p. 108; Whitelock (1969) pp. 224, 228; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93; Lukman (1958) p. 141; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 176, 178; Mawer (1908–1909) pp. 78, 83; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 138; Gale (1691) p. 167.
  335. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 9; Britt (2014) p. 140; Parker, E (2014) pp. 488–489; Parker, EC (2012) pp. 94, 98; Gigov (2011) pp. 20–21, 24, 39; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 253; Hayward (2009) p. 72 n. 36; Orchard (2001) p. 168; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; Swanton, M (1998) p. 77 n. 14; Whitelock (1996) p. 201 n. 19; Bately (1991) p. 38; Dumville; Lapidge (1985) p. 78; van Houts (1984) p. 115, 115 n. 46; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 108, 108 n. 113, 119 n. 191; Whitelock (1969) pp. 227–228; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93; Lukman (1958) p. 141; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 176; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 83; Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 138, 266; Gale (1691) p. 167.
  336. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 9; Britt (2014) pp. 139–140; Parker, E (2014) p. 488; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 233 § 878; McLeod, S (2013) p. 65; Parker, EC (2012) p. 94; Gigov (2011) p. 20; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 253; Wild (2008a) p. 209; Wild (2008b) p. 42; Halsall (2007) p. 200; Irvine (2004) p. 50 § 878; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; Hudson (2002) p. 249; Smyth (2002) p. 227 n. 165; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 62 § 879; Orchard (2001) p. 168; Hart, C (2000) p. 141; Williams, A (1999) p. 86; Swanton, M (1998) p. 77 § 878; Whitelock (1996) p. 201, 201 n. 19; Bately (1991) p. 38; McTurk, RW (1976) p. 119 n. 191; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93; Lukman (1958) p. 140; Bell (1938) p. 195; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 175; Conybeare (1914) p. 143 § 878; Giles (1914) p. 54 § 878; Gomme (1909) p. 63 § 878, 63 n. 2; Giles (1903) p. 356 § 878; Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 265–266; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 77 § 878; Cleasby; Vigfusson (1874) p. 281 § hrafn; Thorpe (1861a) pp. 146–147 § 878/879; Thorpe (1861b) p. 64 § 878; Stevenson, J (1853) pp. 46–47 § 878, 46 n. 12.
  337. ^ Barrow (2016) p. 84 n. 31.
  338. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 33 n. 11; McTurk, R (2015) p. 9; McLeod, S (2013) p. 65 n. 20; Parker, EC (2012) p. 94, 94 n. 227; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. asser's life of king alfred § 54 n. 99; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 253; Smyth (2002) p. 227 n. 165; Whitelock (1996) p. 201 n. 19; Bately (1991) pp. 38, 52; Gomme (1909) p. 63 n. 2; Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 265–266; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 46 n. 12.
  339. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 33 n. 11; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 253; Halsall (2007) p. 290 n. 117; Smyth (2002) pp. 174, 227 n. 165; Whitelock (1996) p. 201 n. 19; Bately (1991) pp. 52, 60; Plummer; Earle (1965) p. 93; Lukman (1958) p. 140; Bell (1938) p. 195; Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 265–266.
  340. ^ Whitelock (1996) p. 201 n. 19; Lukman (1958) p. 140.
  341. ^ Smyth (2002) pp. 174, 227 n. 165, 249 n. 127; Whitelock (1996) p. 201 n. 19; Bately (1991) p. 60.
  342. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 253; Smyth (2002) p. 227 n. 165; Whitelock (1996) p. 201 n. 19; Bately (1991) pp. 52, 60.
  343. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 253.
  344. ^ Kries (2003) p. 73 n. 68; Bately (1991) p. 38; Dumville; Lapidge (1985) p. 78 n. 26; Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 265–266.
  345. ^ Bately (1991) pp. 38–39.
  346. ^ Hart, C (2000) p. 141.
  347. ^ Parker, E (2014) p. 488; Parker, EC (2012) p. 94.
  348. ^ Parker, EC (2012) pp. 93–99.
  349. ^ Pinner (2010) pp. 161–163 fig. 53; Yates Thompson MS 47 (n.d.).
  350. ^ Whitelock (1996) p. 228; van Houts (1993).
  351. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 1; Schulte (2015); Rowe, EA (2008) p. 347; Rowe, E (1993); McTurk, RW (1976) p. 111.
  352. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 7.
  353. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 1, 6–7; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 298; Gigov (2011) pp. 38–39, 55; Finlay (2009) p. 45; Grønlie (2006) p. 3 ch. 1; McTurk, R (2006) pp. 682–683; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 309; van Houts (1993); van Houts (1984) p. 115; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 95, 108; Íslendingabók Sögur (1843) p. 4 ch. 1.
  354. ^ McTurk, RW (1976) p. 95.
  355. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 1, 4, 47–49; Schulte (2015); Gigov (2011) pp. 28–36; Grønlie (2006) p. 16 n. 10; McTurk, R (2007) p. 57; McTurk, R (2006) pp. 681, 683; McTurk, R (1993); Rowe, E (1993); van Houts (1984) p. 114; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 287–288; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 93–97, 111.
  356. ^ Kries (2003) p. 73 n. 68.
  357. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 1, 6, 14, 35; McTurk, R (2007) pp. 60–61; van Houts (1993); van Houts (1984) p. 114.
  358. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 1, 6.
  359. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 1, 14–15, 35, 45, 96, 247; Parker, EC (2012) p. 102 n. 259; Gigov (2011) pp. 38–39; McTurk, R (2007) pp. 60–61; van Houts (1984) pp. 112–113, 112–113 n. 33, 113 n. 34; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 107, 107 n. 103, 108; Marx (1914) pp. 5–6 bk. 1 ch. 1/2, 8 bk. 1 ch. 4/5.
  360. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 1, 11, 15, 35, 40, 45, 105; Finlay (2009) p. 47 n. 8; McTurk, R (2007) p. 60; McTurk, R (2006) p. 682; van Houts (1984) pp. 114, 115, 115 n. 45; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 104 n. 86, 120–121; Schmeidler (1917) pp. 39–40.
  361. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 9, 15, 35, 45–46, 48–50, 247; Schulte (2015); Gigov (2011) pp. 36–39, 60–61; McTurk, R (2007); Pernille; Schjødt; Kristensen (2007) p. x; McTurk, R (2006); McTurk, R (1993); McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 94 n. 14, 103–104.
  362. ^ Whitelock (1969) p. 226.
  363. ^ Mawer (1908–1909) p. 84.
  364. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 224; McTurk, R (2006) p. 682.
  365. ^ McTurk, R (2006) p. 682.
  366. ^ IJssennagger (2015) p. 137 n. 8; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 40, 78, 154, 226; Gigov (2011) p. 17; McTurk, R (2007) p. 60; McTurk, R (2006) p. 682; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 1 pp. 285–287 bk. 9; McTurk, RW (1976) p. 95 n. 21; Whitelock (1969) p. 227; McKeehan (1933) p. 990; Mawer (1908–1909) pp. 69–71, 82–83; Holder (1886) pp. 306–310 bk. 9; Elton; Powell; Anderson; Buel (n.d.) pp. 550–556 bk. 9.
  367. ^ a b Whitelock (1969) p. 227.
  368. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 83; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 1 pp. 287–289 bk. 9; Mawer (1908–1909) pp. 69–71, 82–84; Holder (1886) pp. 309–312 bk. 9; Elton; Powell; Anderson; Buel (n.d.) pp. 556–560 bk. 9.
  369. ^ McTurk, R (2007) p. 60; McTurk, R (2006) p. 682; McTurk, RW (1976) p. 95 n. 21.
  370. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 30; McTurk, R (2015) pp. 105–106; Gigov (2011) p. 57; Finlay (2009) p. 48 n. 10; Olrik (1898) pp. 10–11.
  371. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 105.
  372. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 2 p. 130 n. 37; Rafn (1829) pp. 382–383 chs. 8–9.
  373. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 1 p. 240 bk. 8, vol. 2 p. 130 n. 37; Holder (1886) p. 260 bk. 8; Elton (n.d.) p. 476 bk. 8.
  374. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 2 p. 130 n. 37.
  375. ^ Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 2 p. 130 n. 37.
  376. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Gigov (2011) p. 17; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 1 p. 285 bk. 9; Holder (1886) p. 306 bk. 9; Elton (n.d.) p. 550 bk. 9.
  377. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Gigov (2011) pp. 16, 18, 26–27, 58–59; Waggoner (2009) pp. 70 ch. 3, 111 n. 14; Rowe, EA (2008) p. 355, 355 n. 9; Fjalldal (2003) p. 78; Halldórsson (2000) pp. 54, 58–59; Smith, AH (1928–1936a) p. 230; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 175, 181–183, 185; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 74, 84; Rafn (1829) p. 354 ch. 3.
  378. ^ Waggoner (2009) p. 111 n. 14; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 175, 183.
  379. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Gigov (2011) pp. 16, 26–27, 57–59; Rowe, EA (2008) p. 355 n. 9; Halldórsson (2000) pp. 58–59; Smith, AH (1928–1936a) p. 230; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 175, 182–183; Jónsson (1923) p. 828; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 84.
  380. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Gigov (2011) pp. 57–59; Waggoner (2009) p. 111 n. 14; Rowe, EA (2008) p. 355; Halldórsson (2000) p. 59; Smith, AH (1928–1936a) pp. 230–231; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 182–183; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 84.
  381. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Rowe, EA (2008) p. 355 n. 9; Mawer (1908–1909) p. 84.
  382. ^ a b Rowe, EA (2008) p. 355.
  383. ^ Lewis (2016) p. 30; McTurk, R (2015) p. 106; Gigov (2011) pp. 57–59; Olrik (1898) pp. 10–11.
  384. ^ Rowe, EA (2008) p. 355 n. 9.
  385. ^ Gigov (2011) p. 57.
  386. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 105; Inde ab Anno (1892) p. 197 § 856.
  387. ^ Pinner (2010) pp. 51–52, 137; Sisk (2010) p. 350 n. 4; Edwards, ASG (2009) p. 134.
  388. ^ Reimer (2014) pp. 148–149; Edwards, ASG (2009) pp. 139, 141; Winstead (2007) p. 126; Manion (2005) pp. 105–108 Frantzen (2004) p. 70; Horstmann (1881) pp. 376–440.
  389. ^ Manion (2005) pp. 105–107; Horstmann (1881) pp. 376–440.
  390. ^ Whitelock (1969) pp. 225–226; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 183–184.
  391. ^ Whitelock (1969) p. 228.
  392. ^ a b Frantzen (2004) p. 64.
  393. ^ McTurk, R (2015) p. 8; Pinner (2015) p. 76; Parker, E (2014) p. 489; Jordan, TR (2012) p. 87; Parker, EC (2012) pp. 96–97, 102; Gigov (2011) pp. 10–11, 42–44; Pinner (2010) p. 123; Hayward (2009) p. 69; Frantzen (2004) p. 64; Thomson (1977) pp. 41–42; Whitelock (1969) p. 228; Hervey (1907) pp. 156–161; Arnold (1890) pp. 102–103.
  394. ^ Levy (2004) pp. 279–280; Frankis (1996) p. 233; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 176, 188; Hervey (1907) pp. 224–359; Ravenel (1906) pp. 8, 10, 55–174; Arnold (1892) pp. 137–250.
  395. ^ Pinner (2015) p. 81; Levy (2004) p. 279.
  396. ^ Pinner (2015) p. 81.
  397. ^ De Wilde (2016).
  398. ^ Frankis (1996) p. 233.
  399. ^ Kibler (1980).
  400. ^ Frankis (1996) pp. 233–234.
  401. ^ Hayward (2009) p. 72, 72 n. 35.
  402. ^ Bartlett (2016) p. 18; Gigov (2011) p. 55; Hayward (2009) pp. 84–85, 85 n. 83; Davidson; Fisher (1999) vol. 2 p. 156 n. 38; Thomson (1977) p. 41; Hervey (1907) pp. 156–157; Arnold (1890) p. 102.
  403. ^ Levy (2004) pp. 279–280, 280 n. 32; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 176; Hervey (1907) p. 288 §§ 1932–1933; Ravenel (1906) p. 113 §§ 1933–1934; Arnold (1892) p. 191 §§ 1931–1932.
  404. ^ Gigov (2011) p. 55; Olsen (1906–1908) p. 131 ch. 8/7; Rafn (1829) p. 253 ch. 7.
  405. ^ Parker, EC (2012) p. 97, 97 n. 241; Bartlett (2016) p. 18, 18 n. 18; Arnold (1879) p. 143 bk. 5 ch. 5; Forester (1853) p. 152 bk. 5.
  406. ^ Mostert (1987) p. 173; Whitelock (1969) p. 220; Hervey (1907) pp. 20–21 ch. 6; Arnold (1890) p. 10 ch. 6.
  407. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 298; Finlay (2009) p. 45; Grønlie (2006) p. 3 ch. 1; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 309; Whitelock (1969) pp. 227–228; Íslendingabók Sögur (1843) p. 4 ch. 1.
  408. ^ Gigov (2011) pp. 38–39; Finlay (2009) p. 47 n. 8.
  409. ^ Stevenson, WH (1904) pp. 262–263, 262 n. 3; Thurnam (1857) p. 85; Vidal (1806) p. 207.
  410. ^ Bradt (2015) p. 44.
  411. ^ Bradt (2015) p. 44; Appledore History set in Stone (2009).
  412. ^ Hrdina (2011) p. 108; Jones (1980) p. 134; Charles (1934) pp. 8–9.
  413. ^ Hrdina (2011) p. 108; James, H (2007) p. 57; Mills, AD (2003) § hubberston; Jones (1980) p. 134; Loyn (1976) p. 9; Charles (1934) p. 9.
  414. ^ a b Hrdina (2011) p. 108; Charles (1934) p. 9.
  415. ^ Mills, AD (2003) § hubberston; James, H (2007) p. 57; Charles (1934) p. 9.
  416. ^ Mills, AD (2003) § hubberston.
  417. ^ Jones (1980) p. 134; Loyn (1976) p. 9.
  418. ^ Charles (1934) p. 9.
  419. ^ Lloyd (1912) p. 424 n. 75.
  420. ^ Reinhard (1941) p. 58; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 183–185; Luard (1872) pp. 393–399.
  421. ^ Parker, E (2016) p. 433; Parker, E (2014) p. 489; Parker, EC (2012) pp. 97, 102, 102 n. 258, 206; Gigov (2011) pp. 41–42, 44; Pestell (2004) p. 78, 78 n. 74; Whitelock (1969) pp. 229–230; Reinhard (1941) p. 58; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 183–186; Hervey (1907) pp. 170–191; Giles (1849) pp. 193–199; Coxe (1841) pp. 303–312.
  422. ^ Luard (2012) pp. 433–440; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 183–185; Reinhard (1941) p. 58; Yonge (1853) pp. 409–418.
  423. ^ Parker, E (2016) p. 433; Pinner (2015) p. 86; Parker, E (2014) p. 489; Jordan, TR (2012) pp. 98–99; Parker, EC (2012) pp. 97, 102, 102 n. 258, 206; Gigov (2011) pp. 11, 41–42, 44; Pinner (2010) pp. 134–135; Finlay (2009) p. 56; Pestell (2004) p. 78 n. 74; Fjalldal (2003) p. 101 n. 3; Whitelock (1969) pp. 229–230; Reinhard (1941) p. 58; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 183–186; Hervey (1907) pp. 170–191; Giles (1849) pp. 193–199; Coxe (1841) pp. 303–312.
  424. ^ Kries (2003) p. 69 n. 9.
  425. ^ Parker, E (2016) p. 433, 433 n. 22; Hardwick (1858) p. 221 ch. 29.
  426. ^ Pinner (2015) p. 86; Hervey (1907) pp. 390–402.
  427. ^ a b Parker, E (2016) pp. 432–433; McTurk, R (2015) p. 215; Parker, E (2014) p. 489; Parker, EC (2012) pp. 97, 102, 168, 206; Kries (2003) p. 67; Whitelock (1969) pp. 229–230; Short (2009) pp. 142–149 §§ 2595–2722; Sayers (2003) p. 305; Freeman (1996) p. 199; Bell (1932) pp. 169–170; Hardy; Martin (1889) pp. 84–88 §§ 2597–2724; Hardy; Martin (1888) pp. 104–112 §§ 2597–2724; Stevenson, J (1854) pp. 760–761; Wright (1850) pp. 89–93 §§ 2597–2724.
  428. ^ Parker, E (2016) p. 433 n. 20; Parker, EC (2012) p. 97 n. 239; Bell (1932) pp. 169–170; Haydon (1863) pp. 3–4 chs. 80–81; The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great (1858) p. 36; Historiæ Anglicanæ (1652) pp. 802–802.
  429. ^ Matheson (2008) pp. 230–231, 243; Brie (1906) pp. 103–105.
  430. ^ McTurk, R (2015) pp. 215–217; Hardy; Martin (1888) pp. 328–338.
  431. ^ Whitelock (1969) pp. 229–230; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) pp. 186–187.
  432. ^ Gigov (2011) pp. 15–16; Whitelock (1969) p. 226; Smith, AH (1928–1936b) p. 184; Olsen (1906–1908) pp. 167–168 ch. 17; Rafn (1829) p. 292 ch. 18.
  433. ^ Gigov (2011) pp. 48–49; Frantzen (2004) pp. 65–66.
  434. ^ Parker, E (2014) pp. 489–490; Pestell (2004) p. 78, 78 n. 74.
  435. ^ Parker, EC (2012) p. 96; Gigov (2011) pp. 53, 62.
  436. ^ Parker, E (2014) pp. 489–490.
  437. ^ Gigov (2011) pp. 59–60; McTurk, RW (1976) pp. 108–109.
  438. ^ Parker, E (2016) p. 432; Parker, EC (2012) p. 178 n. 478; Kleinman (2004) pp. 318–319; Frankis (1996) p. 241; Lukman (1958) p. 142; Skeat, WW (1902); Hardy; Martin (1888) pp. 290–327.
  439. ^ Parker, E (2016) p. 433.
  440. ^ Parker, E (2016) pp. 433–434, 446–447.
  441. ^ Parker, EC (2012) p. 178 n. 478; Frankis (1996) p. 241.
  442. ^ Parker, EC (2012) pp. 206–207.
  443. ^ Gigov (2011) pp. 53–54.
  444. ^ Keynes (1999) pp. 246–247 pl. 9a, 295.
  445. ^ Keynes (1999) pp. 273, 295, 295 n. 311.
  446. ^ Keynes (1999) pp. 246–247 pl. 8b.
  447. ^ Keynes (1999) pp. 271–272, 295.
  448. ^ Keynes (1999) pp. 295, 295 n. 312, 307, 307 n. 383.
  449. ^ Wood (2015) p. 121; Griffel (2013) p. 11; Parker, J (2013) p. 139; Wehlau (2011) p. 802; Pratt (2000) p. 147; Henderson (1950) p. 31; Adams (1904) p. 34; Miles (1902) pp. 58–62; Alfred: A Masque (1751); Alfred: A Masque (1740).
  450. ^ Henderson (1950) p. 31.
  451. ^ Henderson (1950) p. 36; Miles (1902) pp. 63 n. 2, 64.
  452. ^ Wood (2015) p. 141; Henderson (1950) p. 36; Adams (1904) p. 34.
  453. ^ Wehlau (2011) p. 810; Henderson (1950) pp. 84–89; Miles (1902) p. 75 n. 1; O'Keeffe, J (1798) pp. 195–267.
  454. ^ Wehlau (2011) p. 810; Henderson (1950) p. 81; Adams (1904) p. 34; Miles (1902) p. 74 n. 3.
  455. ^ Wehlau (2011) p. 815 n. 1; Hogan (1968) p. 1872.
  456. ^ Henderson (1950) p. 91; Miles (1902) p. 76 n. 1; Sketch of Alfred the Great (1798).
  457. ^ Keynes (1999) pp. 289–290; Henderson (1950) p. 91; Miles (1902) pp. 76–77, 77 n. 1; Sketch of Alfred the Great (1798).
  458. ^ Miles (1902) p. 97; Pye (1801).
  459. ^ Miles (1902) p. 96, 96 n. 1.
  460. ^ Miles (1902) p. 100; Cottle (1800).
  461. ^ Pratt (2000) p. 138.
  462. ^ Pratt (2000) p. 138; Miles (1902) p. 100, 100 n. 1.
  463. ^ Miles (1902) p. 78 n. 2.
  464. ^ Adams (1904) p. 34; Miles (1902) pp. 76, 78, 78 n. 1.
  465. ^ Adams (1904) p. 34; Miles (1902) p. 78.
  466. ^ Parker, J (2013) p. 141; Parker, J (2009) p. 265; Magnus (1938) pp. 87–155.
  467. ^ Miles (1902) p. 107, 107 n. 1; Alfred of Wessex (1852).
  468. ^ Parker, J (2013) p. 147; Parker, J (2009) p. 270; Whistler (n.d.).
  469. ^ Jónasdóttir (2015) pp. 6, 20; Kjartansson (2015) pp. 5–6; Cornwell (2005).
  470. ^ Puchalska (2015) p. 97.
  471. ^ Hughes (2015).
  472. ^ Usborne (2018).

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